To another pest we were also frequently _Narrative, of a five years' expedition against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam, in Guiana on the Wild Coast of South America; from the year 1772 to 1777 ... Volume 2 (of 2)

this was no less than clouds of flying lice, which covered our clothes

sometimes so thick, that they absolutely gave them the appearance of

grey cloth. This was owing to the shedding of their wings, which, being

four in number; they generally left behind them after they alighted,

and being thus without the means of flying off again, they remained on

our jackets; except however thus covering us all over, they caused us

no other inconvenience. It is the opinion of some naturalists, that

these flying lice are no other than the above-mentioned wood-lice,

which when they become old get wings, leave their nests, and fly about,

like some other ants, both in Europe and in America.

About this time the discipline was peculiarly strict in the camp, so

that whoever made the very least noise was most severely punished, nay,

threatened to be shot; and even the sentinels were ordered to challenge

rounds and patrols by no other sound than whistling, which was answered

in the same manner.

On the 18th, one of these being condemned to be flogged for speaking

loud, I however found means (Fourgeoud not being yet returned) to get

him pardoned, after he was already stripped. The following day,

nevertheless, evinced that I could punish when things were carried too

far; for seeing a large piece of boiled pork (about two pounds weight)

flying past me with great velocity, and finding it was thrown by one

marine to another, while they had got a quarrel, I instantly ordered

them to pick it up, and (having cut it in two) I stood over them myself

till they swallowed every morsel of it in my presence, sand and all,

without either bread or drink: which they since declared was such a

punishment as surpassed my conception, and they should remember it to

the end of their lives.

On the 23d, I received from town a well-timed supply of wine and fresh

provisions; and the same day Colonel Fourgeoud, with his detachment,

arrived from the Marawina. During this trip, our active commander had

again discovered and destroyed fifty-nine houses, besides three fields

of provisions. This certainly gave the finishing blow to the rebel

negroes, since, having no further supply on this side the water, they

entirely abandoned it, and went to settle in the French colony Cayenne.

In this hard though necessary service the men had suffered

prodigiously, especially those newly arrived; numbers of whom were

carried in hammocks on poles, while near thirty were left sick at the

Marawina, and my friend Small was at least one stone lighter.

At this time, in the camp hospital, above one hundred were also

dangerously ill. Nothing was heard but sighs and the shrieking of the

strix or Guiana owl, which for ever kept them company during the dismal

nights. Cramps, so common in Surinam, also infested those that were

able to do duty; and there reigned a general melancholy all around.

————“The circling sky,

The wide enlivening air, is full of fate;

And, struck by turns, in solitary pangs

They fall, untended and unmourn’d.”

Here one man was to be seen covered over with bloody boils from head to

foot; there another led along by two of his comrades in a deep

lethargy, who, in spite of pinching and pricking, dosed into eternity;

a third, swelled by the dropsy, and imploring the surgeon in vain to

tap off the water (who generally answered that it was too late) was

left to expire by suffocation. In the hospital some were observed

clasping their hands, and praying aloud to God to be relieved; while

others lay at their side in a frenzy fever, tearing their hair,

blaspheming Providence, and cursing the day that they were born.—In

short, all was dreadful beyond description, by the pen of a Milton

excepted.

————“Sad noisome dark,

A lazar-house it seem’d, wherein were laid

Numbers of all, diseas’d: all maladies

Of ghastly spasm or racking torture; qualms

Of heart-sick agony, all feverous kinds,

Convulsions, epilepsies, fierce catarrhs;

Demoniac frenzy, moping melancholy,

And moon-struck madness; pining atrophy,

Dropsies, and asthmas, and joint-racking rheums:

Dire was the tossing, deep the groans; despair

Tended the sick, busiest from couch to couch.

And over them triumphant Death his dart

Shook, but delay’d to strike, though oft invok’d

With vows, as their chief good and final hope.”

From day to day mortality now gained ground, while by some accident, to

compleat the distress, part of the camp got on fire; but this was

fortunately extinguished without any material ill consequences, by the

activity and exertions of the poor negroes.

On the 26th my misery, however, drew towards an end, when, to my

astonishment, and without my asking it, Colonel Fourgeoud gave me a

leave of absence, if I chose it, to accompany him, and stay henceforth

at Paramaribo; which, without hesitation, I most joyfully accepted.

Thus, having made my friend Captain Small a present of my house, my

Ranelagh, and all my fresh provisions, besides entertained him and some

other officers on a dish of mountain-cabbage, and my groe-groe worms,

which were just come to perfection, besides a hearty glass of wine, I

took my last adieu from them all; and at midnight, with Colonel

Fourgeoud, rowed down the River Cottica in an elegant barge with ten

oars, in company with two more of his officers.—And now farewell once

more, ye shady woods, thou pleasing gloomy forest, pregnant with so

many wonders, and so many plagues, and which, in the opinion of so many

sufferers, even surpassed the ten plagues of Egypt! [48]

————“I have sent among you the pestilence after the

manner of Egypt: your young men have I slain with the sword—

I have made the stink of your camps to come up unto your

nostrils: yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord.”

The boat being shoved off, Colonel Fourgeoud now declared to us, that

having ransacked the forest in every direction, and driven the rebels

over the Marawina in Cayenne, he was determined no more to return to

the woods, but in a few weeks to draw the long and painful expedition

to a conclusion.

Now, reader, it remains with you to acknowledge that I have not led you

about the bush, but through it, with indefatigable perseverance: the

more so, when it is to be considered that in the middle of the above

hurry and distress, under which so many have sunk, I have often been

deprived of pen, ink, and paper to make proper annotations; which last

defect I have even more than once supplied by writing with a pencil on

my cartridges, or on a bleached bone: had this not been unavoidably the

case, more accuracy and many more remarks might with justice have been

expected, which one need never be at a loss to make in a country so

replete with different objects for speculation.

Having rowed all night, and breakfasted at the new cordon (which was

begun to be cut not far from our former post Devil’s Harwar) on a dram

and a biscuit, we came about noon to the estate Lapaix, where we dined

with the planter, Monsieur Rivieres; after which Fourgeoud, with his

adjutant, proceeded on their voyage to town, while I with another

officer went to the sea-side at the back of the plantation to shoot

snipes and curlews.

On our march thither and back again, passing two posts of the Society,

the flag was hoisted, refreshments offered us, and every other civility

shewn us that was in the power of the commanding officers. In shooting,

however, we had very little sport, except that of killing some snipes,

which flew in such clouds that they almost darkened the sky; so that by

only firing from time to time above our heads at random, we brought

down scores at every shot, but they were of such a diminutive species,

that they were scarcely worth the picking up. We might have here killed

birds of greater size, such as spoon-bills, cranes, red curlews, and

wild ducks of many kinds, had we not unluckily been cut off from the

banks on which they were scattered, by the sea overflowing the

quicksands betwixt us and them. They afforded us, nevertheless, a most

delightful view, the beech appearing at a distance like a sheet of

scarlet and purple, embroidered with every other colour.

The shoveler or spoon-bill (which has some affinity to the cranes) is

about the size of a goose: the legs are not very long, and it is

web-footed but for a little way between the toes: the feathers are a

beautiful rose-colour, though they are white when young; but the bill

is truly remarkable in this bird, being flat, much broader before than

at any other part, and circular, in some degree resembling a spoon,

from which it takes its name. They are said to feed on frogs, rats, and

lizards, yet fish is evidently their principal nourishment, from their

frequenting the sea-side, and having a fishy taste when they are

killed.

The crane or jabiru of Surinam, I can best compare to a stork, of which

it has much the appearance, but is larger. The body of this bird is

milk white, but the prime feathers of the wings and tail are black: the

limbs and toes are excessively long; but I observed one peculiarity

which distinguishes it from all other birds, viz. that it frequently

sits upon the heel: the neck and bill are of an uncommon length, the

latter being strong, and a little hooked at the point. The head of the

crane or jabiru is perfectly black, on account of which, among the

Dutch, it obtained the appellation of a negro-cop. It frequents the

coast, like the others above mentioned, and lives entirely on fish:

this bird is easily tamed. I have seen a couple of them in the

poultry-yard belonging to Colonel Fourgeoud.—(See both these species of

sea-fowls in the plate annexed, where the last is represented sitting

in the posture I have described.)

To delineate the different species of wild ducks that are in Surinam

with any degree of accuracy, is a talk which I acknowledge to be far

beyond my reach. Suffice it therefore to say, that in general they are

not very large, but adorned with the most splendid tints and most

beautiful plumage that can be imagined, particularly those they call

the cawereerkee, the sookooroorkee, and the annakee, which last are the

smallest. No water-fowl of any kind, without exception, can be more

delicate eating than all those I have just mentioned; while some of

them are tameable, and frequently seen amongst the poultry on the

plantations.

Having the following day the opportunity of a boat, I prosecuted my

voyage down the Cottica River till I came to Paramaribo, where in fine

spirits and perfect health (however strange) I arrived that very same

evening, and where I was most heartily welcomed by my many friends with

the warmest congratulations on my still existing, after having escaped

so many dangers, and been so long deprived of every comfort—torn by

thorns, stung by insects—starved, tormented, emaciated, and

wounded—often without clothes, health, rest, money, refreshments,

medicines, or friends;—and after having lost so many of my brave

companions, who lay buried in the dust.——Thus ended my seventh and last

campaign in the forest of Guiana.

CHAP. XXIX.

Some Account of a remarkable Negro.—The Troops prepare for

Europe.—Description of a Coffee Plantation.—Plan of Reform for the

Increase of Population, and universal Happiness.—One more Instance

of horrid Barbarity; and Example of Humanity.—The Regiment embarks.

Being now once more arrived in town, and wishing to be no longer

troublesome to any body, I hired a very neat small house by the

water-side, in which we lived nearly as happy as we had done at the

Hope.

The first person that visited me here was the American Captain Lewis,

of the Peggy, who, to my great concern, told me, that poor Macdonald,

the grateful sailor, had died on the homeward passage, after being

twelve days at sea; and desired him in his last words to return me,

with his good wishes, the mother-of-pearl cork-screw I had formerly

given him. He farther acquainted me also, to my sorrow, that three

English vessels had been captured by the American Revenue privateer

sloop, which lay at this time, with her prizes, in the road before

Paramaribo; one of which, belonging to Ireland, was valued at above £.

50,000 sterling.

Having been waited on by a number of planters and others with

congratulations on our success against the rebels; amongst the rest

appeared the celebrated Gramman Quacy, who came to shew me his fine

coat, gold medal, &c. which he had received as a present from the

Prince of Orange, in Holland. This man, being one of the most

extraordinary characters of all the negroes in Surinam, or perhaps in

the world, I cannot proceed without giving some account of him; the

more so, as he has made his appearance once or twice already in the

course of this history.—This African (for he was born on the coast of

Guinea) by his insinuating temper and industry, not only obtained his

freedom from a state of slavery, but by his wonderful ingenuity and

artful conduct found the means of procuring a very competent

subsistence.

Having got the name of a lockoman, or sorcerer, among the lower slaves,

no crime of any consequence was committed, especially at the

plantations, but Gramman Quacy, which signifies Great-man Quacy, was

instantly sent for to discover the perpetrators, which he so very

seldom missed, owing, in fact, to their faith in his sorceries, added

to his penetrating look [49] and authority among them, that he has

often prevented farther mischief to their masters; and, for these

services, occasionally received very capital rewards. The corps of

rangers, and all fighting free negroes, are under his influence; to

whom he sells his obias or amulets, in order to make them invulnerable,

and, of course, to engage without fear: by which deceit he has most

certainly done much good to the colony, and at the same time filled his

pockets with no inconsiderable profit to himself; while his person by

the blacks is adored and respected like a God. The trash of which his

amulets are made costs him in reality nothing; being neither more nor

less than a collection of small pebbles, sea-shells, cut hair,

fish-bones, feathers, &c. the whole sewed up together in small packets,

which are tied with a string of cotton round the neck, or some other

part of the bodies of his credulous votaries.

