The 12th December he took a vessel bound_A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 10 Arranged in systematic order: Forming a complete history of the origin and progress of navigation, discovery, and commerce, by sea and land, from the earliest ages to the present time.

provisions, which employed the launch and pinnace of the Success a whole

day in bringing on board the flour and other provisions out of the

prize. Having got as much flour out of her as they could well stow away

in the Success, Clipperton ordered the main-mast of the prize to be cut

away, lest she should overset, and then dismissed her. From the people

of this prize, they learnt that Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men had

been carried prisoners to Lima. On the 27th they anchored in _Guanchaco_

bay, where they found two ships at anchor, which had been abandoned by

their crews, and every thing taken out of them, except some bread and a

few jars of water. These ships were set on fire. It was now resolved to

bear away for the Gallapagos islands for refreshments, and accordingly

anchored in York road, on the north side of the Duke of York's island,

on the 9th January, 1720, immediately under the equinoctial line. They

here found good water, scrubbed and cleaned their ship's bottom, and

after ten days proceeded to the northwards, in order to cruize on the

coast of Mexico. The circumstance of finding good water at this place,

sufficiently justifies Captain Cowley from the aspersions thrown upon

him by later writers, who allege that he gave a fanciful and untrue

account of these islands, as they had not been able to find water or

anchorage at such of them as they tried.

Having returned to the American coast, they fell in with a ship on the

21st of January, which they took after a long chase. This proved to be

the Prince Eugene, on board of which was the Marquis of _Villa Roche_

and all his family, bound from Panama, where he had been president, to

Lima. This was the very ship in which Captain Clipperton had been

circumvented and taken in his last voyage in these seas,[237] when he

had been very indifferently used by the marquis, who was now at his

mercy, and whom he used, notwithstanding, with all civility. On the 8th

March, a priest who was on board the prize, and the boatswain of that

ship, desired leave to go on shore at the island of _Velas_,[238] which

was granted on condition that they would induce the inhabitants to bring

some bullocks to the shore, to exchange them for such goods as they

might think proper to accept in payment. This they promised, and on the

16th they returned with four bullocks, together with some fowls and

fruit as a present to the marquis, but said their alcalde, or governor,

would on no account permit them to trade with the English. They also

learnt that Captain Mitchell had been ashore at this place, and had shot

some of their cattle, but on 200 men appearing under arms, had been

forced to retire. This story seemed the more probable, as these people

had some linen and other articles of clothing belonging to Captain

Mitchell's men. Next day some letters from the marquis were intercepted,

which were by no means conformable to the strict honour to which the

Spanish nobility usually pretend, as they were meant to stir up the

inhabitants of Velas to surprise the men belonging to Captain

Clipperton, and to seize his boat when it went ashore for water. Upon

this Captain Clipperton confined the marquis for some days; yet allowed

him and his lady to go ashore on the 20th, leaving their only child as

an hostage; and soon after the prize was restored to her captain.

[Footnote 237: The circumstance here alluded to no where appears in the

narratives of any of the former circumnavigations.--E.]

[Footnote 238: Perhaps Velas point is here meant, in lat. 10° 9' N. on

the coast of that province of Mexico called _Corta Rica_.--E.]

On the 14th April, the marquis and his lady came on board, accompanied

by the alcalde, and an agreement being made for their ransom, the lady

and child were sent ashore, and the marquis remained as sole hostage. In

the whole of this transaction, Clipperton seems to have been outwitted

by the marquis, who lately broke his word, and by this the crew of the

Success were provoked to murmur against their captain for trusting him.

On the 20th of April, the Success anchored in the Gulf of Amapala, or

Fouseca, in lat. 13° N. and not being able to water there, repaired to

the _Island of Tigers_,[239] where they procured water with great ease.

They went to the island of Gorgona, in lat. 2° 53' N. for the same

purpose, on the 4th June. On the 24th of that month they took a prize

which had once been in their hands before, now laden with timber and

cocoa-nuts; and on the 11th August, anchored with their prize at the

island of _Lobor de la Mar_, in lat. 6° 95' S. where they set up tents

on shore, scrubbed and cleaned their ship's bottom, and took whatever

seemed of any value out of the prize.

[Footnote 239: Perhaps the Isla del Cana, in lat. 8° 46' N. is here

meant, or it may have been one of the islands in the Gulf of

Amapala.--E.]

While here, a plot was entered into by the crew, for seizing the captain

and officers, whom they proposed to leave on the island of Lobos, and

then to run away with the ship; but this was happily discovered on the

6th September, the two principal ringleaders severely punished, and the

rest pardoned. On the 17th, they took a fishing-boat with a considerable

quantity of well-cured and salt fish. On the 1st November they went into

the Bay of Conception, on the coast of Chili, in lat. 36° 35' S. in

chace of a vessel which outsailed them and escaped; whence they bore

away for Coquimbo, in lat. 29° 50' S. and took a ship laden with sugar,

tobacco, and cloth, on their passage between these two places. On the

6th in the afternoon, on opening the harbour of Coquimbo, they saw three

men-of-war at anchor with their topsails loose, which immediately

slipped their cables and stood after them. The Success hauled close upon

a wind, as the prize did likewise, on which the best sailing Spanish

man-of-war gave chase to the prize, which she soon came up with and

took. The two other ships crowded all sail after the Success, till

afternoon, when the biggest carried away her mizen-mast, on which she

fired a gun and stood in for the shore, which favoured the escape of the

Success.

