and sound view of national concerns at the turbulent period which
immediately preceded the American war. "To describe the situation of
our affairs at home," says he, "would require a much abler pen and
more time than I am at present master of. We are drawing very fast
towards a dangerous crisis, from which we can only be extricated by
some first-rate genius, and where to find that genius does not appear
at present. Our wide and extended possessions are become too great for
the mother country, or for our abilities, to manage. America is making
great strides towards independency; so is Ireland. The East Indies
also, I think, cannot remain long to us, if our present constitution be
not altered. A Direction for a year only, and that time entirely taken
up in securing Directors for the year to come, cannot long maintain
that authority which is requisite for the managing and governing such
extensive, populous, rich, and powerful kingdoms as the East India
Company are at present possessed of. So far are our Ministers from
thinking of some plan for securing this great and national object, that
they think of nothing but the present moment, and of squeezing from the
Company every shilling they have to spare, and even more than they can
well spare, consistent with their present circumstances. I have drawn
out my thoughts on this important subject, but I dare not trust them to
so divided, weak, and selfish an Administration. If Lord Chatham and
Mr. Grenville should appear once more at the head of affairs (of which
there is some prospect), they are the only men capable, in my opinion,
of embracing such ideas, which you know are extensive ones.
"Mr. Sulivan," he continues, "still entertains hopes of being a
Director, and Mr. Vansittart of being Governor of Bengal; to which
ambitious views I shall give every opposition in my power. For, if
I could admit, which is far from the case, that both are every way
qualified for the stations they are aspiring at, yet, I know their
connections to be such, that they must attempt the overthrow of that
system which hitherto has been attended with so much advantage to
the nation and the Company. The efforts which have been made are
great, yet I am confident they will fail in their designs, if the
Directors remain united among themselves, which, at present, there is
a great probability of, notwithstanding the divisions and dissensions
which have lately arisen among them, about the propositions made
to Government. I myself am strongly against them, as they stand at
present; because I think neither the welfare of the public, nor of the
Company, have been consulted, and that the Directors have committed
themselves too much to administration, from an apprehension of a
Parliamentary inquiry, and from a dread of being again examined at the
bar of the House of Commons.
"My best wishes are offered for your speedy return to your native
country with health and independency, without which there can be no
happiness in this life; and the sooner that event happens, the more
pleasure it will afford,
"Yours, &c."
He writes in the same style to several of his friends, and from many
of his letters it appears, that the occasional disappointment suffered
by a mind so ardent as his, and so little accustomed to be thwarted,
had turned his thoughts strongly to retirement. "The conduct of the
Directors, in committing themselves in the manner they have done to
Administration," he observes in a letter to Mr. Sykes[161], "is
unworthy of them, and contrary to their duty as Directors. In my
conduct, I have taken up the great line of future advantage, both
to the nation and to the Company. I spoke long upon the subject in
the House of Commons, and with some applause, but all to no purpose;
the necessities of the state, and present gain, weighed down and
overpowered all argument."--"In my opinion, the sooner you return to
England the better. I know that your fortune is more than sufficient,
and that it has been honourably acquired. Come, then, and partake with
us in country retirement; and when you want to amuse yourself in town
and serve your country, be as we are, a member of Parliament. What can
I say more than that I am, &c."
"To tell you the truth," says he, in a letter of the same date, to Sir
Robert Barker, "after the next general election, I find myself very
much disposed to withdraw myself from all public concerns whatever. My
own happiness and that of my family is the only object I have in view,
and that can only be obtained by retirement from the bustle and noise
of a busy, debauched, and half-ruined nation."
In the April election which followed, Mr. Sulivan's party renewed their
efforts to recover their seats and influence in the Direction. Immense
efforts had long been making for that purpose. Many of their friends
had purchased largely of India stock, and divided what they possessed,
for the purpose of making new votes. The ships' husbands, as they are
called, a body of great wealth and influence at the India House, who
had quarrelled with the Directors, split 150,000_l._ of stock against
them. Lord Shelburne was said to have split 100,000_l._ of stock to
support his friend Sulivan. The Directors had alienated many of the
Proprietors by opposing the increase of dividend, and they had violent
differences among themselves, so that two of them refused to concur
in the proposed House List. The consequence was, that Mr. Sulivan and
his friends, who were also supported by the ministry, were brought
into the Direction, and a very important change of system followed.