But besides these, and many other artful contrivances, he had the good

fortune, in 1730, to find out the valuable root known by the name of

Quaciæ bitter, of which he was actually the first discoverer, and from

which it took its name: and, notwithstanding this medicine is now less

in repute in England than formerly, it is highly esteemed in many other

parts of the world for its efficacy in strengthening the stomach and

restoring the appetite. It has, besides this valuable property, that of

being a powerful febrifuge, and may be successfully used when the bark

is nauseated, as is frequently the case.

In 1761, it was made known to Linnæus by Mr. d’Ahlberg, formerly

mentioned; and the Swedish naturalist has since written a treatise upon

it. By this drug alone Quacy might have amassed riches, were he not

entirely abandoned to indolence and dissipation; the consequence of

which is, a complication of loathsome distempers, of which the leprosy

is one: and that disorder is, as I have already stated, absolutely

incurable. Nevertheless his age, though he could not exactly ascertain

it, must have been very great, since he used frequently to repeat that

he acted as drummer, and beat the alarm on his master’s estate, when

the French commodore, Jacques Cassard, put the colony under

contribution, in the year 1712.

Having taken a portrait of this extraordinary man, with his grey head

of hair, and dressed in his blue and scarlet with gold lace, I, in the

annexed plate, beg leave to introduce it to the reader.

This very same week we had indeed a fresh proof of the good effects of

Gramman Quacy’s animating obias or amulets, a captain of the rangers,

named Hannibal, bringing in the barbacued hands of two rebel negroes,

which he had himself encountered and shot; and one of these hands

proved to be that of the noted rebel Cupido, formerly taken, in 1774,

and brought to Colonel Fourgeoud in the forest, but from whom he had

since that time, though loaded with chains, found means to run away.

In returning the visits of my friends, I paid one to Mr. Andrew

Reynsdorp, who shewed me the loop and button of his hat, which being

diamond, had cost him two hundred guineas—such is the luxury of

Surinam. But even this is exceeded by the magnificence of M.

d’Ahlbergh, who, when I waited on him, besides a gold snuff-box set

with brilliants, value six hundred pounds sterling, made me remark two

silver bits (small pieces of money) set in gold, and surrounded with

diamonds, with this inscription:

“Soli Deo Gloria. Fortuna beaticum, &c.”

Having signified my surprize at this peculiar attention and respect to

two sixpences, he declared to me that they were all the money he had in

the world when he first came to Surinam from his own country,

Sweden.—“Did you work?” said I.—“No.”—“Did you beg?”—“No.”—“You did not

steal, sir?”—“No: but, entre nous, I whined and acted the enthusiast,

which sometimes is very necessary, and I found preferable to the other

three.”—To which I answered, “Sir, your candid confession brings back

to my remembrance your usage of your negro slave, Baron, after having

promised him his manumission in Amsterdam, and fully proves what you

have just asserted.”—One instance more of the extravagance and folly of

the inhabitants of this colony, and I have done: Two of them disputing

about a most elegant and expensive carriage that was imported from

Holland, a law-suit ensued immediately, to determine who was to possess

it, during which time the coach was left uncovered in the street till

it fell to pieces, and was totally destroyed.

On the 10th of February, most of our officers being now arrived at

Paramaribo from the camp, Colonel Fourgeoud entertained the whole with

a feast, as he was pleased to call it, at the head-quarters; an old

stable lanthorn, with broken panes of glass, hanging over our heads,

which I expected every moment to drop into the soup. And here he

acquainted us, with evident marks of satisfaction, that he had at last

put a final end to the expedition; having, notwithstanding there was so

little blood-shed, perfectly accomplished his aim in rooting out the

rebels, by destroying TWENTY-ONE TOWNS or VILLAGES, and demolishing TWO

HUNDRED FIELDS with vegetables of every kind, on which they depended

for subsistence: also, that the intelligence was now confirmed, that

the negroes were to a man fled over the River Marawina, where they and

their friends were settled, and protected by the French colony of

Cayenne, who not only gave them shelter, but supplied them with every

thing they wanted. On which good news we all heartily congratulated

him, and drank further prosperity to the colony of Surinam with three

cheers; the future safety of which now depended on the new cordon or

path of circumvallation, defended by the troops of the Society, and the

corps of black soldiers or rangers.

In Dr. Firmyn’s works, Colonel Fourgeoud and his troops are twice

mentioned as the saviours of the colony; and by the Abbé Reynal they

are noticed as a very brave and valiant corps: compliments to which

they are with truth entitled. And what cannot but redound to his

honour, is, that at the time he imposed such hardships on his own

troops, he never deliberately put a rebel negro captive to death, nor

even, if he could avoid it, delivered them into the hands of justice;

well knowing, that while it was his duty to expel them, nothing but the

most barbarous usage and tyranny had driven these poor people to this

last extremity. Indeed I myself, whom during the first three years he

persecuted with unremitting severity, must do him the justice to say,

that he was indefatigable in doing his duty; and that, though confused,

I believe him at bottom to have been an undaunted and very BRAVE

OFFICER.

He further acquainted us, that the vessels, with a fresh supply of

provisions from Holland, had been cast on the lee-shore in the Texel

Roads, one of them having her upper cabin stove away, with the second

mate and three of her men washed overboard; he added, however, that

part of the stores had been saved, and loaded on board two bilanders,

which were this very day arrived in the River Surinam. And now, so much

in particular was I become his favourite, that he even made me his

confidant; and declared, that he proposed keeping the last arrived

troops, however fast they were dying away (and who had lately lost a

man by straying in the woods) encamped for many months after our

departure. He then began to tell me what officers he meant, if

possible, to ruin on their return, and which, by his recommendation, he

intended to promote: but here I took the liberty to stop him short, by

declaring, upon my honour, that those very gentlemen should be apprised

by myself of their impending danger, if he persisted in carrying this

cruel plan in execution. This at least had the effect to end the

disagreeable conversation: when, in my turn, I added, “Sir, permit me

farther to put you in remembrance of these very troops you have just

mentioned, in regard to their truly distressed situation at the

Casseepore Creek; while their surgeon is gaining gold watches and

diamond rings by curing fashionable diseases among the gentry at

Paramaribo.” To which he replied, “Vous êtes un brave garçon;” and

promised to take my hints into consideration.

I was now invited once more by Captain Mackneal to spend a few days on

his coffee estate, Sporksgift; but though I was prevented on this

occasion from accepting the invitation, I will take this opportunity to

describe that useful berry, which, not being a native of Guiana, it is

said was first planted in Surinam by the Count de Neale, though others

ascribe it to one Hansbach, a silver-smith, in 1720 [50].

The coffee-berry is the produce of an elegant tree, which is seldom

allowed to grow higher than a man can reach, in order to facilitate the

gathering of it. The bark of this tree is light brown, and the leaves

like laurel, having a beautiful polish; with these it is thickly

covered, the branches diverging from near the surface of the earth to

the summit. The berries, which are oval, are first green, and gradually

change their colour, till they are ripe, when they acquire a bright

crimson hue, like that of a cherry. In each of these berries are two

kernels resembling beans, lying flat upon each other. Of these a good

tree is said to produce three or four pounds weight at each crop; for

this tree, like most other vegetable productions in this luxuriant

climate, bears two crops every year.

To give the curious a better idea of this useful plant, I present him

with a sprig of it, copied from nature in the annexed plate;—in which

the figure A refers to the wood, where it was cut off; B is the upper

side of the leaf; C the lower side of the same; D is the berry just

beginning to change; E the same in full perfection, being of a

beautiful crimson; and F the kernels or beans as they appear when they

are divested of their husk, and ready for exportation.

The buildings on a coffee estate are, first, the dwelling house, which

is usually situated for pleasure near the banks of a river; and for

convenience adjoining to it are erected the outhouses for the overseer

and book-keeper, with store-houses and small offices: the other

necessary buildings are a carpenter’s lodge, a dock and boat-house, and

two capital coffee-lodges, the one to bruise and separate the pulp from

the berries, the other to dry them; the rest consist of negro-houses, a

stable, hospital, and warehouses, which altogether appear like a small

village. The coffee-lodge alone sometimes costs five thousand pounds

sterling, and sometimes more. But to give a more complete idea of the

whole apparatus, I must refer to the plate, where all the buildings,

fields, paths, gardens, floodgates, and canals are marked, and

explained by the necessary references. The plan, as exhibited in this

plate, is intended to unite at once elegance, convenience, and safety.

It is elegant, as being perfectly regular; convenient, as having every

thing at hand and under the planter’s own inspection; and safe, being

surrounded by a broad canal, which by floodgates lets in the water

fresh from the river, besides a draw-bridge, which during the night

cuts off all communication from without.

I shall now proceed to the planting-ground, which is divided into large

square pieces, in each of which are generally two thousand beautiful

coffee-trees, growing at eight or ten feet distance from each other.

These trees, which begin to bear at about the age of three years, are

in their prime at six, and continue to produce fruit till they are

thirty; the manner of supplying them being from good nurseries, which

no coffee estate is ever without, having already mentioned that they

afford two crops every year, which is about Midsummer and Christmas.

At the times of harvest, it is not unpleasing to see the negroes

picking the crimson berries among the polished green, where all ages

and sexes are employed to fulfil their task with ardour, when the youth

who having first filled their baskets, wantonly run naked, and play

amongst the luxuriant foliage.

I will now conduct them before the overseer’s presence, where, all the

baskets being inspected, the flogging commences, which is mostly

inflicted with impartial severity on all who have not fulfilled their

tasks, whether from idleness or incapacity. This ceremony concluded,

the berries are carried home into the bruising-lodge, and the slaves

return home to their houses. The berries being bruised in a mill for

that purpose, in the above lodge, to separate the kernels from the

husks or pulpy substance, they are next steeped in water one night to

cleanse them, and then spread on the drying-floor, which is exposed to

the open air, and is constructed of flat stones; after which they are

spread on garrets made for the purpose, to let them evaporate and dry

internally, during which time they must be turned over every day with

wooden shovels: this done, they are once more dried in large coolers or

drawers, that run easily on rollers in and out of the windows, to

prevent them from being overtaken by showers of rain: then they are put

into wooden mortars, and beaten by candle-light with heavy wooden

pestles, like the rice at Gado-Saby, to divest them of a thin coat or

pellicle that unites the two kernels in the pulp. At this exercise the

negroes wonderfully keep time, and always sing a chorus. Being next

separated from the chaff through a bunt-mill, once more thoroughly

dried on the coolers, and the whole beans picked from the bruised,

which last are consumed in the colony: they are finally put into casks

or barrels, of about three or four hundred, weight each, for

exportation.

I shall only farther observe, that in Surinam some coffee plantations

produce above 150,000 pounds weight per annum; and that, as I have

already mentioned, in the year before our arrival no less was exported

to Amsterdam alone than 12,267,134 pounds of this valuable article, the

prices of which have fluctuated, from three-pence halfpenny to eighteen

pence; but which, calculated at the average price of eight-pence

halfpenny, produces a yearly income of not less than 400,000 pounds

sterling; (which, is no despicable revenue) besides what goes to

Rotterdam and Zealand.

