of the Company; the toils and difficulties he had to encounter,
and which he overcame; and the thanks and congratulations solemnly
lavished upon him, in a special audience appointed for the express
purpose, at Leadenhall Street, on his return. "These, Sir," said he,
"were circumstances, certainly, that gave me a full satisfaction, and
a ground to think that my conduct in every instance was approved of.
After such certificates as these, Sir, am I to be brought here like a
criminal, and the very best parts of my conduct construed into crimes
against the state? Is this the reward that is now held out to persons
who have performed such important services to their country? If it
is, Sir, the future consequences that will attend the execution of
any important trust committed to the persons who have the care of it,
will be fatal indeed; and I am sure the Noble Lord upon the Treasury
Bench, whose great humanity I revere, would never have consented to
the resolution that passed the other night, if he had thought on the
dreadful consequences that would attend them. Sir, I cannot say that
I either sit or rest easy when I find, by that extensive resolution,
that all I have in the world is confiscated, and that no one will take
my security for a shilling. These, Sir, are dreadful apprehensions to
remain under; and I cannot look upon myself but as a bankrupt. I have
not any thing left that I can call my own, except my paternal fortune
of 500_l._ per annum, and which has been in the family for ages past.
But upon this I am content to live; and perhaps I shall find more real
content of mind and happiness than in the trembling affluence of an
unsettled fortune. But, Sir, I must make one more observation,--that
if the definition of the honourable gentleman (Colonel Burgoyne) and
of this House, that the state, as expressed in these resolutions, is,
_quoad hoc_, the Company, then, Sir, every farthing I enjoy is granted
to me. But to be called upon, after sixteen years have elapsed, to
account for my conduct in this manner, and, after an uninterrupted
enjoyment of my property, to be questioned, and considered as obtaining
it unwarrantably, is hard indeed! and a treatment I should not think
the British Senate capable of. But, if such should be the case, I
have a conscious innocence within me that tells me my conduct is
irreproachable. _Frangas, non flectes._ My enemies may take from me
what I have; they may, as they think, make me poor, but I will be
happy! I mean not this as my defence, though I have done for the
present. My defence will be heard at that bar; but, before I sit down,
I have one request to make to the House,--that, when they come to
decide upon my honour, they will not forget their own."
After some debate, the farther consideration of the motion was
deferred, and it was ordered that evidence should be heard at the bar.
On the 21st of May, on the motion of Colonel Burgoyne, certain
witnesses were examined. Lord Clive's evidence before the Committee was
read; on which his Lordship made a short speech, concluding with the
words, "Take my fortune, but save my honour," and immediately retired
from the House.
The three propositions which had been carried by Colonel Burgoyne, on
the 10th of May, though plainly, and by direct inference, affecting,
and even aimed at, Lord Clive, had, however, been couched in loose
general terms. Certain principles being given, and the existence of
some abuses not disputed, certain consequences inevitably followed.
The House was sensible, from the Reports, and from other sources, that
great enormities had been committed in India; and, desirous to show
its disapprobation and censure, willingly suffered itself to be led to
acquiesce in these resolutions. But when, leaving generalities, Colonel
Burgoyne called upon them to mark an individual as being concerned
in, and indeed as the guilty leader in these offences, the ground was
changed. They were brought back from generalities to special facts and
to individuals, and found the necessity of proceeding cautiously in
their conclusions. The generous feelings which in the one case had
combated in favour of the motions, were now silent, or even enlisted
on the side of the accused. A careful and cautious examination of
facts and of character was necessary; and inquiry showed that the
evidence was loose and defective, for the most part _exparte_, and
often depending on circumstances of time, country, or situation that
changed its nature. The man attacked was one of the most illustrious
of his age, who by his exalted talents had raised himself, early in
life, to the highest rank in his nation; whose gallant deeds in the
field of battle every Englishman had admired and gloried in; who had
retrieved the falling fortunes of his country, and, by his military
achievements and his political talents, had added to its dominion a
large empire, one of the richest in the world, which that country had
not thrown from her with disdain, as gained by illegal or unjustifiable
means, but cherished as one of her noblest possessions, the richest
jewel in the British crown; that wealth which he had gained, he had
enjoyed with honour and dignity, unchallenged for sixteen years,
though now it was to be wrenched from him by the application of rules
which had no existence in the country in which it was acquired.
Doubts began to arise, whether a grand injustice was not about to be
inflicted by England on one of the greatest and noblest of her sons:
the circumstances of personal excitement under which the evidence had
been collected could not be overlooked; and the more carefully the
application of that evidence was made to the case, on the principles
of general justice and universal policy, the more did it appear that
there was a danger of making the British Parliament the instrument of
flagrant injustice and ingratitude.