In the re-captured prize, they lost their third lieutenant, Mr James

Milne, with twelve men. The captain of the Spanish man-of-war which took

him, was the famous Don Blas de Lesso, who was governor of Carthagena

when that place was attacked by Admiral Vernon. At first Don Blas

treated Mr Milne very roughly, being enraged at having missed taking the

English privateer, and had only retaken a Spanish prize, and in the

first transport of his passion struck Mr Milne over the head with the

flat of his sword. But on coming to himself he sent for Mr Milne, and

generously asked his pardon, and finding he had been stripped by the

soldiers, ordered him a new suit of clothes, and kept him some time in

his own ship. He afterwards procured his liberty at Lima, paid his

passage to Panama, giving him a jar of wine and another of brandy for

his sea-store, and put 200 dollars in his pocket to carry him to

England. This unlucky accident of losing the prize revived the

ill-humour among the crew of the Success, who did not indeed enter into

any new plot, but became much dejected.

On the 16th they gave chase to another ship, which, after exchanging a

few shots, bore away and left them. This was a fortunate escape, as she

was a ship of force commanded by one Fitzgerald, which had been fitted

out on purpose to take Captain Shelvocke; but knowing this not to be the

ship he was in search of, and doubting her strength, had no great

stomach to engage. These repeated disappointments, as they broke the

spirit of the crew, had a very bad effect on Captain Clipperton, who now

began to take to drinking, which grew at last to such a pitch that he

was hardly ever quite sober; owing to which unhappy propensity he

committed many errors in his future proceedings.

It was now determined to proceed to the northward in search of plunder,

as also to procure a supply of provisions, especially flour, having

expended all their stock of that article, and being now reduced to three

pounds of Indian corn for a mess of six men per day. Having but

indifferent fortune, and being in sight of point _Helena_ in lat. 2° 10'

S. they resolved to bear away for the Gallapagos islands, on the 27th

November, having in the first place set ashore the prisoners belonging

to the vessel in which Mr Milne was taken. In their passage to these

islands, they suspected an error in their log-line, which was found

three fathoms too short, making an error in their computation on this

run of about fifty-two miles. On the 4th of December they lost their

purser, Mr Fairman, and the same day found themselves near the

Gallapagos, being in lat. 0° 36' N. with a strong current running to the

S.W. against which they had to contend. On the 6th the pinnace was sent

to look out for an anchorage at one of the islands, but returned without

finding any, having seen many tortoises on shore. Upon this the pinnace

and yawl were sent out to bring off some of these animals, and returned

with sufficient fish to serve the whole company for a day, but had been

unable to land for turtle, in consequence of a prodigious surf on the

shore. This island was a mere rock in lat. 0° 9' N. and the ground all

about it was foul, with soundings from fifty to eighty fathoms. Leaving

this island, they proceeded to another in the S.W. but could find no

anchorage. Being unwilling to lose more time, they made the best of

their way for the island of _Cocos_,[240] where they hoped to procure

fish, fowls, and cocoa-nuts. On the 7th they saw several islands in the

N.E. through which they passed, and got clear of them all by the

9th,[241] but as the people daily fell sick, they grew very apprehensive

of the dangerous situation they might incur in case of missing the

island of which they were now in search. On the 17th they had the

satisfaction of seeing the long-wished for island in the N.W. at the

distance of nine leagues; and on the 18th, after coming to anchor, all

of them went on shore that could be spared from the necessary duty of

the ship, in order to build a hut for the reception of the sick, who

were then carried on shore and comfortably lodged. They here had plenty

of fish, fowls, eggs, and cocoa-nuts, with other refreshments. The

captain here opened the last hogshead of brandy for the use of the

company, giving every man a dram daily as long as it lasted; and on

new-year's-day 1721, he allowed a gallon of strong beer to every mess.

By means of abundant nourishing food and much ease, the crew began to

recover their health and spirits, and were soon able to take on board

wood and water, though with considerable difficulty, as a very heavy

swell set in from the northwards at the full and change of the moon, so

that they had to wait till after the spring-tides were over, before they

were able to get any thing off.

[Footnote 240: The island of Cocos, nearly north from the Gallapagos, is

in lat. 5° 20' N. and long. 87° 53' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 241: These were probably some of the most northerly of the

Gallapagos.--E.]

On the 17th January, 1721, Captain Clipperton made the necessary

dispositions for sailing, but it was three days before he could get his

people on board, and then no less than eleven of them were missing,

three Englishmen and eight negroes. It is not easy to conceive what

could have induced the former to hazard themselves at this island, so

far removed from the continent, and so little likely to be frequented by

ships, and whence they had so very small a chance of ever getting off.

It must be attributed to their dread of the dangers and fatigues to

which they had been continually exposed, and to their living almost

continually on short allowance, whereas they were here sure of plenty of

provisions, with no other fatigue but the trouble of procuring and

dressing them. Perhaps they might have received some assurance from the

marquis, of having a ship sent for them when he obtained his liberty,

which was at least a hazardous contingency; and there is great reason

to doubt was never performed.

Leaving the island of Cocos on the 20th, they arrived on the coast of

Mexico on the 25th, when they met with an extraordinary adventure.