This is sufficient to prove that the cultivation of coffee is highly

worthy the attention of the planters: and as for the virtues of this

excellent berry, without entering into particulars, I will only refer

the reader to that highly-approved pamphlet, entitled “A Treatise

concerning the Properties and Effects of Coffee; by Benjamin Mosely, M.

D. Author of Observations on the Dysentery of the West Indies;” from

which I cannot resist the temptation of extracting the following

passage:—“Bacon says, coffee comforts the head and heart, and helps

digestion. Doctor Willis says, being daily drunk, it wonderfully clears

and enlivens each part of the soul, and disperses all the clouds of

every function. The celebrated Doctor Harvey used it often. Voltaire

lived almost entirely on it; and the learned and sedentary of every

country have recourse to it to refresh the brain, oppressed by study

and contemplation.”

With the above description I must conclude the observations which I

have been able to make on such of the vegetable productions of this

colony, as have offered themselves to my examination. But so abundant

is the variety, and so extraordinary the properties, of the trees,

plants, roots, &c. of this country, that by far the greater number are

as yet perfectly unknown to the oldest inhabitants of this settlement,

and to all the world besides.

A few years ago a Count Gentelly, an ingenious nobleman, travelled

through the desarts of Guiana with some Indians, and had acquired

considerable knowledge in this his favourite study. But alas! his

labours, which promised fair to be of material benefit to the Botanic

Society, and to mankind in general, were interrupted by a fever, which,

owing to his excessive fatigue, he caught at the River Correntine, and

cut him off in the midst of his useful and entertaining researches.

Having now concluded my account of the different productions of the

colony, particularly cotton, sugar, cacao, indigo, and coffee, to which

it is indebted for its riches; and having once more repeated that the

different trees, shrubs, plants, roots, gums, and perfumes, are equally

as innumerable as they are excellent; I cannot have a fairer

opportunity of fulfilling my promise of submitting to the reader a few

considerations, by an attention to which I cannot help thinking that

not only Surinam, but the West India colonies in general, might

accumulate wealth to themselves, and promote the permanent happiness of

the slaves that are under their subjection, without having recourse to

the Coast of Guinea to supply the almost hourly consumption of that

unfortunate people. But before I proceed, it will be necessary to state

the manner in which the negro slaves are distributed and treated, by

the customs of this settlement only, without adverting to the

distribution or government of them in other colonies; from which,

however, those may equally derive some profit;—and then I shall

endeavour to point out how, in my opinion, they ought to be distributed

and treated, according to the laws, not only of humanity but of common

sense.

I have before observed that in Surinam there are supposed to be on an

average about 75,000 negro slaves of all denominations, which (allowing

them, for the sake of a round number, to amount to 80,000) are here

distributed in the following extraordinary manner, viz. The

plantations, being about 800 in number, though some have but 24

negroes, and others 400, we will suppose them to possess 100 slaves

each, which complement is exactly the above number of 80,000 people.

These are employed in this settlement as follows; the first column of

figures alluding to one estate, the second ditto to eight hundred.

EMPLOYMENTS.

On One On 800

Estate. Estates.

Four boys or male servants to attend about

the house 4 3,200

Maids or female servants to wash, sew,

iron, &c. 4 3,200

A cook for the planter, overseer, &c. 1 800

A fowler, or huntsman, to provide game for

the table 1 800

A fishing negro to provide fish for ditto 1 800

A gardener to provide the table and the

flower garden 1 800

To attend the bullocks and horses on the

estate 1 800

To attend the sheep on the estate 1 800

To attend the hogs on the estate 1 800

To attend the poultry that is on the

estate 1 800

Carpenter negroes, to build, houses,

boats, &c. 6 4,800

Cooper negroes, to make and repair

hogsheads 2 1,600

A mason, to build and repair the brick

foundations 1 800

At Paramaribo, some to trades, others for

shew 15 12,000

A negro surgeon, to attend the sick

negroes 1 800

Sick and incurable, that are in the

hospitals 10 8,000

A nurse for the negro children that cannot

be with their parents 1 800

Children under age, that can do no work of

any kind 16 12,800

Superannuated negroes, worn out by slavery 7 5,600

To work in the fields no more than 25 25 20,000

miserable wretches 25 20,000

--- ------

Total, or compleat number of slaves in the

colony 100 80,000

By this it appears, that no more than 20,000, or only one-fourth of the

whole number, are condemned to do all the labour of the fields, on whom

it may be said chiefly falls the dreadful lot of untimely mortality

that I have formerly mentioned. Now it is evident, that if the 50,000

able-bodied slaves that are in the colony of Surinam were put to equal

drudgery, the mortality, which is now at the rate of five per cent.

would then increase to at least the number of twelve out of every

hundred, and would compleatly extirpate the whole mass in little more

than eight years time.

Having thus at an average demonstrated how they are distributed, I must

briefly observe, that while full 30,000 live better than the common

people of England, and near 30,000 are kept in idleness, and do no work

in the fields; the remaining 20,000 may be classed (that is in general)

among the most miserable wretches on earth; and are worked, starved,

insulted, and flogged to death, without being so much as allowed to

complain for redress, without being heard in their own defence, without

receiving common justice on any occasion, and thus may be considered as

dead-alive, since cut off from all the common privileges of human

society.

I will now proceed, by candidly asking the world, If the above is not

an improper and senseless misapplication, not only of wealth, but of

human life and labour; which, only by a proper distribution and

management, might accumulate the one and relieve the other?

Now would this inconsiderate colony but give up their habits of pride

and luxury, nay, in a moderate degree, 20,000 negroes at least might be

added to those now labouring in the fields, which (providing the whole

were treated with less severity) must at the same time keep the above

superfluous number of idlers employed; and by assisting the others in

their necessary occupations, could not but tend greatly to prevent that

shocking mortality, to which they are at present exposed by unbounded

ill-usage and barbarity.

But every reform must begin at that which is the source of manners as

well as of justice; and those therefore who are entrusted with the

executive government should have no temptation to overlook the breaches

of a law, while it ought to be a sacred and invariable rule never to

allow either the governor or the magistrates of such a colony to be the

proprietors of more slaves than merely a limited number, to attend on

their persons, according to their ranks: since more than once, even to

my observation, it has occurred that those who made, and those who were

appointed to enforce the laws, have been the first that broke them, for

the paltry benefit of causing their negroes to work on a Sunday, or to

follow the bent of their unbounded passions; from which shameful

example from the magistrate, the contagion must necessarily spread

among the individuals.

Let the governor and principal magistrates, therefore, be sent out from

Europe; let them be gentlemen of fortune and education; and, above all,

men of liberal minds, men that are firm and proof against the

allurement of a bribe, or the glittering of gold, and whose passions

are restrained by sentiment and manly feelings. Let these men be

handsomely rewarded by that nation whom they so materially serve, and

the colony which they so conspicuously protect; but let their salaries

be ascertained, without depending on the blood and sweat of the

miserable Africans. Then let such men enact impartial regulations, by

which the negro slaves are to perform no more than their fair task and

labour a reasonable number of hours in the twenty-four: let these be

followed by protecting laws, and let them be no longer racked,

tormented, wantonly murdered, or infamously robbed of all that is dear

to the human affections, their wives and daughters. Let regulations be

adopted, by which they may be properly fed; and attended to when sick

or indisposed; and, above all, let equal justice be administered;

suffer them, when outraged or plundered, to obtain a hearing; permit

them to complain, and enable them to prove by evidence the grievances

by which they are oppressed. Even give them what we so much value

ourselves, AN INDEPENDANT JUDGE, and AN IMPARTIAL JURY, nay, partly

composed of their own sable companions. Thus, would you have them work

and act like men, first suffer them to be such.

When regulations conform to these shall be adopted and enforced, then I

venture to say, that nations will feel the benefit of their

colonies—then planters will become rich, and their overseers become

honest; then slavery will be little more than a name; and subjects

will, with pleasure, fulfil their limited task: then, and not till

then, will population sufficiently encrease for the necessary work, and

the execrable Guinea trade be totally abolished, which is now too

frequently carried on with barbarity and unbounded usurpation. Then the

master will with pleasure look on his sable subjects as on his

children, and the principal source of his happiness, while the negroes

will bless the day their ancestors did first set foot on American

ground.

Having thus, according to my opinion, pointed out the way, and the only

way (if well considered) to redress the grievances of this and many

other colonies, I would also recommend to planters and overseers in

general, to peruse with attention a small work, entitled “Letters to a

young Planter; or Observations on the Management of a Sugar Plantation:

to which is added, the Planter’s Calendar. Written on the Island of

Grenada, by an old Planter,” and published in London in 1785, 8vo.

price One Shilling and Sixpence, and sold by Strachan.

Let them next take an example by that incomparable woman Mrs. Godefroy,

by Mr. Thomas Palmer, and a few others, who consider their slaves as

their fellow-creatures, without paying the smallest regard either to

their paganism or complexion; and who increase both their wealth and

their happiness by their humanity.—I will now once more proceed with my

narrative.

On the 16th, being invited to dine with his excellency the governor, I

laid before him my collection of drawings, and remarks on the colony of

Surinam, which I had the satisfaction to see him honour with the

highest approbation. I then returned him my thanks, not only for the

material assistance he had afforded me in completing this work, but for

the unlimited marks of regard and distinction with which he had treated

me from first to last, during the whole time I resided in Guiana.

Availing myself of his friendship, I ventured, two days after, to give

him the following very uncommon request, praying him to lay it before

the court; which, with a smile on his countenance, and a hearty shake

by the hand, he actually promised me to perform; viz.

“I, the under-subscribed, do pledge my word of honour, (being all I

possess in the world besides my pay) as bail, that if my late

ardent request to the court for the emancipation of my dear boy

Johnny Stedman be granted, the said boy shall never to the end of

his life become a charge to the colony of Surinam.

(Signed) John G. Stedman.”

“Paramaribo,

Feb. 18th, 1777.”

Having now done the utmost that lay in my power, I for several days

waited the result with anxiety, but without meeting with the smallest

hopes of success; thus, with a broken heart, I was obliged at last to

give him (sweet fellow) over for lost, or take him with me to Europe,

which must have been plunging a dagger in the bosom of his mother.

While I remained in this situation, the transport ships were put in

commission on the 26th for our departure, and I myself ordered as one

of the commissaries to see them wooded and watered; the officers were

also cleared their arrears, and thirteen men discharged at their own

desire, to push their fortune at Paramaribo. I ought here not to omit,

that the industrious Colonel Fourgeoud once more paid us all in paper,

by which, as usual, we lost ten per cent.; which, by letting the Jews

have the gold and silver, he prudently lodged in his own pocket; and

while the many hundreds of florins allowed us by government to defray

excise duties, taxes, &c. were never brought to account, or, rather, we

were forbidden to enquire after them at all. These were trifles indeed,

when divided among so many gentlemen; but, in one solid mass, they were

no contemptible picking.

On the 1st of March a serjeant arrived from the camp at the Casseepore

Creek, in Rio Cottica, where the last-arrived troops were hourly dying

away; and brought the almost incredible account, that the man I

mentioned to have been lost in the woods on the 10th of February, was

actually returned, after having been missing six-and-twenty days, nine

of which he subsisted on a few pounds of rusk biscuit, and seventeen on

nothing at all but water. He added, that he had entirely lost his

voice, and was reduced to a perfect skeleton: however, by the care

taken of him by the officers, there were still hopes of his life.