The friendship that had long subsisted between Lord Clive and Mr.
Vansittart, had been first shaken by the revolution effected in Bengal
under Mr. Vansittart's government, when Meer Jaffier, whom Lord Clive
had placed on the musnud, and protected, was dethroned: the coolness
that followed was increased by Mr. Vansittart's connection with Mr.
Sulivan, whom he joined in the politics of the India House; and an
open rupture, the particulars of which it is unnecessary to detail,
followed, soon after Lord Clive's return to England. Vansittart's great
object was to return to Bengal as Governor, or even as Governor-General
of India. The restoration of his friends to power was favourable to
these views; and the two parties, each of which was able to impede the
other, but not entirely to carry its own objects, found it expedient to
come to a compromise. The state of India absolutely required that the
public affairs there should be placed on a better footing. Instead of
sending out an individual, it was finally arranged that a commission of
supervisors should be appointed, with very ample powers to investigate
on the spot into every department of affairs, and the conduct of
the public officers; to suspend, if necessary, even the presidents
and councils, and to frame regulations adapted to the exigency of
circumstances. To this important trust Mr. Vansittart, Colonel Forde,
and Mr. Scrafton, all of whom had distinguished themselves in the
country, were appointed; the first by the influence of Mr. Sulivan,
the two last by that of Lord Clive. It is well known that the Aurora
frigate, in which they sailed, was never heard of after leaving the
Cape of Good Hope, and is supposed to have foundered at sea. Lord
Clive, writing to Mr. Verelst, in the end of this year, alludes to
these transactions; "The public papers," says he[162], "and your
friends, will explain to you the India politics. The severe blow given
the old Directors last year, by the admission of Sulivan and so many of
his party, has been the occasion of all that has happened; and we were
obliged to compound with Vansittart for his being Supervisor jointly
with Scrafton and Forde, to prevent his going out Governor to Bengal,
or Governor-General, which was the thing aimed at. Mr. Vansittart
received all the support which Ministry, the Court, and Princess
Dowager could give, and was very near succeeding in his ambitious
designs. When you arrive in England," he continues, "you will find me
at Claremont, a delightful place, about fourteen miles from London, and
in your way from Portsmouth, if you land at that place."
The same views are contained in his letter of the 15th of February,
1770, to Mr. Kelsall.
"Dear Sir,
"I have received your letter, dated Dacca, January, 1769, and should
have given you my sentiments upon the contents, if the appointment
of Supervisors with such great powers had not made all reply useless
and unnecessary. These gentlemen will, I hope, take into their most
serious consideration, the state of the Company's affairs in every
part of India, and apply proper remedies to every evil. I do not at
all envy them their appointment, being certain they will find it a
very difficult task to answer the expectations of the public, without
disgusting and disobliging individuals. If they can find the happy
expedient of doing strict justice to the Company, and of giving
satisfaction to the civil, military, and free merchants, they will have
found out an art that I was not master of during my last residence in
India.
"I will not trouble you with the situation of affairs in England.
Anarchy and confusion seem to have pervaded every part of the British
empire. In vain can we expect our affairs shall flourish abroad, when
all is going to ruin at home. The Directors are so divided among
themselves, and so much taken up in struggling for power at every
general election, that they have quite lost sight of the Company's
interest, which is daily sacrificed to their own views, and the views
of particular Proprietors, to answer their purposes."--
"With regard to myself, having struggled long enough against the tide
to very little purpose, I am determined the approaching election shall
put an end to my activity, in support of any set of men whatever. It
is beyond my power to do the Company any farther service; and the
disposition to ease and retirement gains ground upon me daily. The best
and soundest advice I can give you is, to return to England rather
with a moderate competency, while you have youth and constitution to
enjoy it, than by staying longer, lose that youth, and sacrifice that
constitution, which no riches can possibly compensate for. Hoping soon
to see you in England, I am,
"Dear Sir,
"Your sincere friend and affectionate kinsman,
"Clive."