Discovering a sail about seven in the evening, they gave chase and sent

their pinnace to board, which came up with the chase about eleven. On

the return of the pinnace, her people reported that this was a Spanish

ship named the Jesu Maria, but now in possession of Captain Shelvocke,

who had now only forty of his men remaining, all the rest being dead or

dispersed. He said that he had lost the Speedwell at the island of Juan

Fernandez, where he staid five months, and built a bark out of the wreck

of the Speedwell. Putting to sea in this bark, he had coasted along

Chili and Peru, meeting several ships, but could not take any, till at

length he captured the Jesu Maria at Pisco near Lima. Shelvocke's people

differed much in their stories, but it appeared that there was no

regular command among them; and, as used to be the practice in the

buccaneers, they had chosen a quarter-master, every thing being carried

by a majority of votes, being all equal, and snared every thing among

themselves, contrary to the articles of agreement with their owners.

On the 27th, Mr Clipperton sent for the purser of the Jesu Maria, who

gave but a dark account of their proceedings, only that he was not

allowed to take any account of the treasure for the owners. Captain

Shelvocke afterwards came on board the Success, accompanied by Mr Dod,

his lieutenant of marines, who proposed to remain in the Success, having

been very ill used by the other crew for his attachment to the interest

of the owners, at least so he said, and was credited by Captain

Clipperton and his officers. Next day, Shelvocke sent on board the

Success six chests of pitch and _dammer_, two barrels of tar, and six

slabs of copper; and Captain Clipperton gave him _twenty-four_ quarter

deck guns,[242] some round shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries.

Shelvocke's people laid out a great deal of money with the crew of the

Success, in the purchase of clothes, shoes, hats, and other necessaries;

and there remained with them two of Shelvocke's officers, Mr Hendric the

purser, and Mr Dod the lieutenant of marines.

[Footnote 242: This must be a gross error, as the Success originally

carried only _twenty-four_ guns; and accordingly, in the subsequent

account of the circumnavigation of Shelvocke, only two quarter-deck guns

are mentioned.--E.]

Still keeping to the northward on the coast of Mexico, the Success

afterwards saw the Jesu Maria several times; and at length, in the

beginning of March, it was resolved to propose a conjunct attempt on the

Manilla ship on her way to Acapulco. Accordingly on the 13th March, in a

general consultation by the officers of both ships, it was agreed to

make the attempt jointly, both ships boarding her at once, as the only

chance of taking her. On the 15th, in another consultation, Captain

Clipperton and his officers agreed to certain articles, which were sent

to Captain Shelvocke, proposing, if he and his crew would refund all the

money they had shared among themselves, contrary to the articles agreed

upon with the owners, and put the whole into a joint stock, thus all

their faults should be forgiven, both companies uniting, and should then

proceed together to cruise for the Acapulco ship. This proposal was very

indifferently received by Shelvocke and his men, who did not care to

part with what they possessed, and declined to give any answer to this

proposal. Perceiving, therefore, that nothing good was to be expected

from their quondam consort, considering also that the usual time of the

Manilla ship arriving at Acapulco was already elapsed, that most of

their remaining men were weak and sickly, and that they were only

victualled for five months at their present short allowance, Captain

Clipperton and his men thought it was now proper for them to proceed for

the East Indies without loss of time, in order to preserve what little

they had got for their owners and themselves. It was therefore resolved

upon to put this plan into immediate execution, without any farther

consultation with Shelvocke, and to leave the coast of America directly.

They were now to the S.S.E. of Port Marquis, in lat. 16°50'N. and

accordingly on the 18th March shaped their course for crossing the

Pacific ocean towards the Ladrone islands.

The Manilla ships usually leave the Philippine islands about the

beginning of July, and arrive at the Ladrones about the beginning of

September, whence they proceed for Acapulco, where they are expected to

arrive about the middle of January. They generally remain at Acapulco,

till towards the latter end of April, and then sail for Manilla. This,

though the general rule, is liable to some alterations, according as the

trade-winds set in earlier or later. From this account, it is plain

that the ship they had now proposed to wait for must have been the

galleon on her passage from Acapulco for Manilla, which always has a

prodigious quantity of silver on board.

SECTION III.

_Voyage of the Success from the Coast of Mexico to China._

The Success performed the voyage from the coast of Mexico to the

Ladrones in fifty-three days, arriving in sight of the island of Serpana

on the 10th May, 1721. This island is in lat. 13°42'N. though usually

laid down in the Spanish maps in 14°.[243] In this passage they lost six

of their men, and the rest were reduced to so weak and low a state, that

the sight of this island gave them great joy. They determined however to

proceed to Guam, as best known to Europeans, and where they were most

likely to procure provisions; but in their present weakly condition it

might have been better to have gone to Serpana, where the Spaniards have

not so great a force as at Guam. They anchored in the road at this

island on the 13th May, and sent their pinnace ashore with a flag of

truce to obtain provisions. But the people informed them that, without

leave of the governor, they could not trade with them. Application was

therefore made to the governor for this purpose, which was favourably

received for the present; and Mr Godfrey, the owners agent, who had been

sent up to the governor at Umatta, returned on the 16th to the Success

in one of the country proas, with a message from the governor,

intimating, that they should be furnished with provisions, if they

behaved civilly and paid honestly. The launch arrived soon after,

bringing on board some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy, fruit, and

vegetables; and on the 17th the governor sent a handsome present of

palm-wine, sugar, and brandy, with a large quantity of chocolate.