Should any person hesitate to believe this extraordinary fact, let them

read Monsieur Godin’s well-authenticated letter to his friend Monsieur

de la Condamine, wherein he gives an account of the dreadful sufferings

of his lady during her route from Rio Hamba to Laguna, through the

woods of South America, in October 1769; where a delicate woman, after

being deserted by the Indian guides, and after both her brothers had

fallen martyrs to their hardships and misery, subsisted ten days alone

in a wild forest without food, without knowing where she was, and

surrounded with tigers, serpents, and dangers of every description: I

say, let them only read the narrative of this lady’s sufferings, and

their credulity will no longer be staggered at what I myself have

related. I have, indeed, even omitted facts, which, on account of their

singularity, must in the eyes of some have appeared to border on the

marvellous. But in the forests of South America such extraordinary

realities are to be found, that there is assuredly no need to have

recourse to fiction or the least exaggeration.

Who, for instance, would believe, that almost a whole detachment of

eighty marines, one day marching through a thick wood, imagined to a

man that they were stepping one after another over a large fallen tree,

that obstructed their way; till at length it began to move, and proved

to be no other than a full grown serpent of the aboma kind, measuring,

according to Colonel Fourgeoud’s computation, between thirty and forty

feet in length? yet this is an indubitable truth. The above animal was

neither killed nor hurt; the Colonel ordering the remaining party to

form in a half circle and march around it, in order that they

themselves at the same time might escape every danger from the

monster’s matchless strength.

In this place I shall mention another extraordinary circumstance, which

is, that one morning Colonel Fourgeoud resting in his hammock, with one

hand carelessly leaning over the side, a large rattle-snake that lay

coiled up among the long grass which was under it, was actually severed

in two by the sentinel, during the very moment of action that it made a

spring to bite him: of which the soldier, whose name was John

Kiefhaber, had been apprised first by the sound of its rattle, and next

by seeing the snake’s head erected, while it was brandishing its forked

tongue.

As I am treating of these reptiles, I cannot resist the temptation of

inserting a fact, which I learned from Mr. Francis Rowe of

Philadelphia, a respectable old man; who informed me, that riding out

one morning to visit a friend, his horse refused to go forward, being

terrified at a large rattle-snake that lay across the road. Mr. Rowe

having heard of its power of fascination, in which he was a believer,

alighted to lead the animal round it; but during that time the snake,

having coiled himself up, sounded its rattle, and stared him so full in

the face, and with such fire in its eyes, that the cold sweat broke out

upon him; thus, whilst he durst neither retreat or advance, he imagined

himself gradually rivetted to the spot. “However,” continued he, “my

reason remained; and my resolution getting the better of my alarm, I

suddenly approached him, and with one stroke of my cudgel knocked out

his brains.”

On the 3d of March my friend de Graaf sailed for Holland, but first for

St. Eustatia, where his brother was governor; and to my great

satisfaction took with him Joanna’s youngest brother, Henry, for whom

he has since obtained his freedom. I sailed with them down the river as

far as Bram’s Point, and wished them a successful voyage. As I here

went ashore in a fishing-boat, I was tempted to leap into the sea, and

enjoy the cooling and healthy pleasure of swimming in the Atlantic

ocean. The fisher-men having caught a quantity of large fish, I

discovered one among them not yet mentioned in my narrative, this was

the yellow-back, between two and three feet long, thus called from its

colour, which almost resembles that of a lemon, but the belly is white:

the head is very large, with two long barbs; but the body is small, and

without scales, like the cod; it is, however, not near so good, being

coarse and insipid eating. Two other small fishes I also saw in the

boat, the one called here the weepee, resembling a whip-lash; the other

waracoo, which is a delicate eating, but has nothing in its form or

habits deserving a particular description.

The 8th of March, being the Prince of Orange’s birthday, it was

celebrated at the head quarters; where, after dinner, in the court

ledge, hearing Captain Bolts in an undeserved manner censured by the

colonel’s adjutant, for recommending one of the young volunteers of an

excellent character, but who had no friends to support him [51], I

broke through the ring that surrounded them in a passion, and not being

able to restrain myself, publicly reproved the aggressor, even in

Fourgeoud’s presence, when a furious altercation and very high words

immediately ensued; the consequence of which was, that next morning at

sun-rise we walked to the savannah without seconds, where, near the

gallows, we drew our small swords, and after making a few passes at

each other, Captain Van Geurick’s point met my shell, which having

nearly pierced, his blade snapped in two pieces, and the fortune of war

put him entirely in my power. Disdaining, however, to take a mean

advantage, I instantly dropped my small sword, and desired him to step

home and replace his own, in order to renew the battle: but this

proposal he was pleased to call so generous, that taking me by the

hand, he requested a renewal of friendship; thus acknowledging we had

been too hasty on both sides, we went to visit poor Bolts, who knew

nothing of our morning’s walk, and was (though not without difficulty)

persuaded also to enter into the amicable treaty: by which a second

rencounter was happily prevented, and a general reconciliation took

place.

On the 10th, having spent most of the day with the governor, I in the

evening went on board the ships with Captain Bolts, to inspect the

preparations for the voyage; where we found that the mice and rats had

made such havock among our provision, with which we were now very well

stocked, that I was under the necessity of procuring half a dozen cats

to destroy them, which useful animals are in Surinam neither so plenty,

nor so good, as in Europe, being lazy and indolent, on account of the

climate. I observed they were also smaller and ranker, with remarkably

long muzzles and sharp ears.

The following day I was shocked and surprised beyond the power of

expression, at seeing a Miss Jettee de la Mare, daughter to the lately

deceased gentleman of that name, a lovely mulatto girl, aged fourteen,

who had been christened in 1775, and educated as a young lady, dragged

to court in chains, with her mother and a few more of her relations,

the whole surrounded by a military guard. I had almost attempted a

rescue, when, having enquired the cause, she called out to me herself,

weeping most bitterly; and informed me, that “she was going to be tried

by Mr. Schouten, her mother’s master, for refusing to perform the work

of a common slave, which she was utterly unable to perform, and could

never have expected, from the footing upon which she had been educated

till that unhappy moment.”

By the laws of the country, however, she was not only obliged to

submit, but at his desire was condemned, for disobedience, together

with her poor mother, and all her relations, who had presumed to

support her claim to liberty, to be privately whipped; and had it not

been for the humanity of Mr. Wickers, who was at that time the fiscal

or town clerk, and since was governor, this infamous sentence would

most certainly have been put in execution. The unfortunate Miss Jettee

de la Mare was, from this period, nevertheless forced to submit to the

tyranny of her unmanly master, while pitied by all her acquaintance,

and lamented by every stranger that was a witness to the inhuman

transaction.

Such were the fatal consequences of not having been timely emancipated;

and such were they indeed, that they made me tremble for my little boy.

Happily my uneasiness was not of long duration; for, however improbable

and unexpected, I was surprized on the very same day with a polite

message from the governor and the court, acquainting me that, “having

taken my former services into consideration, together with my humanity

and gallantry, in offering my honour as bail to see my child, before I

left him, made a free citizen of the world; they had unanimously

decreed, without farther ceremony or expence, to compliment me with a

letter, which was at the same time officially presented to me,

containing HIS EMANCIPATION FROM THAT DAY, FOR EVER AFTER.”

No man could be more suddenly transported from woe to happiness than I

was at this moment; while his poor mother shed tears for joy and

gratitude; the more so, as we had lost all hopes, and the favour came

perfectly unexpected, and while near forty beautiful boys and girls

were left to perpetual slavery by their parents of my acquaintance, and

many of them without being so much as once enquired after at all.

What is most extraordinary indeed is, that while the well-thinking few

highly applauded my sensibility, many not only blamed, but publicly

derided me for my paternal affection, which was called a weakness, a

whim. So extravagant was my joy on this day, however, at having acted

the reverse part of Inkle to Yarico, that I became like one frantic

with pleasure. I not only made my will in his favour (though, God

knows, I had little to dispose of) but I appointed my friends Mr.

Robert Gordon and Mr. James Gourlay to be my executors and his

guardians during my absence, in whose hands I left all my papers

sealed, till I should demand them again, or they should be informed of

my death: I then ordered all my sheep, poultry, &c. which had

prodigiously encreased, to be transported, and put under their care;

and making a new suit of cloaths for the occasion, which cost me twenty

guineas, I waited on a Mr. Snyderhans, one of the clergymen at

Paramaribo, to appoint a day when my boy, my Johnny Stedman, should be

made a Christian [52].

On the 18th Colonel Fourgeoud’s remaining troops at last came down from

the encampments at Casseepore Creek, and every preparation was made for

our departure. At the same time, the extacy of the few surviving

marines at their quitting this country was so great, having now also

received part of their clearance, that such intemperance, riot, and

disorder ensued as produced the most formidable quarrels between them

and the troops of the Society, till, some being wounded and some being

flogged, peace was finally, though with difficulty, re-established.

This same day a poor sailor, while I was on board, was drowned in my

presence, who fell from the gunwale into the river, with the sheet

anchor, which had been neglected to be lashed to the ringbolts. I

instantly leaped into a boat to try to save him, but could only get his

hat; the man went to the bottom, and never more was seen.

The day of our departure now approached fast, and I gave up my house;

when, at Mrs. Godefroy’s pressing invitation, I spent the few remaining

moments in that which she had prepared for the reception of Joanna and

her boy, in her beautiful garden, charmingly situated under the shade

of tamarind and orange trees; which house she also had neatly furnished

with every accommodation that could be desired, besides allowing Joanna

a negro woman and a girl to attend on her for life. Thus situated, how

blest should I have been in this spot to end my days!—But fate ordained

it otherwise.

On the 22d, I made it my business with Captain Small (who was come down

with leave of absence) to wait on the Reverend Mr. Snyderhans,

according to appointment, but who, to both our great surprize,

peremptorily refused to christen the boy; alledging for his reason,

that as I was going to Holland, I could not answer for his christian

education. We replied, that he was under two very proper guardians: the

blacksmith’s son (for such was this divine) persisted, and we

remonstrated, but to no purpose, for he was just as deaf as his

father’s anvil, and I believe, upon my soul, quite as empty as his

bellows; till at length, wearied out with his fanatical impertinence, I

swore that I would sooner see the boy die a heathen, than christened by

such a blockhead; while my friend Small could not help bellowing on him

a hearty curse, and, slapping the door with a vengeance, we departed.

Feasting and conviviality now prevailed once more at Paramaribo, as on

our first arrival. Grand dinners, suppers, and balls were heard of in

every quarter. But I only visited a few of my select friends, amongst

which number had constantly been Governor Nepveu, and where, for the

last time, I made one of the company at a truly magnificent

entertainment, which ended the scene of liberality and hospitality, for

which the inhabitants of Surinam are so justly conspicuous; and on the

25th the baggage was shipped on board the vessels.

Numberless, indeed, were the presents for the voyage, with which I in

particular was now overstocked from every quarter; and my provisions of

live cattle, poultry, wine, rum, &c. &c. were almost sufficient to

carry me round the globe: amongst the rest, in a small bottle case,

containing liquors, I found a crystal phial filled with essential oil

of orange, and a parcel of what they called here tonquin beans.—The

first is extracted from the rind or peel of the oranges: which is done

here by the tedious and laborious method of squeezing it between the

finger and thumb. A few drops of this on a small piece of sugar, is

said to be an excellent remedy to strengthen the stomach, create an

appetite, and help digestion; and one single drop smells so strong,

that it is sufficient to perfume a whole apartment. The tonquin beans

are said to grow in a thick pulp, something like a walnut, and on a

large tree. I never saw them otherwise than dried, when they bear some

resemblance to a prune or dried plumb, and are made use of to scent

snuff and tobacco, to which they impart a most agreeable odour.