The elections of April, 1770 and 1771, in which Mr. Sulivan's party was
still powerfully supported, had not a tendency to recall Lord Clive's
mind from his plan of retreat;--"The loss of the Supervisors," says
he, writing to Mr. Henry Moore, Chief of Bussorah[163], "since the
last advices from India, is looked upon as certain. I hope the same
Providence, which has so often manifested itself in our favour in the
East, will continue to watch over us, and extricate us from the almost
insurmountable difficulties in which we seem to be involved. It is not
unlikely but a new commission may take place; but where the Directors
will find men every way qualified to execute such a task, is hard
to say." In the conclusion he adds, "I am come to the resolution of
withdrawing myself entirely from India affairs, and spending the rest
of my days in ease and retirement." These were the natural longings
for retreat, and aspirations after repose, of a great and active mind,
fatigued with petty exertions, and disappointed in its endeavours to be
useful; but it was a repose which Clive was not destined to enjoy.
Meanwhile, the derangements in the various branches of the Company's
affairs abroad continued to increase. No one felt more strongly than
Lord Clive the evils that resulted from them, or was more aware of
the extreme difficulty of applying a remedy; but at the same time
his experience taught him, that by a judicious management much might
be effected. The chief sources of expense arose from a jealousy of
Sujah-u-Dowlah's designs, and from the ill-conducted war against Hyder
Ali. In a letter to Sir Robert Barker, written at a time when there was
a very general alarm, which produced a great fall of India stock, he
gives very distinctly his ideas of the leading principles of our Indian
policy;--"Both the Directors and the nation[164]," says he, "are more
apprehensive of the consequence of a rupture with Sujah Dowlah than I
confess I am, even from your accounts of the state of affairs in that
part of the world.
"All the efforts of that ambitious prince must prove vain against
our numbers, revenues, and discipline. His sepoys, when they come to
action, will never stand against ours, headed by English officers;
and, if he trusts to his infantry alone, the loss of a battle will be
ruin. But if he makes war upon us in Bengal with them, he may distress
us for a time, and lessen both our investments and revenues, which is
the greatest detriment the nation and Company can suffer. At present,
however, I both wish and hope, he has no views to the southward, but
that he bends his thoughts towards Delhi, and wishes to have the King
with him. So do I too, if the King's consent could be obtained for that
purpose. I was always apprehensive the King would endeavour to embark
us, by some means or other, in his extensive views of going to Delhi,
and reducing to obedience by our means all Hindostan. This is a plan
I have always opposed; and, to tell you the truth, I wish our troops
were all in Bengal, and that no other object employed our attention,
but that of defending ourselves when attacked. I wish the King was
gone to Delhi or any where, so as we had nothing more to do with him;
or that he could be prevailed upon to spend the rest of his days and
money quietly at Patna. I think the wisest scheme we could pursue would
be, to take no open part with these Hindostan princes, but privately
promote their quarrelling to all eternity."
His letter to General Joseph Smith on the war in the Carnatic, is too
creditable to that gallant officer to be omitted.
"Berkeley Square, 9th March, 1770.
"Dear Sir,
"I have received, and am much obliged to you for your accurate and
circumstantial letter of the 15th of June, 1769.[165] Our misfortunes,
and I may add, our mismanagements on the coast, have been great indeed:
but it is some satisfaction to me to find, that your conduct has been
such as all who know you had reason to expect; and that, whoever may
have been to blame, no impeachment can be laid against you. I need not
enter into reflections upon the fundamental errors of the war. For the
honour of the nation and the Company, I wish they could be for ever
buried in oblivion, or at least remembered only by ourselves, to warn
us upon any future occasion. The measure of sending field-deputies has
justly been condemned by every body. Gentlemen in the civil service
may be very properly employed out of the presidency in the collection
of the revenues; but nothing can be more absurd and pernicious than
sending them to a camp, where they can only embarrass or obstruct plans
and operations which they do not understand. I sincerely wish that the
peace, however ingloriously made, may continue: but this is merely a
wish, and by no means my expectation. I am with great regard, &c."