When the question itself came on, and the direct charges brought
against Lord Clive were before the House, Mr. Stanley moved that the
words, "And in so doing, the said Robert Lord Clive abused the powers
with which he was intrusted, to the evil example of the servants of
the public, and to the dishonour and detriment of the State," should
be omitted; and was seconded by Mr. Richard Fuller, who carried his
amendment farther back into the body of the motion, and proposed that
the words, "through the influence of the powers with which he was
intrusted, as a Member of the Select Committee, and Commander-in-chief
of the British forces," should also be omitted. A very warm and
long debate ensued between those who supported the original motion,
and those who were in favour of the amendment, expressive of mere
undisputed facts, which left the motion in this form: "That it
appears to this House, that the Right Honourable Robert Lord Clive,
Baron of Plassey in the kingdom of Ireland, about the time of the
deposition of Suraj-u-Dowlah, and the establishment of Meer Jaffier
on the musnud, did obtain and possess himself of 2 lacs of rupees as
Commander-in-chief, a further sum of 2 lacs and 80,000 rupees as Member
of the Select Committee, and a further sum of 16 lacs or more under
the denomination of a private donation; which sums, amounting together
to 20 lacs and 80,000 rupees, were of the value, in English money, of
234,000_l._" And the motion, in this form, was finally carried, on a
division of 155 to 95.[199]
It was then moved, "That Lord Clive did, in so doing, abuse the powers
with which he was intrusted, to the evil example of the servants of the
public;" but the motion was rejected without a division.
A motion was finally made, about five in the morning, "That Robert Lord
Clive did, at the same time, render great and meritorious services to
his country;" which passed unanimously.[200]
Such was the termination of these Parliamentary proceedings, so far
as regarded Lord Clive. It may be proper to remark, that in the
meanwhile various bills regarding India affairs were pushed forward.
The plan proposed and carried through by the Government, at that
important crisis, though it was intended to be a final settlement of
the constitution of the Company's government, and though it contained
many changes, and some very beneficial regulations, was still only
a palliative. A loan of 1,400,000_l._ was granted to relieve the
Company from their immediate difficulties; the Company's dividend
being restrained to 6 per cent. until it was repaid, and to 7 per
cent. until their bond debt was reduced to 1,500,000_l._ The public
was not to participate in the profits of the Company till this latter
event, when three fourths of the net surplus profits of the Company
at home, above the sum of 8 per cent. on their capital stock, was to
be paid into the Exchequer for the use of the public, the remaining
fourth to be set aside for reducing the Company's debt, and other
purposes specified: the territorial acquisitions to remain with the
Company for six years more: the Court of Directors were in future to be
elected for four years, six members going out annually: no Proprietor
was to vote at the election who had not possessed his stock for twelve
months, and the qualification was to be 1000_l._ instead of 500_l._:
a new Court of Justice was established at Calcutta, consisting of a
Chief Justice and three Puisne Judges; and a superiority given to the
Presidency of Bengal over the others. The Council was to consist of a
Governor-General and four Members, to be named in the first instance by
Parliament; and, in pursuance of the act, Mr. Hastings was appointed
Governor-General, with General Clavering, Colonel Monson, Mr. Barwell,
and Mr. Francis in Council.
It is clear that these enactments were quite insufficient to remedy the
evils complained of; and India was accordingly doomed for several years
more to pay the penalty of this timid and inefficient legislation.
The truth is, that the Ministry were conscious that their knowledge
of Indian affairs was extremely imperfect; and that the task of
legislation for a distant empire, if not beyond their powers, at least
required more leisure than they were able or disposed to pay to it. The
spirit of the times, too, was adverse to bold or extensive legislation,
and delighted more in temporary expedients and palliatives. America
could hardly have remained much longer united to Britain; but this
temper, common to many successive administrations, had much influence
on the time and manner of the separation.
The complimentary resolution, passed unanimously by the House, closed
the Parliamentary proceedings in which Lord Clive was personally
concerned. In a letter to Mr. Hastings, the new Governor-General,
written some months afterwards, he alludes to them. "All the Reports
of the Committees are published," says he[201], "and will of course
be transmitted to you. A few envious and resentful individuals turned
the whole attack upon me, and aimed at the ruin of my fortune and
reputation. But the justice of the House of Commons defeated their
intentions, and, by a great majority, passed a vote that I had rendered
great and essential services to this country. The next session will
show whether any other individuals are to be attacked; but I am of
opinion the Parliament will rest satisfied with the late act, and
leave the rest to the Governor and Council. I congratulate you on the
distinction you are honoured with, in being the first Governor-General;
and hope your colleagues will be unanimous in acting for the public
good." But it is not surprising that the harassing persecution which he
had sustained, and the ignoble charges brought and insinuated against
him, should have made a deep and gloomy impression on his lofty mind.