On the 26th, we took our last leave of his Excellency the Governor, en

corps, as assuredly was his due; after which all the officers of the

Society troops waited on Colonel Fourgeoud, at the head quarters, to

wish us a prosperous voyage to Holland, and the day was spent by a

regale, en militaire, viz. a dinner, as usual, of salt provisions; but

I must acknowledge, accompanied with as much good liquor of every kind,

as Surinam could furnish, and a very hearty welcome.

I believe that now a hundred times Fourgeoud shook me by the hand,

declaring, “That there was not a young man he loved better in the

world; that had he commanded me to march through fire as well as water,

he was convinced I should never have left it, without accomplishing his

orders;” with many other fine compliments. But I must candidly

acknowledge, that though I had a heart to forgive, my mind would never

permit me to forget the many and unnecessary difficulties and miseries

to which I had been too wantonly exposed. At the same time he informed

me, that he did not propose to depart with us, but intended to follow

the regiment very soon, with the remains of the last-come relief, when

he would render me every service in his power. Whatever were his real

motives for such a sudden change in his disposition towards me, suffice

it to say, that few people at this time were better friends, than were

the old Colonel Fourgeoud and Captain Stedman.

In the evening I went to take a short farewell of my most valuable

acquaintances, such as Mrs. Godefroy, Mr. and Mrs. Demelley, Mr. and

Mrs. Lolkens, Mr. and Mrs. Gordon, Mr. Gourlay, Captain Mackneal,

Doctor Kissam, &c. who had all (besides Mr. Kennedy and Mr. de Graaf,

now gone to Holland) treated me with the most constant and

distinguished civility since I had been in the colony: but my soul was

too full of a friend that was still dearer, to be impressed with that

sensibility on separating from them, that it must have felt on another

occasion.—And here I cannot in justice omit remarking, that while I

gave the most impetuous vent to my feelings, not the smallest

expression of poignant sorrow, or even of dejection, escaped from

Joanna’s lips; while her good sense and fortitude even restrained the

tear from starting in my afflicted presence. I now once more earnestly

pressed her to accompany me, in which I was seconded by the inestimable

Mrs. Godefroy and all her friends; but she remained equally inflexible,

and her steady answer was as before—“That, dreadful as appeared the

fatal separation, perhaps never more to meet, yet she could not but

prefer remaining in Surinam: first, from a consciousness that, with

propriety, she had not the disposal of herself; and, secondly, from

pride, wishing in her present condition rather to be one of the first

among her own class in America, than a reflection or burthen on me in

Europe, as she was convinced must be the case, unless our circumstances

became one day more independent.” Here Joanna shewed great emotion, but

immediately retired to weep in private.—What could I say or do?—Not

knowing how to answer, or sufficiently to admire her firmness and

resignation, which so greatly exceeded my own, I determined, if

possible, to imitate her conduct, and calmly to resign myself to my

fate, preparing for the fatal moment, when my heart forebode me we were

to pronounce the LAST ADIEU, and separate for ever.

“Zaïre, il est trop vrai que l’honneur me l’ordonne,

Que je vous adorai! que je vous abandonne!

Que je renonce a vous! que vous le désirer!

Que fous un autre loix——Zaïre vous pleurer.”

The whole corps being ordered, at seven o’clock on the morning of the

27th, to wait on Colonel Fourgeoud at the head quarters, I tore myself

away from all that was dear to me in this world without disturbing

them, in order to prevent the tender scene of parting. He then

conducted us to the water-side, where the boats lay in waiting; and we

were immediately embarked, under a general salute, and colours flying,

from the fortress and the vessels in the roads. The whole corps now

having dined on board the staff-ship with Lieutenant Colonel de

Borgnes, Colonel Fourgeoud politely invited me to accompany him back to

town till next morning; but which, with a broken heart, I thought best

to decline. He then took his final leave, and wishing us all a safe and

prosperous voyage to Europe, he returned, under a salute of nine guns

and three cheers, with Captain Van Geurike, his adjutant, back to

Paramaribo.

On the 29th of March, at midnight, the signal-gun being fired, the two

ships got under way, and dropped down till before the fortress New

Amsterdam, where they once more came to an anchor.

Here my friends Gordon and Gourlay, the guardians of my boy, after the

convivial Colonel Seyburg (for such he certainly was) had entertained

them on board his vessel, the Hollandia, affectionately coming to visit

me, they did no less than actually prevail on me to accompany them back

to Paramaribo. My soul could not resist this second invitation of once

more beholding what was so dear to me.—I went, and, must I say

it?—found Joanna, who had displayed so much fortitude in my presence,

now bathing in tears, and scarcely alive, so much was she become the

victim of melancholy and despair. Nor had she partaken of food, or

sleep, since my departure, nor spoken to any living creature, indeed

not stirred from the spot where I had left her on the morning of the

27th.

The ships not being quite ready to go to sea till two days after, I was

prevailed upon to stay on shore a little longer, with poor Joanna and

her boy, which seemed to chear her: But, alas! too dear we paid for

this too short reprieve! since, but few hours had elapsed, when a

sailor abruptly came in, with the message that the ship’s boat lay in

waiting that minute to carry me on board.—At that instant—Heavens! what

were my feelings!—Joanna’s mother took the infant from her arms, the

all-worthy Mrs. Godefroy supporting herself——her brothers and sisters

hung around me, crying, and invoking Heaven aloud for my safety—while

the unfortunate Joanna (now but nineteen) gazing on me, and holding me

by the hand, with a look ten thousand times more dejected than Sterne’s

Maria,—was unable to utter one word!!!——I perceived she was

distracted—the hour was come—I exchanged a ringlet of their hair, and

fondly pressed them both to my bosom:—the power of speech also forsook

me, and my heart tacitly invoked the protection of Providence to

befriend them.—Joanna now shut her beauteous eyes—her lips turned the

pale colour of death—she bowed her head, and motionless sunk in the

arms of HER ADOPTED MOTHER:—Here I roused all my remaining fortitude,

and leaving them surrounded by every care and attention departed, and

bid God bless them!!!

The boat still delaying a few moments, I now stepped up to poor

Fourgeoud, surrounded by my friends, and grasping his veteran hand, I

could not, for my soul, but forgive him all the hardships he had ever

occasioned me.—He was affected.—This was a debt he owed me.—I wished

him every good, and finally rowed down the river Surinam.

At this time the ships were riding off Bram’s Point, where Mr. Texier,

the deputy governor, came on board to wish us a prosperous voyage; and,

after dinner, under a salute of seven guns, together with Captains

Small and Fredericy, who had accompanied me hither, he returned back to

Paramaribo.

CHAP. XXX.

The Ships weigh Anchor, and put to Sea—Review of the Troops—Account

of the Voyage—The Arrival in the Texel—Description of the Pampus

near Amsterdam—Final Debarkation in the Town of Bois-le-Duc—The

Death of Colonel Fourgeoud—End of the Expedition—Short History of

the late Scotch Brigade—Conclusion.

Every thing being at last perfectly adjusted for our departure, both

vessels, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel des Borgnes, weighed

anchor on the morning of the 1st of April, 1777, when, with a fresh

breeze at E. we put to sea, and kept course N. and N. W.—Motionless and

speechless, I hung over the ship’s stern till the land quite

disappeared. After some days, however, by considerable exertions, I got

the better of my melancholy, though not of my affection, and my mind

became once more composed and calm. What chiefly contributed to the

restoring of my peace, was the comfortable reflection, that if I had in

some measure injured myself, I had at least done good to a few others,

by relieving three [53] innocent and deserving young people from a

state of bondage. Yet, for this action, I was assuredly most amply

rewarded by the preservation of my life, principally owing to their

unremitting care and attention, while such numbers fell all around me,

and more were ruined in their constitution, the victims of the climate

and the service, some having lost the use of their limbs, and some of

their memory; nay, one or two were entirely deprived of their mental

faculties, and continued in a state of incurable insanity for ever.

In short, out of the number of near twelve hundred able-bodied men, not

one hundred returned to their friends and their country: and perhaps

not twenty amongst these were to be found in perfect health. Among the

dead were (including the surgeons) between twenty and thirty officers;

three of which number were colonels, and one a major. So very

destructive was the service to Europeans in such a climate; and such

ever must be the result of the most successful operations in the

unwholesome atmosphere of woods and marshes.

One or two remarks I must make before I conclude this subject, which

are:—First, that among the officers and private men who had formerly

been in the West Indies, none died, while among the whole number of

above one thousand privates, I can only recollect one single marine who

escaped from sickness; and next, that of the few belonging to the corps

that were now on their voyage for the Texel (those gentlemen alone

excepted, who at this time belonged to the staff) I myself was the only

officer who had sailed out with the regiment in 1772. This last was a

pleasing reflection indeed, and which could not but render me sincerely

thankful to Providence.

About the 14th of April, having passed the Tropicks, and changed course

to N. N. E. and N. E. we were becalmed for some days. I ought not to

omit that when in about 15 degrees N. latitude, we sailed through what

is vulgarly called the Grass Sea, from its being covered over with a

floating kind of green and yellow weed, called gulph weeds; some of

which, when dried in the sun, and spread between two sheets of paper,

are very curious, resembling trees, flowers, shrubs, &c. and in which

are harboured small crustaceous fish, scollops, muscles, and shells of

many thousand different species. Among the last is often found that

wonderful sea reptile, called the hippocampus, or sea-horse, which I

could compare to nothing better than the chevalier of a chess-board;

though it is generally larger, and sometimes eight or nine inches in

length. The body is composed of cartilaginous rings: the head, snout,

and mane are incrusted all over; and the tail, which is curvated

upwards in the figure of an S, terminates in a point.

On the 19th, the calm still continuing, we were daily entertained by

swarms of flying fish, and several doradoes and grampusses swimming and

tumbling before and after the ships, as if delighting to keep us

company. The grampus is a fish of the cetaceous kind, something

resembling the dolphin, but much larger, and approaching the whale in

size, some being near twenty feet in length, and prodigiously fat. This

fish has forty strong teeth; is of a dark brown colour, and spouts

water with considerable force. We also saw at some distance from the

vessels several times above the water a large north-caper. This fish,

which very much resembles the Greenland whale, is more dangerous, on

account of its being more active, which proceeds from the body being

smaller and flatter than that of the former. The jaw is shorter, with

very small barbs: the skin is whiter, and the produce of its blubber

amounts seldom to more than thirty tons.

About the 22d, the weather began to change considerably, and the whole

ship’s company were attacked with a severe cold and cough, and many

also with the ague.

On the 30th, the crew was so weak as to be hardly able to do their

duty; two of them indeed, and one marine, were already dead and

overboard. Colonel de Borgnes was also at this time so much indisposed,

that the command devolved upon me for a few days during his illness,

when observing the other ship ahead, and almost out of sight, I availed

myself of my commodoreship, by hoisting a flag at the main-top, and

firing a gun to windward to bring her to, which she punctually obeyed.

A large shark now swimming alongside the ship, we did all that lay in

our power to take it, but to no purpose. Sharks are in these seas of

different kinds; but what is generally called the white shark is the

most terrible of its species, on account of its size, weighing often

one thousand pounds, and measuring sixteen or eighteen feet in length;

the head, which is something depressed, is large; it has two spouting

holes, and prominent eyes, which it can turn in every direction, and

bespeak the malignity of its all-devouring nature; nearly under these

are its mouth and throat, of such an enormous size, that it will

swallow a bull-dog: its teeth, which are placed in five or six rows,

are so sharp and strong, that they will snap off a man’s arm or his leg

with ease, which has very frequently happened. The whole shape of this

fish is in every respect like that of the dog-fish, found in the North

Seas, with very strong fins, one dorsal, two ventral, and two

abdominal: the tail is bifurcated, the upper part being longest; the

skin is slimy, rough, and used for what we call shagreen. The shark

always swims with velocity, but must turn upon its side to take its

prey, by which many fish escape its jaws.