[Footnote 243: Serpana is probably some small island close to Guam, not

inserted in general maps. The centre of Guam is in 13°30'N.]

The _Island of Guam_, in lat. 13°30'N. long 145°30'E. from Greenwich, is

nearly ten leagues long from N. to S. and five leagues from E. to W. It

has several villages, the most remarkable being Amatta, Atry, Agana,

Anigua, Asa, Hugatee, and Rigues. The natives are formerly said to have

amounted to 150,000 souls, but at this time did not exceed a tenth of

the number, of which a few hundreds remained independent in the

mountains, in spite of every effort to reduce them under the Spanish

dominion. The natives are strong, active, vigorous, and war-like, but

are represented as cruel, vindictive, and treacherous, though perhaps

the Spaniards have exaggerated their bad qualities, to extenuate their

own tyranny and oppression. The Spanish garrison at this island at this

time consisted of 300, relieved from time to time from Manilla, and the

King of Spain is said to have allowed 30,000 dollars yearly for the

maintenance of this port, the only use of which is to give refreshments

to the annual ship which goes between Manilla and Acapulco.

Having agreed with the governor of Guam for the ransom of the Marquis de

Villa Roche, that nobleman went ashore on the 18th May, accompanied by

the agent, the first lieutenant, and the doctor; and the Success gave

him a salute of five guns at parting. For six days after, the launch was

continually employed in bringing wood, water, and provisions on board,

during which time the governor requested to be supplied with some arms

and ammunition in exchange, and accordingly Captain Clipperton sent him

twelve fuzees, three jars of gunpowder, sixty rounds of shot, four pair

of pistols, and several cutlasses, swords, and daggers. On the 25th a

letter was sent on board, demanding the jewels belonging to the marquis,

some consecrated plate, and two negroes, who were Christians; as also

requiring to have a certificate signed by the captain and officers of

the Success, that peace had been proclaimed between Britain and Spain;

besides which, this letter intimated that Mr Godfrey and Mr Pritty were

detained till all these demands were complied with. In reply, Captain

Clipperton sent a letter, containing a certificate, that he had been

informed by the Solidad, the last prize taken on the coast of Chili,

that peace had been concluded between Britain and Spain; but threatning,

if the agreed ransom for the marquis, and the two gentlemen now

detained, were not sent off in twenty-four hours, that he would demolish

all the houses on shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the

mischief he could at the Philippine Islands.

Soon after, a letter was received from the governor, saying that he

would pay for the consecrated plate, and desiring to have more powder

and shot; to which Clipperton made answer that he could not spare any

more. The yawl went ashore on the 28th for more provisions; but the

people were told that no more could be had, unless they sent more powder

and shot. Upon this Clipperton weighed anchor, and stood in for the

harbour, sending the pinnace a-head to sound. The people on shore had

raised a battery during the sham treaty about the ransom of the marquis,

from which they fired on the pinnace. The pinnace now returned to

Clipperton, and reported that the only channel they could find lay

within pistol-shot of the shore; yet at six in the afternoon Clipperton

persisted to carry the Success into the harbour, making directly for the

ship that lay there at anchor. The _Spaniards_ carried her into

shoal-water,[244] where she was exposed to two fires, one from the new

battery on land, almost directly over head, and the other from the ship.

At nine she got foul of the rocks, when they had to cut away two of

their anchors, endeavouring to get her off, all the while the enemy

plying them warmly with shot and stones from the new battery on the

hill, so that they suffered severely in the hull and rigging of the

ship. They also had three men wounded, besides losing the first

lieutenant, Mr Davidson, an honest man and a good officer. Thus the

Success had to remain in a miserable situation, exposed during the whole

night to the continual fire of the enemy; and the surface of the water

being as smooth as a mill-pond, the ship was easily seen in the night,

while her unfortunate crew had no other mark to fire at but the flashes

of the enemy's guns.

[Footnote 244: This unexplained circumstance probably meant, that the

Success had at this time _Spanish_ pilots, who betrayed her.--E.]

In this dangerous emergency, Captain Clipperton being overcome with

liquor, and quite unable to command, the officers came to the resolution

of running clear from the enemy as soon as they could get the ship

afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr Cook if he would assume the

command. By four in the afternoon of the 29th they got the ship afloat,

and cut away their small bower anchor, but ran aground again in ten

minutes. At nine they carried out the kedge-anchor, but the hawser broke

in heaving. They now carried out another hawser, having a lower-deck gun

fixed to it, as they had now lost all their anchors, and were still

aground. At two in the morning of the 30th the enemy repeatedly called

upon them to surrender, or they might expect no quarter. At five they

carried out the main-top-mast shrowd hawser, with another gun, still

plying the enemy with their great guns and small-arms, though they were

able to do little harm; while the enemy never missed them, especially

directing their shot at the boats of the Success, whenever they saw them

in motion. At eleven in the forenoon of the 30th they carried out the

remains of their best bower-cable, with two lower-deck guns, which they

dropped right a-head in five fathoms water. They now cleared the hold,

ready to start their water to lighten the ship; got their upper and

lower-deck guns forwards, to bring her by the head as she hung abaft on

the rocks, and kept two guns constantly firing from the stern-ports at

the enemy's battery, but could not get them to bear. During the last

twenty-four hours they had fortunately only one man wounded; but the

ship was wretchedly injured between wind and water, and her rigging torn

to pieces.