The difficulties in Bengal went on increasing. Mr. Cartier's mild
but feeble government, which began in January 1770, was marked by
one of those horrible famines which afflict a populous country like
Bengal, dependent chiefly on its agriculture, above all others. One
third of the natives are computed to have perished by sickness and
famine. The revenues and trade of the country, which were suffering
before, were still more disordered by this new calamity. The expense
of establishments, instead of diminishing, increased; and instead of
a surplus revenue to be remitted home, the extent of bills which had
been drawn on the Court of Directors in England, during the latter
part of Mr. Verelst's Government, was prodigiously increased. On Mr.
Cartier's resignation, it was necessary to think of some able successor
to meet the difficulties that were so sensibly felt. Mr. Hastings was
finally pitched upon. We have seen that that gentleman had served for
some time in an important situation under Lord Clive. He was in Council
during Vansittart's administration, and his minutes evince the extent
of his information and talents. He accompanied Mr. Vansittart home, and
had remained in England about four years, when the pressure of narrow
circumstances again forced him to think of the East.
Mr. Sykes, in a letter to Lord Clive, dated Calcutta, 28th of March,
1768, observes, "Your Lordship knows my regard for Mr. Hastings, and
the intimacy which we have maintained during so many years."--"I have
now brought his affairs nearly to a conclusion, and sorry I am to say,
they turn out more to the credit of his moderation than knowledge
of the world. He is almost literally worth nothing, and must return
to India, or want bread. I therefore make it my earnest request to
your Lordship, that, even if you cannot consistently promote his
reappointment to the Company's service, you will at least not give any
opposition thereto." At this time parties ran very high between the
Directors and the party of Sulivan and Vansittart, to which Hastings
had attached himself. Lord Clive did not, however reject this appeal
to his generosity, in behalf of a man for whom he had always felt
a kindness; "Mr. Hastings' connection with Vansittart," says he in
reply[166], "subjects him to many inconveniences. The opposition given
the Directors this year, prevented my obtaining his return to Bengal in
Council. Indeed he is so great a dupe to Vansittart's politics, that I
think it would be improper that he should go to Bengal in any station,
and I am endeavouring to get him out to Madras, high in Council there,
in which I believe I shall succeed." In the course of the following
year, Mr. Hastings was accordingly sent to Madras, second in Council,
and there distinguished himself by his zeal and intelligence. The loss
of Vansittart in the Aurora, probably took away the chief objection to
his removal to Calcutta; and the disturbed state of public affairs,
requiring the presence of a man of the first ability, to restore
them to order, and to regain the public confidence, he was actively
recommended by Lord Clive, as the man in India the best fitted for
the charge. In 1771, he was accordingly appointed Governor of Bengal.
The letter which Lord Clive addressed to him on this occasion is too
remarkable to be omitted, not only as it concerns the two perhaps,
most eminent men who ever held that high office, and throws so much
light on the character of both, but as it overflows with the soundest
practical wisdom. It is difficult to calculate what effect the
influence of the very superior men whom he proposed as a Council, might
have had on the future fortunes and history of India. But neither the
Directors nor the Ministers were sufficiently advanced in their views
of Indian policy, or possessed sufficient expansion of mind to adopt
a measure in which the expense of employing first-rate men was as
nothing, compared with the results that might have been anticipated.
"Berkeley Square, 1st August, 1771.
"Dear Sir,
"The despatch of the Lapwing gives me an early opportunity of
congratulating with you on your removal to Bengal; and as my zeal for
the service actuated me to take the share I did in your appointment,
the same principle prevails upon me to offer you a few of my ideas upon
the important Government in which you now preside.