The remora, or sucking-fish, is frequently found sticking to sharks,

and to ships bottoms: this fish is ash-coloured, and long, about twenty

inches; the body roundish, and tapering near the tail; the fins are

placed as those of the shark, and the under skin is projecting; its

sucker is, however, what makes it most remarkable, being an oval

gristly plate above its head, with transverse bars, like the palate of

a sheep. This sucker has so much attraction, that no waves, however

violent, can beat it off.—(For both these fishes, see the Plate

annexed.)

The pilot-fish ought here also to be noticed: this is small, with

brilliant colours, and is said not only to feed upon the gills of the

shark, but to direct it to its prey, from which singularity originates

its name.

On the 1st of May, being exactly one month at sea, during which time,

by way of making a trial, I had continued bare-footed and bare-headed,

without catching cold; I this day, for the first time, not only dressed

like my ship-mates, but wore every thing double, and some things

triple, which I found exceedingly comfortable.

About this time a Mr. Neyseus, one of our surgeons, having on board a

crabbodago or grisson (whose ferocity I have already described) to

carry home as a curiosity, the mischievous creature broke loose, and in

one night murdered all the monkies, parrots, poultry, and other animals

that were upon deck, while it drove most of the crew who had the watch

down the hatchway; till luckily one of them with a hand-spike knocked

out his brains.

On the 3d, we had hard gales and heavy showers at S. E. Latitude about

40°. From this time the gale daily encreased, till the ninth, when the

weather began to moderate.

We now saw several porpoises, herring-gulls, &c. The first is a fish

about five or six feet long, excessively fat, of a bluish black colour,

and without scales; the head has small eyes, and no gills, but a long

snout, and sharp teeth. The fins are but one dorsal, and two ventral,

and the tail is horizontal, to enable it to leap above the water, which

it does frequently to blow or breathe, at which time its snorting may

be heard at a great distance. The flesh of the porpoise when killed is

red, and looks like some kinds of pork.

The herring-gull is a bird as large as a tame duck, perfectly white,

part of the beak and prime feathers excepted, which are of a dark

ash-colour; the eyes are grey, the bill and feet are yellow; the claws

are black, and the length of its wings is between four and five feet,

from the extremity of the one to the other.

On the 13th, in the morning-watch, being not far from the Azores or

Western Isles, the vessel was nearly laid on her beam-ends, though then

under double-reefed topsails, by a sudden squall at E. At this time a

broken top-gallant-mast, a new hand-spike, &c. floated past the ship,

the melancholy remains of a shipwreck, which we since were informed to

be a Dutch homeward-bound East Indiaman, that had foundered with all

the crew near the island of Terceira.

On the 14th the wind was violent, carrying away our

fore-top-gallant-mast, and splitting the main-sail, while the other

vessel lost her bowsprit, &c.; and on the evening of the 15th it blew a

perfect storm, accompanied with thunder and lightening, and very heavy

rain, which continued during the night, and which brought our

main-top-mast by the board, while the ship’s crew were so very much

reduced as to be hardly able to clear the wreck, in which I cheerfully

assisted, by cutting away with a hatchet.

The two following days we continued scudding before the wind, with a

reef in the fore-sail, the sea running mountains high, and constantly

breaking over the vessel—pumps going day and night; soon after which we

saluted the Alarm frigate from Holland, which compliment they returned.

At length, the weather becoming fair, we were carried within soundings,

on the 19th, when we hove the lead in ninety fathom water; but the wind

shifting to the N. E. with foul weather, we beat about in the chops of

the Channel, till the morning of the 21st, when at half past one a

signal gun was fired for the other vessel, that we saw the light off

Scilly; and at four o’clock P.M. got the pilot on board.

Having been becalmed two days off Dover, it was the 27th before we

first saw the Dutch coast: here we purchased some excellent fish from a

Schevelin boat, with which we entertained the whole crew, though during

this sea voyage no ship’s company could be better provided.

Having kept off shore during the night, we at last doubled Keykduyn and

the Helder; and on the 28th, at three o’clock P.M. both ships, under a

discharge of nine guns, dropped anchor in the Texel roads.

On the 30th, having passed the small island of Urk, in the Zuyder Sea,

which is the only rock in the province of Holland, both vessels running

before the wind with a fine breeze, premeditatedly stuck fast upon the

Pampus—this is a large bank of soft mire, covered with shoal water, and

not far from Amsterdam, which it naturally protects like a barrier from

all foreign invaders; since all ships whatever must either be lifted

over or dragged through this bank of mud.

The first is done by sinking two concave vessels, called camels, which

being chained together under the bottom of an Indiaman or man-of-war,

of whatever burthen, the water is pumped out of them, when rising

gradually to the surface with their burthen, they carry it to where

there is to be found sufficient depth to keep it afloat.

The second method is practised on smaller vessels, and consists of half

a dozen sail boats, called water-manakins, towing them through the mud,

which can never be done but when straight before the wind: at which

time not only the ship itself, but the boats that have her in tow, must

crowd all the sail they possibly can carry.

On the morning of the 31st, having been becalmed all night, a fresh

breeze at E. again sprung up, when we fired a gun as a signal, and five

or six water-manakins instantly came off, by the help of which we were

dragged over the Pampus, not at the rate of fourteen knots an hour, but

at that of fourteen hours a knot, since we did not get clear of it in

less than three days sailing, though not four miles in length: however,

I must confess, that the last day we had scarcely any wind at all.

During this tedious passage, it was no bad entertainment, to observe

the contrast between some newly-arrived Norwegians and us; those people

sitting upon deck in their shirts, and wiping off the perspiration,

while we were strutting in great coats and fur caps, like so many

Muscovites, to keep us from the cold.

Having at this time received a considerable present of refreshments,

sent by the city of Amsterdam to the deliverers of their favourite

colony, and being so near revisiting their old friends and

acquaintances, all on board were in the highest flow of spirits, and

exulting with gladness—excepting one!—from whose mind every happiness

was banished.

I must here still relate the following singular circumstance: A

man-of-war’s boat coming alongside the Hollandia, the officer and crew

no sooner entered on board, than one of them, without speaking, ran up

aloft, with a knife in his teeth, to cut down the pennant. At this time

Lieutenant Colonel Seyburg, presenting a musquet, and swearing he would

shoot him out of the rigging, the poor fellow came down by the

back-stays like a shot, to our great entertainment; next, having

explained to him that both vessels had been put in commission by the

Prince of Orange, the amazed lieutenant made a handsome apology, and

left the ship.

On the 3d of June, every thing being in readiness, the troops were put

on board six lighters, appointed to transport them to Bois-le-Duc, in

which town they were next to be compleated, and do the duty as part of

the garrison. On leaving the vessels we were once more saluted with

nine guns from each; which having returned with three cheers, we set

sail for the place above mentioned. As we passed in the lighters

through the inland towns, such as Saardam, Haerlem, and Tergow, I

thought them truly magnificent, particularly the glass painting in the

great church of the latter; but their inhabitants, who crouded about

us, from curiosity to see us, appeared but a disgusting assemblage of

ill-formed and ill-dressed rabble, so much had my prejudices been

changed by living among the Indians and blacks: their eyes seemed to

resemble those of a pig; their complexions were like the colour of foul

linen; they seemed to have no teeth, and to be covered over with rags

and dirt. This prejudice, however, was not against these people only,

but against all Europeans in general, when compared to the sparkling

eyes, ivory teeth, shining skin, and remarkable cleanliness of those I

had left behind me. But the most ludicrous circumstance was, that

during all this we never once considered the truly extraordinary figure

that we made ourselves, being so much sun-burnt and so pale, that we

were nearly the colour of dried parchment, by heat and fatigue; and so

thin, that we looked like moving skeletons; to which I may add, that

having lived so long in the woods, we had perfectly the appearance of

wild people; and I in particular, very deservedly, obtained the

characteristic title of le Sauvage Anglois, or the English savage.

In this state we arrived, on the 9th, at the town of Bois-le-Duc, where

the troops were finally disembarked.

“Per varios casus, & tot discrimina rerum,

Pervenimus ad Latium.”———

———“Olim meminisse juvabit.”

Thus ended, perhaps, one of the most extraordinary expeditions that was

ever undertaken by European troops; and to which only the exploits of

the American Buccaneers have any, and even that a very distant,

resemblance.

On our arrival I found that Lieutenant Colonel Westerlo, who went sick

to Europe, in 1773, was not yet quite recovered. This gentleman now

invited me, in company with some others, to dine with him at the public

mess; where, while some Dutch officers complained that the soup was

smoaky, and the beef was tough, we adventurers declared that we never

had tasted a more delicious repast; and at the same time, while they

praised the strawberries, cherries, and other European fruits, we

thought them very indifferent, and greatly inferior to the

avogado-pear, the water-melon, and the pine-apple, to which we had been

lately accustomed—which shews that every thing in this world is only

good or bad by comparison.

The following day we were introduced, on the parade, to the Lieutenant

Governor, General Hardenbrook, and spent the evening at his lady’s card

assembly, where I must acknowledge I was charmed with some very sweet

faces, fresh as the rose and the lily, while they were no less

entertained with our grotesque appearance, though we had now borrowed

the assistance of powder and pomatum.

On the 18th the troops were finally cleared with, and paid their

remaining arrears, and those who chose it permitted to return to their

former regiments. Some of the privates had from thirty to forty pounds

to receive, which, sailor-like, having earned it like horses, they

spent like asses. Among others, a young fellow of my company, whose

late regiment chanced to be quartered in the very same town, hired

three post-chaises to carry him the length of one street only, ordering

a couple of drunken fiddlers in the first, his knapsack in the second,

and placing himself in the third, supported by a brace of the frail

sisterhood: he was, however, unfortunately shipwrecked in his course,

being run foul of by the major de place, who, having broken the

fiddles, and set the ladies adrift, towed the roaring adventurer

himself, after a hard tug, to the quarter-guard, where he came to an

anchor in the bilboes, till the gale of his dissipation was quite

spent, and he had got rid of all his cargo. In a similar manner went

most of the money which had been earned with so much danger, hardship,

and fatigue.

Now came the time to keep my long-made resolution of bidding a lasting

farewell to Colonel Fourgeoud’s regiment; from which, on the 10th day

of August, I obtained my free dismission, having requested it,

immediately after my debarkation, from the Prince of Orange, who at the

same time honoured me with a fresh Captain’s commission in the

Honourable General Stuart’s regiment, which I had left in September

1772; while from that date to this very day my full pay had amounted to

little more than four hundred and fifty pounds sterling, having

regularly been stopped out of this sum ten pounds per annum for the

putrid beef, pork, rusk-bread, and hard pease, that so miraculously had

kept soul and body together.

Let me not, however, be considered as wishing to cast a reflection on

the Dutch nation in general, who indeed omitted nothing for our

preservation and encouragement during this long and painful service: a

people whose virtues have been for ages as conspicuous as their

valour—one man alone was the cause of all our sufferings.

Having now exchanged my blue coat for a scarlet one, bought a very

handsome horse, and put Quaco in a brilliant livery, I for the last

time entertained my ship-mates, with whom, without exception, I drank

an everlasting friendship: then taking my final farewell of them all, I

the next morning set out to rejoin the old Scotch regiment, where I was

received with the strongest marks of joy and unfeigned friendship by

the corps.