At six in the afternoon of the 30th the ship floated, when they cut away

their yawl, having been sunk by a shot. They hove taught their cable,

and then cut it away, together with the two hawsers, and sent the

pinnace a-head to tow the ship off. Just as the ship got afloat, the

enemy fired with great briskness from their new battery, their shot

raking through the Success between wind and water, killed one of her

men, and wounded two others.

The Success had now remained fifty hours as a fair mark for the enemy to

fire at, during which they lost both their bower-anchors and cables,

with the stern and kedge-anchors, four hawsers, four lower-deck guns,

nineteen barrels of powder, two men killed and six wounded; and had they

not now got off, it was believed they must have been sunk before

morning. At ten in the forenoon of the 31st they hove to, and began to

splice their rigging, not a rope of which had escaped the shot of the

enemy. The masts and yards were all sore wounded; and the carpenters had

to work during the whole night, stopping-the shot-holes in the hull.

They stowed away most of their guns in the hold, barred up the ports,

hoisted in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steered away west under

an easy sail, hoping to save their passage before the western monsoon

set in; the carpenters being fully occupied in fishing the masts and

yards, and the rest of the crew in mending the rigging. At six in the

evening of the 31st May, 1721, the body of the island of Guam bore E.

seven leagues distant, and they then took their departure; being in 15°

20' N. designing now for China.

The conduct of Captain Clipperton at Guam was certainly exceedingly

erroneous. He ought on no account to have permitted the marquis to go on

shore till he had received the money for his ransom, and all the

provisions of which he stood in need. The marquis had before behaved

very ill to him, and had no title to any favour; and if he had kept the

marquis, the governor of Guam would not have had any opportunity of

putting his schemes in execution. Clipperton committed also an egregious

error in pretending to attack the town, and the ship in the harbour.

Though drunkenness is rather an aggravation than an excuse for

misconduct, yet it is to be considered that Clipperton was a mere

sailor, who had not the benefit of a liberal education, and that he fell

into this sad vice from disappointment and despair. On all occasions he

had shewn a humane and even generous disposition, with the most

inflexible honesty, and a constant regard to the interest of his owners.

He is therefore much to be pitied, for having fled to the bottle under a

load of misfortunes too heavy for him to bear.

The voyage upon which they had now to enter was very dangerous, the run

from Manilla to China being estimated at 400 leagues; besides that the

distance they had now to sail was much greater. They had only received a

very moderate addition to their former scanty stock of provisions; and

their vessel had been so roughly handled in the late unfortunate affair,

that they were very apprehensive she would not last out the voyage. On

careful examination, she was found to be in a very shattered condition,

having scarcely a whole timber in her upper works, and one of her

_fashion pieces_ being shot through, which is a principal support of the

after-part of the ship, they were obliged to strap her, to keep her

together. As it blew pretty fresh, they durst not carry sail, and for

nearly a week together had to scud almost under bare poles, through

variable winds, bad weather, and a rough sea. This was a melancholy

situation for the people, in seas with which they were little

acquainted, and sailing by charts on which they could not depend. Yet

they found the accounts and charts of Dampier much superior to those

laid down by persons of much greater figure, so that without these they

had hardly been able to have extricated themselves from their

difficulties. The 24th June they were in sight of the _Bashee_ Islands,

in lat. 20° 45' N. long. 121° 40' E. On the 31st they saw the

_island-shoals_ of _Pralas_, in lat. 21° N. long. 116° 20' E. The 1st

July they fell in with other islands, not laid down in any of their

charts, which perplexed them sadly, not being able to form any certain

judgment of their true course. They anchored under one of these islands

in thirteen fathoms, and sent away one of their boats to endeavour to

procure intelligence how Macao bore from them, that being the port to

which they were bound. The pinnace returned on the 2d July, bringing a

boat in which were three Chinese sailors, or fishermen, whom they could

not understand, and all they could learn from them was, that Canton bore

from them to the S.W.

On the 3d July, finding they had got too far to leeward of Macao, and

being unable to procure a pilot, they resolved to sail for _Amoy_, as

the only course that was left them, and accordingly arrived before that

port in the evening of the 5th; but being afraid to enter it in the

night, they plied off and on till daybreak of the 6th. They here noticed

great numbers of snakes in the sea, brought down by the rivers that

empty themselves upon that coast. The entrance into the port of _Amoy_

is sufficiently conspicuous, in consequence of a high mountain, on the

top of which is a tower, or pagoda, which may be seen at the distance of

twenty leagues out to sea, and has a small island immediately before the

mouth of the bay. The river _Change-neu_[245] discharges itself here

into the sea, forming a spacious bay about eight leagues in circuit,

where ships may ride at anchor in great safety, the only difficulty

being in getting into port, which they happily accomplished in the

evening of the 6th July, being well pleased to find themselves once more

in a place where they might hope to procure refreshments, and be able to

repair their ship; or if that were impracticable, whence they might

procure a passage home. Clipperton was as much rejoiced as the rest;

for, having had his full share of afflictions and misfortunes at sea, he

was happy in the prospect of securing a small sum of money for his own

use, and sending home what belonged to the owners, if the ship were

really past repairing, as his people reported.