"Two or three months ago, when the plan of Supervisors was renewed,
Sir George Colebrooke and Mr. Purling desired my opinion. My advice
was, that, as the prosperity of the Company was now become a matter
of very serious national concern, it behoved them to show that,
in appointments of this nature, they were guided, not by the view
of particular friends, but merely by that zeal which the duty of
their station demanded, for preserving and rendering permanent our
possessions in India; and that, therefore, they should turn their
thoughts towards men who stood high in public character and reputation.
I proposed Mr. Wedderburn, Mr. Cornwall, and Sir Jeffrey Amherst,
together with you, as Governor, and one of the Council; and that these
five should be invested with all the powers civil and military. Sir
Jeffrey Amherst, however, declined. As to the two former, they might
be prevailed upon; but the Directors do not seem ready to embrace any
great comprehensive plan of supervisorship, so as to make it an object
for men of such consequence. My last proposition was, that the Company
should revert to the plan of my Government, viz. that a Committee of
five should be appointed out of the best and ablest men in Bengal, of
whom the Governor should be the head; and this, I imagine, will be
adopted.
"The situation of affairs requires that you should be very circumspect
and active. You are appointed Governor at a very critical time, when
things are suspected to be almost at the worst, and when a general
apprehension prevails of the mismanagement of the Company's affairs.
The last parliamentary inquiry has thrown the whole state of India
before the public, and every man sees clearly, that as matters are
now conducted abroad, the Company will not long be able to pay the
400,000_l._ to Government. The late dreadful famine, or a war, either
with Sujah-u-Dowlah, or the Mahrattas, will plunge us into still
deeper distress. A discontented nation and disappointed Minister will
then call to account a weak and pusillanimous Court of Directors, who
will turn the blow from themselves upon their agents abroad; and the
consequences must be ruinous both to the Company and the servants.
In this situation you see the necessity of exerting yourself in
time, provided the Directors give you proper powers, without which,
I confess, you can do nothing; for self-interest or ignorance will
obstruct every plan you can form for the public good.
"You are upon the spot, and will learn my conduct from disinterested
persons; and I wish your government to be attended, as mine was, with
success to the Company, and with the consciousness of having discharged
every duty with firmness and fidelity. Be impartial and just to the
public, regardless of the interest of individuals, where the honour of
the nation, and the real advantage of the Company are at stake, and
resolute in carrying into execution your determination, which I hope
will at all times be rather founded upon your own opinion than that of
others.
"The business of politics and finance being so extensive, the Committee
should not be embarrassed with private concerns. They ought not,
therefore, to be allowed to trade. But their emoluments ought to be so
large as to render trade unnecessary to the attainment of a competent
fortune. For this purpose I am confident the salt will prove very
sufficient. The Society should be formed upon an improvement of the
plan which was not perfected in my time. The price to the natives was
too great, and so was the advantage to the servants. Reduce both, and I
am persuaded there will be no complaint of oppression on the one hand,
or want of emolument on the other.
"The Company's servants should all have a subsistence, but every idea
of raising a fortune, till they are entitled to it by some years'
service, ought to be suppressed. If a general system of economy
could be introduced, it would be happy for individuals as well as
for the public. The expenses of the Company in Bengal are hardly to
be supported. Great savings, I am certain, may be made. Bills for
fortifications, cantonments, contracts, &c. must be abolished, together
with every extravagant charge for travelling, diet, parade, and pomp,
of subordinates. In short, by economy alone the Company may yet
preserve its credit and affluence.
"With regard to political measures, they are to be taken according to
the occasion. When danger arises, every precaution must be made use of,
but at the same time you must be prepared to meet and encounter it.
This you must do with cheerfulness and confidence, never entertaining a
thought of miscarrying, till the misfortune actually happens; and even
then you are not to despair, but be constantly contriving and carrying
into execution schemes for retrieving affairs; always flattering
yourself with an opinion that time and perseverance will get the better
of every thing.