It has been remarked that, "Although, throughout this inquiry, Lord
Clive displayed the greatest firmness and magnanimity, his mind never
recovered its proper equilibrium. Wedded to glory, and pluming himself
upon those actions which had elevated him to an unparalleled degree
of fame, and unexampled grandeur of fortune, he could ill brook the
necessity of defence, and felt as an ignominy the task of pleading
for his character and property. He, upon whose pleasure had so often
depended the fate of sovereigns and of states, who might with truth
be styled 'the setter up and puller down of kings,' sickened at the
recollection of that ingratitude which degraded him to the position of
a culprit."[202]
Few men have ever endured so severe and piercing a scrutiny into all
their words and actions; and his situation has, in one respect, been
different from that of most other great men, who were only subjects.
He had been in some measure placed in the situation of an absolute
sovereign. He not only held the military command, but directed, with
more power than is enjoyed by most sovereign princes, the civil,
financial, and political measures that emanate from supreme authority.
He not only executed, but planned, and was the source as well as the
instrument of action. He had to answer for wars undertaken, treaties
made and broken, and severities exercised. He was not so much in the
situation of a Marlborough or a Wellington, receiving certain orders,
and following his judgment in executing them, as of a sovereign
prince--a Frederic, a Bonaparte, an Alexander, who could act with
nearly despotic authority in the execution of their designs. They,
privileged by their rank, could only be called upon to answer at the
tribunal of posterity. But, from his situation, a private man, a
subject, and the servant of a trading company, his accusers blended
together his different characters. There is always something, in the
slightest accusation of delinquency in pecuniary matters, which is
revolting to a generous mind. This his enemies saw, and attempted to
fix on the most liberal of men; trusting that, however complete the
justification, some taint of the accusation would remain. It was not
enough to him that he had been acquitted and applauded; he brooded over
the indignity of having been accused. Nor was the public ingratitude,
from which he suffered, the less grievous, that it was common to him
with the great men of every age; although proudly conscious of his own
integrity, and of the solid glory of his achievements and labours, he
felt that he could trust his fame to distant countries and future times.
And distant countries had already begun to do justice to his great
actions. A few days after the rising of Parliament, he received the
following letter from Mr. Wedderburn, which the reader will not be
displeased to see entire:--
"My dear Lord,
"Mr. Stuart informs me, that he has sent your Lordship a letter he
received from the gentleman[203] who has the care of the Duke of
Hamilton at Geneva, expressing the desire that Voltaire has to be
informed of the affairs of the East Indies, and to celebrate the great
actions that have been done there.
"I took the precaution of desiring Mr. Clive to load his trunk with
the most important papers that are printed on that subject; but it has
occurred to me, that he would deliver them with a better effect if
they were introduced by a few lines from your Lordship, or, at least,
a written message to the old gentleman. I don't know whether Mr. King
is at Walcot: he would be delighted to have an occasion of addressing
his favourite author on this subject. Lady Clive, I am afraid, will
scruple at a correspondence with so free a writer; but, whatever
mischief his works may do for a better state, in this world they are
very entertaining: and that justice, which is everywhere your due to
fame, will have a very good effect in England, coming from the pen of a
Frenchman, writing at the foot of the Alps.
"I have seen no creature but lawyers for a fortnight past, and I know
no news. Robert desires I would make his apology to your Lordship, for
suffering himself to be seduced by me, to give me one day at Mitcham,
which I am sure you will forgive. Mrs. W. joins me in compliments to
Lady Clive and Miss Ducarrel; and I am,
"My dear Lord,
"Yours most sincerely,
"Al. Wedderburn.
"Lincoln's Inn Fields,
"9th July, 1773."
The result of this application from the most celebrated writer of the
age does not appear. Several letters to Lord Clive, written from
different parts of Europe, from foreigners, the posterity of the
present age, some of them from persons quite unknown to him, show how
widely his fame had spread over the Continent.
Immediately on the rising of Parliament in June, the state of his
health carried him to Bath. After a short residence there and at
Walcot, he was advised again to visit the Continent. While in London he
was consulted by Ministers; and, though he believed that he had cause
to complain of the conduct of Lord North in the late transactions,
he was still willing, when called upon, to give him his opinion on
Indian concerns. Indeed, during the whole course of his life, he was
ever most ready and forward to communicate freely the full stores of
his experience and reflection, not only to the Court of Directors,
but to every administration that he imagined to be disposed to avail
themselves of them. He had, in the preceding year, imparted to the
Ministry his plan for improving the management of the Company's
affairs, both in India and Europe; and by a letter of Lord North's
to his Lordship, of the 9th of November this year, soliciting his
interest in favour of Mr. Manship, in an India House election, it
appears that Lord Clive had met him just before at Bushy Park, and
given his sentiments in conversation on the important question of the
instructions proper to be given to the Governor-General and Council of
Bengal, who had been recently appointed by the Act of Parliament.