[Footnote 245: No name resembling _Amoy_ is to be found on the coast of

China in any of our best maps, and the text gives no distinct indication

of its situation. The river _Changeneu_ of the text, perhaps refers to

_Tchang-tcheou_, a city in the province of Fokien, having a large bay in

lat. 24° 30' N. long. 118° 15' E. and _Amoy_ may have been some

corruption of the port of discharge at the mouth of the river which

passes Tchang-tcheou.--E.]

They had no sooner anchored in the port than ten custom-house officers

were placed on board. At Amoy, as in most other ports in China, the

customs are under the direction of a single mandarin, called the Hoppo,

or Hoppou. The Chinese are justly reputed the craftiest people in the

world; and it is their invariable maxim to appoint the cunningest man

they can find to the office of hoppo. It may be added, that the people

of Amoy are reputed to be less nice in the principles of honour and

honesty even than any others in China. The first thing demanded by these

custom-house officers was, what the ship was, and what was her business

at this port. Clipperton made answer, that the ship belonged to the King

of Great Britain, and had put in there from stress of weather, in order

to obtain a supply of provisions and other necessaries. The officers now

demanded an exact account of the number of men and guns, the nature and

amount of the cargo, and the time they intended to stay, all of which

they set down in writing, and then departed.

Next morning the men mutinied, and insisted that Clipperton should pay

them their prize-money immediately, as the Success was in no condition

to proceed to sea. The man who made this demand was one John Dennison;

and when Mr Taylor interposed in behalf of the captain, one Edward

Boreman told him he had better desist, unless he had a mind to have a

brace of bullets through his head. There was now an end of all

regularity on board, the authority of the captain being completely

overthrown. The country people supplied the ship with abundance of rice,

with some cattle and fowls, together with wood and water, for which they

were paid. On the 12th the officers went ashore to wait upon the hoppo,

who had a fine palace. He treated them with great civility, giving them

leave to anchor in the harbour, and to remain there till the adverse

monsoon was over; but for this he demanded 1700 dollars as port-charges,

equal to near £400 sterling, and soon afterward received that sum in

ready money.

It may be remembered that Mr Mitchell went out from. England as second

captain under Clipperton. On his going to Brazil, he was succeeded by Mr

Davidson, who was slain in the unfortunate affair at Guam; to whom Mr

Cook succeeded as second captain. He now demanded to receive thirty

shares of the prize-money in that capacity, in which he was supported by

the men, whom he courted by a continual compliance with all their

humours. Captain Clipperton and the rest of the officers, seeing the

turn matters were likely to take, were very desirous that some allowance

should be reserved for the officers who were absent, and had been taken

prisoners, and for Mr Hendrie and Mr Dod, who had joined them from the

Speedwell: but all their endeavours were fruitless, as the men would not

listen to any such allowances. While these disputes were going on, the

men went ashore as they pleased, without asking leave; and when the

captain endeavoured to correct this licence, the whole company stood

out, and would not submit to controul. After this every thing fell into

confusion, and the men refused to work till they should receive their

prize-money. They even applied to the chief mandarin of the place,

styled _Hyhuug_ by the Chinese, to interpose his authority for obliging

their captain to comply with their demands. This magistrate then

summoned Captain Clipperton to appear before him, and demanded to know

the reason why he refused to give the men satisfaction; on which the

captain produced the articles, which contained expressly that they were

not to receive their prize-money till their return to London. But

Captain Cook, as he was now styled, gave quite a different account of

this matter to the mandarin; on which a guard of soldiers was sent

aboard the Success, with a peremptory order to Captain Clipperton

immediately to settle the shares, and to pay them to the men, with which

he was forced to comply.

This distribution was accordingly made on the 16th September, pursuant

to the order of the chief mandarin; and as no allowance was reserved for

those who had been made prisoners, or for the representatives of those

who had died, or the two gentlemen who formerly served in the Speedwell,

the prize-money stood thus:

The share of money and silver plate, dollars 280

The share of gold, 100

The share of jewels, 39

-----

Total share of a foremast-man, 419

Which, at 4s. 8d. the dollar, amounted to £97:15:4 sterling. According

to this distribution: The share of the captain amounted to £1466, 10s.

The second captain had £733, 5s. The captain of marines, the lieutenants

of the ship, and the surgeon, had each £488:16:8. Although Captain Cook

and his associates were thus able to carry their point, yet Captain

Clipperton prevailed on the mandarin to set apart one half of the cargo

for the benefit of the owners; which amounted, in money, silver, gold,

and jewels, to between six and seven thousand pounds. This was

afterwards shipped at Macao in a Portuguese ship, called the Queen of

Angels, commanded by Don Francisco de la Vero. This ship was

unfortunately burnt at Rio de Janeiro, on the coast of Brazil, on the

6th June, 1722; so that the owners, after deducting salvage, only

received £1800.