Going now to take my leave of Surinam, after all the horrors and

cruelties with which I must have hurt both the eye and the heart of the

feeling reader, I will close the scene with an emblematical picture of

Europe supported by Africa and America, accompanied by an ardent wish

that in the friendly manner as they are represented, they may

henceforth and to all eternity be the props of each other. I might have

included Asia, but this I omitted, as having no connection with the

present narrative: we only differ in colour, but are certainly all

created by the same Hand. Thus, if it has not pleased fortune to make

us equal in rank and authority, let us at least use the superiority we

possess with moderation, and not only proffer that happiness which we

have to bestow on our equals, but let us extend it with chearfulness to

the lowest of our deserving dependants.

On the 25th of August I repaired to the palace of Loo, in Guelderland,

where, by the Colonel of the regiment, I was introduced to his Serene

Highness the Stadtholder; who not only was pleased to give me a

gracious reception, remarking, that by my looks I must have suffered

much, but soon after promoted me to the rank of Major in the same

Scottish regiment.

As I had now the pleasure also to see a few others of my fellow

sufferers recompensed after their hardships, I had reason to think the

less of our former troubles; thus, instead of indulging in censure, I

found a more solid consolation in the triumph of truth, which was

brought to light without my farther interference.

“Magna est veritas & prevalebit.”

On the 24th of September I went to the Hague, where I presented his

Serene Highness with eighteen figures in wax, made by myself, for his

museum, which were most graciously accepted. They represented the free

Indians of Guiana, and negro slaves of Surinam, engaged in different

occupations, on an island, supported by a crystal mirror, and

ornamented with gold.

I now also, with his own consent, made a present of my faithful black

boy, Quaco, to the Countess of Rosendaal, to whose family I was under

very great obligations; and who since, on account of his honesty and

sober conduct, not only christened him, by the name of Stedman, at my

desire, but promoted him to be their butler, with a promise to take

care of him as long as he lived; which was particularly grateful to me,

being such advantages as I could never have procured for him myself.

Here I cannot omit an anecdote of attachment in this boy:—Having set

out by myself on a short journey, I found a crown-piece more than I

expected in my purse, and for which I was at a loss to account; till on

my return, when I questioned Quaco, he said, “that fearing I might be

short of cash, where people seemed so fond of it, he had put his

five-shilling piece in my pocket.”—This action was the more generous,

not only in the manner it was done, but being at that time the only

crown poor Quaco possessed in this world.

About the latter end of October, I was offered by the directors of the

settlement to be sent over as a lieutenant governor to the colony of

Berbicè, situated next to Surinam. In consequence, I immediately went

to Amsterdam, to wait on them, and hear the proposals, in which they

indeed offered me a higher salary, and greater advantages, than they

had ever offered to any other gentleman in that situation; but I

insisted on having either the government if I survived, or a decent

pension after a certain number of years at my return; which being out

of their power, they said, to grant, I declined accepting of the offer

altogether, judging it more prudent to recover my health and vigour in

Europe with a Scottish company, than to parch any longer under the

Torrid Zone, without a prospect of settling at home with honour and a

competent fortune. Nor was it long before I perfectly recovered, and

became as stout and healthy as I had ever been in all my life: a

happiness of which not one among one hundred of my late ship-mates

could boast.

Among others, poor Colonel Fourgeoud did not long enjoy his good

fortune; for he was scarcely arrived in Holland, with the remaining few

who stayed some time behind us, than his beloved ptisan having failed

him, he was one morning found dead in his bed, attended only by a

negro, and buried with military honours at the Hague.

Not long after this, expired also in Surinam Fourgeoud’s mortal enemy,

the Governor of the colony; which vacancy was most worthily filled up

by Colonel Texier, and since by the deserving Mr. Wichers [54].

From this period nothing worth recording occurred till the year 1782,

when the Emperor of Germany having retaken the barrier towns from the

States of Holland, General Stuart’s regiment was the last that

evacuated the city of Namur, and on the same day the Imperial troops

marched in to take possession: after which the Emperor ordered, in the

year 1783, all the fortifications to be demolished. Soon after this,

the Scotch brigade, the privates of which now consisted of all nations,

was naturalized by the States of Holland, that is, formed into three

Dutch regiments, on account of the war with Great Britain; and this

circumstance induced myself and most of the principal officers

immediately to resign—as we refused to serve against our King and

Country.

Having thus left the Dutch service, on which day, by the Prince of

Orange, I was complimented with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, the

above gentlemen went to England, where, in consequence of their

loyalty, they were taken under his Britannic Majesty’s protection; and,

on the 18th of June, eleven of them, of which number I was so happy to

make one, were, by General Conway, introduced at St. James’s, where we

had the honour to kiss his Majesty’s hand.

On the 27th of the same month, the half-pay was voted for them all by

the British House of Commons, according to the rank in which each

individual had actually served while abroad [55].—But, that the reader

may have some idea of what is meant by the Scotch Brigade, and of what

they formerly consisted, I will beg leave to insert the following

particulars:

“In 1570 this ancient corps first landed in Holland, as independent

companies, commanded by some of the first noblemen in Scotland.

“In the year 1578 their gallant behaviour, together with the English,

at the battle of Reminat, near Mechlin, is mentioned particularly by

Strada.

“In 1579 Menin was surprised, and the Spanish and Walloon guards taken

prisoners by Colonel Balfour, with his regiment alone.

“In 1588, at the memorable blockade of Bergen-op-Zoom by the Prince of

Parma, the Scots, under the command of General Balfour and Colonel

Scott, made a sortie, and demolished the greatest part of the Spanish

lines, by which the enemy were forced to break up the siege, with

considerable loss of men and ammunition.

“In 1590, at the siege of Zutphen-Deventer, Nimeguen and Hulst, their

bravery is well known.

“In 1593 they shared so much of the glory at the taking of

Gertrudenberg, that both General Balfour and his regiment were highly

distinguished by Prince Maurice. The general he made governor to

command the garrison, instead of his brother Prince Henry; and the

regiment he appointed, as the most spirited corps, to defend it.

“In 1599, at the taking of Bommel, the Scots suffered most

considerably.

“In 1600 two field officers, eight captains, with above six hundred

private men, were left dead on the field, after the famous Battle of

the Downs, near Nieuport, where both they and the English behaved with

the greatest gallantry; and to the valour of these united bands was

attributed the success of the day.

“In 1601, at the siege of Ostend, which lasted three years, and at

which was levelled the whole power of Spain, nothing could equal the

valour and courage both of the Scotch and English, the first commanded

by Generals Balfour and St. Clair, the latter by Lords Willoughby and

Vere; who, after a great slaughter of the Spaniards (including all

their best officers) forced the assailants to raise the siege, and

retreat with great shame and confusion.

“During the government of the three first Princes of Orange, William,

Maurice, and Frederick-Henry, the Scotch behaved with so much bravery,

honour and reputation, that by the last prince (besides many other

marks of distinction which he conferred on them) they were called the

bulwarks of the republick.

“The necessary limits of this chapter compel me to omit many memorable

services which were rendered by this distinguished body of men to the

provinces of Holland; but I cannot overlook the last siege of

Bergen-op-Zoom by the French, in 1747; where, while others shamefully

ran away, one regiment of Scots in the middle of the town, having twice

repulsed the enemy, fought alone till they were nearly cut to pieces,

leaving fifteen officers and above five hundred privates on the

field.”—Such is the history of the late Scotch brigade in the Dutch

service; and such were the outlines of its military character, till the

day of its dissolution, in 1783.

I must now draw this narrative to a conclusion, by once more mentioning

the name of Joanna, and acquaint the reader, that, alas!——Joanna is no

more!!!——

In the month of August 1783, I received the melancholy tidings from Mr.

Gourlay (which pierced me to the soul) that on the fatal fifth of

November this virtuous young woman departed this life, as some

suspected by poison [56], administered by the hand of jealousy and

envy, on account of her prosperity, and the marks of distinction which

her superior merit had so justly attracted from the respectable part of

the colony.

But she is no more!—Reader!—the virtuous Joanna, who so often saved my

life, is no more!!!—Her adopted mother, Mrs. Godefroy, who bedewed her

beauteous body with tears, ordered it to be interred with every mark of

respect, under the grove of orange-trees where she had lived. Her

lovely boy was sent to me, with a bill of near two hundred pounds, his

private property, by inheritance from his mother.—Soon after which

expired both his very faithful guardians.

This CHARMING YOUTH, having made a most commendable progress in his

education in Devon, went two West India voyages, with the highest

character as a sailor; and during the Spanish troubles served with

honour as a midshipman on board his Majesty’s ships Southampton and

Lizard, ever ready to engage in any service that the advantage of his

king and country called for.—But, Oh!—he also is no more, having since

perished at sea off the island of Jamaica.

The effect which the following lines had on the sympathetic and

ingenious Mrs. Cowley, could alone induce me to intrude them on the

Public.—Let this be my apology——Oh! more than bitter task!!!——

An Elegy ON MY SAILOR.

Loud sounds the tempest!—peals of thunder roar;

Tremendous lightnings flash from shore to shore:

Seas dash the shaking rocks—seas mount the flaming sky,

And elements convuls’d, speak dissolution nigh.

Such scenes as these (while tossing on the waves,

True to his duty still) the manly sailor braves;

Such was my Boy—(whose eyes could never weep

But for his neighbour’s woes) now swallow’d in the deep.

Oh! agonizing pain—pain never felt before—

My manly boy—my John—my Sailor is no more;

Still let me mourn with hope——and God adore:

With hope, to see my sailor once again

Floating on seas of bliss, thro’ th’ azure main:

Till then a short farewell—my lovely boy,

Thy shipmates darling, and thy father’s joy.

Yet one small comfort soothes (while doom’d to part,

Dear gallant youth!) thy parent’s broken heart;

No more thy tender frame, thy blooming age,

Shall be the sport of Ocean’s turb’lent rage:

No more thy olive beauties on the waves

Shall be the scorn of some European slaves;

Whose optics, blind to merit, ne’er could spy

That sterling worth could bloom beneath a western sky.

No more, my dear—no more—(while such were scar’d)

Undaunted shalt thou rock upon the yard;

There, while the silver moon gleam’d thro’ the gale,

With manly skill and courage hand the sail.

When Fame, who scann’d the value of her Tar,

Did make thee shine on board a man-of-war

With honor [57]—while, with equal glory fir’d,

To please a parent, brother, friend, thou e’er aspir’d;

Till Death—relentless Death—none can withstand,

To cut thy cable————gave the LAST COMMAND!!!

Soar now, my angel, to thy Maker’s shrine,

There reap that prize, due to such worth as thine.

Fly, gentle shade—fly to that blest abode,

There view thy mother—and adore thy God:

There, Oh! my Boy!——on that celestial shore,

Oh! may we gladly meet—and part no more!!!

A Parent.

And now farewell, my friends, who have been pleased to peruse this

narrative of my distresses with sympathetic sensibility; particularly

those whose goodness of heart can forgive my inaccuracies and

foibles.—I say, farewell: claiming no other merit whatever throughout

these pages, than that of having spoke the simple truth; which, if I

wilfully have violated, may these volumes perish, and be forgotten with

their author!—But should this treasure, TRUTH, so rarely to be met

with, be found in this performance:—

“Let one poor sprig of bays around my head

Bloom while I live; and point me out when dead.”

THE END.

DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

VOL. II.