The fatigues of two anxious and exhausting sessions had not improved
his health, so shattered before. How long he remained abroad does not
appear. During the subsequent session, as all attempts to fix upon
him any act of criminality during his first government of Bengal had
totally failed, some feeble and malignant efforts were made, through
the public papers, to throw suspicion on his conduct during his last
administration there. But they were too miserable to be persisted in,
or to produce any effect; and were only the last dregs of enmity,
meant, perhaps, less to answer their apparent object than to vex and
harass the sensitive feelings of a noble mind.[204]
During the remainder of 1773, and in the following year, which was the
last of his life, he seems to have very much relaxed in the frequency
of his epistolary correspondence. But it is a characteristic of his
native warmth of attachment, and steady regard for his friends, that a
great proportion of the letters written during that period consists of
recommendatory letters. Some of them contain instances of very earnest
and active exertions in behalf of those whom he befriended. He seems,
in particular, to have used great exertions to procure the government
of Bombay for General Carnac; and one letter, written only six weeks
before his death, is addressed to Lord North, to forward the interest
of his friend Mr. Strachey.
Though the ministers of the Company which he had so nobly served, had
requited his services with persecution and ingratitude, the injury
that most deeply wounds the most generous spirit, he had many sources
of happiness around him. He was happy in his family; he had a numerous
circle of friends warmly attached to him; he had a princely fortune and
generosity to use it. He enjoyed a reputation of the highest class as
a soldier and a statesman. His political influence was considerable;
he was still little beyond the middle period of active life. But
his residence in India, and the fatigues, mental and bodily, which
he had undergone there, had long since ruined his constitution. He
suffered from a derangement of the liver, the fatal disease of warm
countries, which exposed him to frequent and violent attacks of bile.
But above all, he had been subject to excruciating attacks of pain
from gall-stones, attended with severe spasms, both before he left
India and since his return. To moderate these, he had long called in
the dangerous aid of opium; a remedy which, while it alleviates the
present suffering, is generally followed by corresponding depression of
spirits, and requires to be used in constantly increasing quantities.
He had been driven to the use of this drug when first in India, and
probably had never abandoned it, as a few days after his last return
to Bengal, writing to Mr. Billers[207], the chief at Patna, he asks
him to procure for him five or six pounds of the purest opium that
could be got: "As this medicine," continues he, "is entirely for my
own use, and I find great difficulty in procuring any other than what
has been adulterated, I depend on your judgment in purchasing some
that is perfectly good and genuine." When he first went to France, we
have seen that he had been able in some measure to reduce the quantity
which he had been in the habit of using during his previous illness.
In November, 1774, when in Berkeley Square, he had a violent return
of his complaint. On the 21st and 22d he endured extreme agony, and
had recourse, for relief, to powerful doses of laudanum. Though he
had perfect command of his faculties, he testified much impatience
under his sufferings. It is probable that the excessive acuteness
of the paroxysms of pain, arising from the gall-stones, combined
with the effects of the medicine which he had used, acting on his
feverish irritability, led to the melancholy event which ensued. The
feelings of disappointed hope, and wounded dignity, which had long
haunted his haughty soul, were but little calculated to soothe him at
such a moment. He expired on the 22d of November, soon after he had
completed his forty-ninth year, and was buried in his native parish of
Moreton-Say.
Lord Clive was one of those extraordinary men who give a character to
the period and country in which they live. His name cannot be erased
from the history of India, nor from that of Britain. Born in the rank
of a private gentleman, and launched out early in life into the wide
sea of Indian adventure, he soon far outstript all his competitors in
the race of fortune and fame. He was trained in the best of schools,
a state of danger, of suffering, and activity. He could not be said
to have any master in the art of war; he was, to adopt the language
of the great Chatham, "a heaven-born general;" and it was by the
boldness and novelty of his measures, the impetuosity of his onset,
and the imperturbable obstinacy of his defence, that he confounded
his enemies, and changed the hesitating troops under his command into
a band of heroes. He left nothing to chance: he foresaw and provided
for every thing. Victory seemed to attend him wherever he turned,
and no enterprise was too arduous where he was the leader. The same
success and the same renown which distinguished him in the Carnatic,
attended him in Bengal. From the date of the battle of Plassey, his
reputation in that country was established; and all his negotiations
with the native princes were from that day forward concluded more by
the influence of his great name, than by the energy of his determined
character.