The people and mandarins at Amoy have so conducted themselves for a long

time, that, even among their own countrymen, this port has the

appellation of _Hiamuin booz_, or Amoy the roguish. The fishermen on the

coast, when they meet any European ship that seems intended for that

port, pronounce these words with a very significant air; but, for want

of understanding the language, or perhaps from confidence in their own

prudence, this warning is seldom attended to. The custom of this port is

to disarm every ship that enters it, sending two frigates or armed

vessels, called _chan-pans_, full of men, to ride close by the vessel,

to ensure the execution of all orders from the _hoppo_ and chief

mandarin. Besides the enormous imposition under the name of port

charges, already mentioned, they have other strange methods of getting

money. Thus, though the small craft of the country are at liberty to

carry all sorts of provisions on board for sale, yet every one of these

must in the first place go to one of the _chan-pans_, and pay there a

tax or consideration for leave to go to the strange vessel. By this

means, though provisions are here very plentiful, and ought therefore to

be cheap, the price is enhanced at least a third. The mandarins have

also a practice of sending presents of wine, provisions, and expensive

curiosities, to the captain and other officers; of all which, when the

ship is ready to sail, they send an exact memorial with the prices

charged, the last article being so much for the clerk drawing up the

account; and all this must be discharged in money or commodities, before

their arms and ammunition are returned.

During a stay of ten weeks at this port, they sufficiently experienced

all the artifices of this covetous and fraudulent people, from whom

Captain Clipperton had no way to defend himself, and was therefore

obliged to submit to all their demands. Towards the end of September,

the season and their inclinations concurred to deliver them from this

place; for by this time, even the common men began to be weary of the

people, who shewed themselves finished cheats in every thing. On the

25th September, their arms and ammunition were restored, and that same

day the Success weighed from the harbour, going out into the road or

gulf, in order to proceed for Macao, to have the ship surveyed, as the

men insisted she was not in a condition for the voyage home. Captain

Clipperton affirmed the contrary, well knowing that the men insisted on

this point merely to justify their own conduct, and to avoid being

punished in England for their misbehaviour in China.

They weighed anchor from the Bay of Amoy, in the province of

_Tonkin_,[246] on the 30th September, and anchored in the road of

_Macao_ on the 4th October. This place had been an hundred and fifty

years in the hands of the Portuguese, and had formerly been one of the

most considerable places of trade in all China, but has now fallen much

into decay. The way in which the Portuguese became possessed of this

place gives a good specimen of Chinese generosity. In prosecuting their

trade with China from India and Malacca, being often overtaken by

storms, many of their ships had been cast away for want of a harbour,

among the islands about Macao, on which they requested to have some

place of safety allowed them in which to winter. The Chinese accordingly

gave them this rocky island, then inhabited by robbers, whom they

expelled. At first they were only allowed to build thatched cottages;

but, by bribing the mandarins, they were permitted in the sequel to

erect stone houses, and even to build forts. One of these, called _the

Fort of the Bar_, is at the mouth of the harbour, and terminates at a

rock called _Appenka_, where there is a hermitage of the order of St

Augustine. There is another fort on the top of a hill, called the Fort

of the Mountain; also another high fort, called _Nuestra Senhora de

Guia_. The city of Macao stands on a peninsula, having a strong wall

built across the isthmus, with a gate in the middle, through which the

Chinese pass out and in at pleasure, but it is death for a Portuguese to

pass that way.

[Footnote 246: This surely is an error for Fo-kien. Amoy has been before

stated in the text as N.E. from Macao, whereas the _kingdom_ of Tonquin

is S.W. from that port.--E.]

Some travellers have reported that the Portuguese were sovereigns of

Macao, as of other places in India: But they never were, and the Chinese

are too wise a people to suffer any thing of the kind. Macao certainly

is as fine a city, and even finer, than could be expected, considering

its untoward situation: It is also regularly and strongly fortified,

having upwards of 200 pieces of brass cannon upon its walls. Yet, with

all these, it can only defend itself against strangers. The Chinese ever

were, and ever will be, masters of Macao, and that without firing a gun

or striking a blow. They have only to shut up that gate and place a

guard there, and Macao is undone; and this they have actually done

frequently. Without receiving provisions from the adjacent country, the

inhabitants of this city cannot subsist for a day; and besides, it is so

surrounded by populous islands, and the Chinese are here so completely

masters of the sea, that the Portuguese at Macao might be completely

starved on the slightest difference with the Chinese. The Portuguese

have indeed the government over their own people within the walls of

this city; yet Macao is strictly and properly a Chinese city: For there

is a Chinese governor resident on the spot, together with a hoppo or

commissioner of the customs; and these Chinese mandarins, with all their

officers and servants, are maintained at the expence of the city, which

has also to bear the charges of the Portuguese government.[247]

[Footnote 247: The East India Company found all this to be true a few

years ago, when its Indian government thought to have taken Macao from

the Portuguese. Had this account of the matter been read and understood,

they would not have unnecessarily incurred a vast expence, and suffered

no small disgrace at Canton.--E.]

In spite of all this, the Portuguese inhabitants were formerly very

rich, owing to the great trade they carried on with Japan, which is now

in a great measure lost. Yet, being so near Canton, and allowed to

frequent the two annual fairs at that place, and to make trading voyages

at other times, they still find a way to subsist, and that is all, as

the prodigious presents they have to make on all occasions to the

Chinese mandarins, consume the far greater part of their profits. Each

of their vessels, on going up to Canton, has in the first place to pay

£100 sterling for leave to trade. They are next obliged to make a

considerable present, for permission to have their goods brought on

board by the Chinese, to whom they must not only pay ready money for all

they buy, but have sometimes to advance the price beforehand for a year.