Plate XLI. View of the Hope and Clarenbeck, in Comewina facing Page 4

—— XLII. The Quato and Sarcawinkee Monkeys 10

—— XLIII. Sprig of the Arnotta or Roucou Tree 20

—— XLIV. The blue and crimson Butterfly, and Palm-tree Worms 22

—— XLV. The Anamoe and green Parrots of Guiana 32

—— XLVI. The Wood Rat, and Crabbo-dago or Grisson 42

—— XLVII. The Dago Fissee, and the Newmara Fish 46

—— XLVIII. The Jaguar and Tiger Cat of Surinam 50

—— XLIX. A Surinam Planter in his Morning Dress 56

—— L. The Mountain Cabbage and Maureecee Tree 68

—— LI. View of Magdenberg and Calays, in Cosaweenica 71

—— LII. Limes, Capsicum, Mammy Apple, &c. 74

—— LIII. A rebel Negro armed, and on his Guard 88

—— LIV. Manner of Bush-fighting, and Gradation of Shades 98

—— LV. March through a Swamp in Terra Firma 104

—— LVI. Plan of the principal Field of Action 126

—— LVII. The Murine Oppossum and Vampier Bat 142

—— LVIII. The Agouti and spotted Cavey 152

—— LIX. The Hippopotamus and Manati of Guiana, 176

—— LX. The Camp at Java Creek, and Encampment at Jerusalem 182

—— LXI. Indian Female of the Arrowauka Nation 190

—— LXII. Green Butterfly and Rattle Snake, &c. 196

—— LXIII. Sprig of the Cacao Tree 208

—— LXIV. Musk and Water Melons, and Pine Apple 214

—— LXV. The Humming Bird, with its Nest, &c. 220

—— LXVI. Manner of catching Fish by the Spring Hook, &c. 228

—— LXVII. The yellow Woodpecker, &c. 234

—— LXVIII. A Family of Loango Negroes 280

—— LXIX. Musical Instruments of the African Negroes 286

—— LXX. View of the Jews Savannah, and Mount Blue Bergh 292

—— LXXI. Execution of breaking on the Rack 296

—— LXXII. Sprig of the Indigo Plant 304

—— LXXIII. Manner of sleeping in the Woods—the Cottage 324

—— LXXIV. The Tamandua and Coati Mondi 328

—— LXXV. The Spoonbill and Crane of Guiana 343

—— LXXVI. The celebrated Graman Quacy 348

—— LXXVII. Sprig of the Coffee Tree 353

—— LXXVIII. Plan of a regular Coffee Plantation 354

—— LXXIX. The Shark and Remora fish 384

—— LXXX. Europe, supported by Africa and America 394

ERRATA.

VOL. II.

Page 16, line 7, for Tisan, read Ptisan.

28, — 15, — Siliqua-hirsuta, — Siliqua hirsulæ.

31, — 13, — Ajuriicura, — Ajurucura.

51, — 10, — Jaguanetta, — Jaguaretta.

59, — 22, — Godfrey, — Godefroy.

127, — 13, — dele and as was mentioned.

141, — 6, — thighs — feet.

153, — 8, — warrabosena, — warrabocerra.

174, — 12, — de Cabaines, — de Cabanus.

186, — 4, — Beekslied, — Beekvlied.

186, — 10, — Passary, — Passessy.

214, — 19, — Hemmet, — Hamell.

235, — 10, — the back, — the bark.

315, — 4, — Saardan, — Saardam.

319, — 19, — Okeor, — Okero.

NOTES

[1] It is most probable, that Ulloa took the account from Acosta’s

History of the West Indies. This is his account, taken from a

translation printed in 1604.

“They leap where they list, winding their tails about a branch to shake

it, when they will leap farther than they can at once; they use a

pretty device, tying themselves by the tails one of another, and by

this means make as it were a chain of many, then do they launch

themselves forth.”

Acosta does not say he saw this himself; but to the following he

professes he was an eye-witness. These are his words—“I saw one in

Carthagene, in the governor’s house, so taught, as the things he did

seemed incredible. They sent him to the tavern for wine, putting the

pot in one hand and the money in the other; they could not possibly get

the money out of his hand before he had his pot full of wine. If any

children met him in the street, and threw stones at him, he would set

his pot down and cast stones against the children, till he had assured

his way; then would he return to carry home his pot. And, which is

more, although he were a good bibber of wine, yet he would never touch

it till leave was given him.”

[2] The Dutch edition. Vol. XV.

[3] Without the consent of parents, brothers, and sisters, no

respectable slaves are individually sold in Surinam.

[4] I have already mentioned that Joanna was by birth a gentleman’s

daughter from Holland; and her mother’s family were most distinguished

people on the coast of Africa.

[5] It is a maxim with the rangers to chop off the right hand of every

rebel negro they kill, for which they receive twenty-five florins; and

for every one they send in alive fifty florins; also for finding a town

or village one thousand florins Hollands.

[6] The negroes have a savage custom of mangling and tearing the dead

bodies of their enemies; some even devouring part of them with their

teeth, like the Caribbee Indians.

[7] This, I apprehend, is the snake which Dr. Bancroft calls the small

Labora, and which he mentions as having killed a negro in less than

five minutes when he was at Demerara.

[8] By this is meant minute-guns, which are fired on the estates when

in danger. These, being regularly answered by the neighbouring

plantations, soon alarm the whole river, and bring assistance from

every quarter.

[9] In Vol. IV. plate the 83d, by the Count de Buffon, a bat is

represented with only three toes on each wing.

[10] By some called the Hippopotamus of South America, which I will

describe in a proper place.

[11] See Buffon’s Natural History, Vol. V. page 39.

[12] This was the more surprising, as we were at peace with all the

Indians, and scalping was never practised by the negroes.

[13] All sailors, soldiers, and negroes are particularly miserable

without tobacco: it keeps up their spirits, they say, and some almost

prefer it to bread.

[14] That is, one of the rowers beating the water with his oar at every

stroke, in such a manner that it sounds different from the rest, to

which the others sing a chorus.

[15] This he absolutely held as the best regimen for health,

notwithstanding he had brought three cooks from Europe.

[16] This, at other times, they supply by a shell, a fish-bone, or the

tooth of a tiger, &c.

[17] The general traffick carried on between all the Indian nations and

the Europeans consists in balsam-capivi, arroco-cerra, oil of carrabba,

arnotta, and bees-wax, besides pieces of Brazil and ebony; the roots

hiaree and varnillas, canoes, hammocks, slaves, monkies, parrots, and

paroquets; for which they receive fire-arms, knives, hatchets,

fish-hooks, combs, coral and glass beads, blue cotton, looking-glasses,

&c.

[18] I have mentioned before that the Indians are exempt from pain in

labour.

[19] This is however extremely uncommon, as a more peaceable people

does not exist in the universe.

[20] The New Zealanders call their clubs pato-patoo; which affinity is

remarkable, on account of their very great distance.

[21] See a letter to the editors of the New Universal Magazine for

October 1787.

[22] How Madam Merian should call this reptile an oviparous viper,

surpasses my comprehension.

[23] The King’s demand was negatived by the States of Holland.

[24] Sugar pays about 3 l. per barrel, and coffee about as much per

thousand; other commodities in proportion.—N.B. This I insert

unauthenticated, thus errors excepted.

[25] There are some years but four, and some ten, &c.

[26] I have said they can make no rum here; neither do they refine

sugar.

[27] Mr. Hartzink mentions four horses, but this is a mistake.

[28] Drs. Bancroft and Brooke say, the leaf is light above and dark

below, which in my original drawing is quite the reverse.

[29] The above names, with such as Nero, Pluto, Charon, Cerberus,

Proserpine, Medusa, &c. are usually given to negro slaves, in exchange

for Quacco, Quacy, Quamy, Quamina, Quasiba, Adjuba, &c.

[30] It is to be remarked, that though Europeans look pale under the

torrid zone, the native inhabitants have often a freshness peculiarly

engaging, particularly mulattoes and quaderoons.

[31] The latter gentleman, in the year 1783, sailed from the Texel to

the Molucca islands; where, as commander in chief, he killed the king

of Pongue, with his three sons, and 600 men; and dethroned also the

king of Salangoo, whose land he captured for the Dutch East-India

Company, besides taking 127 pieces of cannon, &c.

[32] See Vol. II. page 69. plate L.

[33] This gentleman a little before his departure shewed me a letter

from the unhappy youth Campbell; which, after thanking him for every

civility, and acquainting him with his dissolution (which he had felt

approach) was signed, “Your’s to eternity, R. C.;” and to his father he

had wrote the same.

[34] This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as

rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyes

blood-coloured.

[35] This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very

straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs

spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it

produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it

little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the

largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.

[36] This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly

harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurt even by man;

while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another

inducement for the adoration of the negroes.

[37] See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder,

that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers,

charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of

Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.

[38] It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by

the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following

desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having

locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their

three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked

why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant

baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they

intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all

lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was

now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains

amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband

to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was

only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal

bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.

[39] After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration,

I can assert the above as literally true.

[40] We are told Job did the same.

[41] Witness Jas Jackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.

[42] By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a

negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding

thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female;

and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately

repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)

[43] At Demerary, so late as October, 1789, thirty-two wretches were

executed in three days, sixteen of whom suffered in the manner just

described, with no less fortitude, and without uttering one single

complaint.

[44] The above unhappy people were poisoned by their slaves about six

years after this happened.

[45] For minute particulars I cannot do better than refer the curious

to Mr. Belknap’s History of New Hampshire; where he describes the

insurrection of the American Indians, which are almost perfectly

similar to those of the African negroes.

[46] See the above route, and all the others to Gado-Saby, in Plate

LVI. where they are by different lines distinctly marked.

[47] The above captain and his crew were since set at liberty, having

been ransomed by the Dutch.

[48] Should it be remarked that during this expedition some

unchristian-like expressions have escaped, let it be at the same time

recollected, that while surgeons and even cooks, though both of little

use, had been provided, nothing like a parson was ever seen amongst us,

from the day we sailed from the Texel.

[49] See in Chapter XXV. the manner in which I myself discovered a

thief.

[50] In 1554, the coffee berry first came to Constantinople from

Arabia.—About the middle of the 16th century it was introduced in

London; and in 1728, by Sir Nicholas Laws, it was planted in the island

of Jamaica.

[51] A Mr. Sheffer, already named, who had served with honour from

first to last, on the pay of a private soldier, during this painful

expedition.

[52] I should not here omit to mention that in the colony of Surinam

all emancipated slaves are under the following restrictions, viz.

They are (if males) bound to help in defending the settlement against

all home and foreign enemies.

No emancipated slave, male or female, can ever go to law at all against

their former master or mistress.

And finally, if any emancipated slave, male or female, dies in the

colony, and leaves behind any possessions whatever, in that case one

quarter of the property also goes to his former owners, either male or

female.

[53] Joanna, Johnny, and Quaco.

[54] This gentleman having also resigned, I have the pleasure to

acquaint my readers, that in the year 1792, that gallant officer, Mr.

F. Fredericy (so frequently mentioned in this narrative) and who had

some time before re-entered into the service of the Society troops, was

appointed Governor of the colony of Surinam.

[55] The above gentlemen, who were looked upon as being the real

representatives of his Majesty’s Scotch brigade, had their loyalty

further rewarded by the revival of that old and honourable corps in

Britain, which was since re-embodied under the command of General

Francis Dundas, and sent to garrison Gibraltar.

[56] Her emancipated brother Henry underwent the same melancholy fate.

[57] Since the above lines were written, the last of his commanders,

the gallant Captain John Hutt, lost his life in the memorable action,

fought under Admiral Lord Howe, against the French, on the 1st of June

1794.—This officer loved my Sailor well; nor was he less esteemed by

Captain Richard Keates, from whom he had the honour to receive his

first naval education.

Narrative, of a five years' expedition against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam, in Guiana on the Wild Coast of South America; from the year 1772 to 1777 ... Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 19 / 19 章

To another pest we were also frequently subjected in this camp, and