After all this, they have to make another present for leave to depart,

at least double the amount of what they formerly paid for liberty to

trade; and they have to pay heavy duties to the emperor for every thing

they buy or sell, besides their enormous presents to his ministers.

SECTION IV.

_Residence of Captain Clipperton at Macao, and Returns from thence to

England._

On entering the port of Macao in the Success, Captain Clipperton saluted

the fortress, which compliment was returned. He then went on shore,

where he prevailed on the captain of a Portuguese ship of war, formerly

mentioned, to carry the property belonging to his owners to Brazil. At

this place, the crew of the Success found themselves considerably at a

loss, as the Portuguese commander declared himself entirely in favour of

Captain Clipperton. Captain Cook, therefore, and another of the officers

of the Success, went up to Canton, to consult with Mr Winder, supercargo

of an English East Indiaman, and son to one of the principal owners, as

to what should be done with, the Success. On their return, the ship was

surveyed, condemned, and sold for 4000 dollars, which was much less than

her worth. This was, however, no fault in Captain Clipperton, who, to

shew that he still adhered to his former opinion, that the ship was fit

to proceed to England, agreed with the persons who purchased her for a

passage to Batavia, a convincing proof that he did not believe her in

any danger of foundering at sea.

The ship being sold, the crew naturally considered themselves at liberty

to shift for themselves, and to use their best endeavours each to save

what little remained to him, after their unfortunate expedition. All

were satisfied that Captain Mitchell, with his crew and cargo, had

either gone to the bottom or fallen into the hands of the Spaniards, so

that they had no hopes of any farther dividend from that quarter; yet it

was some consolation that they were so near the English factory at

Canton, and as six dollars were required for a passage to that place in

one of the Chinese boats, twenty of them agreed to go there immediately,

in hopes of getting a passage from thence to England. Mr Taylor, one of

the mates of the Success, was of the number: But before the boat set

sail, he had some presentiment of danger, and chose rather to lose his

money, by waiting for another opportunity. He had reason to be satisfied

with himself for this conduct; as he soon learnt that the boat tad been

taken by a pirate, and the people stript of all their property. After a

short stay at Macao, Mr Taylor had an opportunity of going up to Canton

in an armed boat along with a mandarin, for which he and the rest of the

crew belonging to the Success, who went along with him, paid twenty

dollars each. In their passage up, they had satisfactory proof that in

some cases there may be frugality in expence, as they saw a pirate take

a boat in sight of that in which was the mandarin. This plainly shewed

that the government winks at these things, perhaps deeming it good

policy to raise thereby a considerable revenue, partly by presents from

the pirates, and partly by sums paid by merchants and passengers for

protection. From this, and many other circumstances which might be

adduced, the boasted wisdom of the Chinese is nothing more than the

science of dexterously hiding their robberies from the inspection of the

law: In which, perhaps, they are as much exceeded by some northern

nations as in the use of the compass, of which they pretend to be the

original inventors, and perhaps with justice; but both in the management

of the compass, and in this political trade of pirating, they are

equally clumsy.

Mr Taylor and his company arrived at the English factory in Canton on

the 4th November, where they were well received, and promised all

assistance for getting home. There were at this time ships ready to

sail, first for several ports in India and then for Europe. The captains

of these vessels, on being solicited by the gentlemen of the factory to

take Captain Clipperton's men on board, agreed to carry them for five

pounds a man, which they all accordingly paid, esteeming it a very great

favour. Mr Taylor and two or three more embarked in the Maurice, Captain

Peacock, then riding at Wanapo, [Wampoa,] about three leagues below

Canton, the place where European ships lie; and the rest of the company

were distributed among the other ships. They sailed on the 9th, in

company with the Macclesfield, an English East-Indiaman, and the

House-of-Austria, belonging to Ostend. Mr Taylor arrived safely at

Batavia in the month of December; sailed thence by the Cape and St

Helena, and arrived in London in May 1722. The rest of the company

returned also, some sooner and some later.

As for Captain Mitchell, who was sent to Brazil with a small crew, he

was never more heard of, having probably been destroyed at the island

of Velas, where he went ashore to procure fresh provisions. This has

generally been considered as the greatest blemish in the management of

Captain Clipperton, but I confess without just cause, in my opinion; as

the great stress laid on that measure by Captain Rogers, might very well

have induced Captain Clipperton to try what might be done in this way,

especially as his owners had very strongly recommended the account of

Captain Rogers to be his rule and guide. I also think the proposal in

itself was very reasonable, and such as an officer who had the good of

the expedition at heart had good grounds for trying. It was well known

that the prize goods could produce little or nothing in the South Sea,

as the Spanish governors demanded such exorbitant sums for liberty to

trade, that no advantage could be derived from such a commerce, either

in buying or selling. He knew also that it was to little purpose

carrying these goods to Europe; and it was certainly much preferable to

send them to a place where they might sell to advantage, and where the

produce might be so invested as to procure a considerable profit on the

voyage from Brazil to London. The vessel in which Captain Mitchell

sailed was very fit for the purpose, and every way well provided; and

having a crew of thirteen English and ten negroes, was quite sufficient

for the navigation.

Captain Clipperton sailed from Macao to Batavia, in his own ship the

Success, after she was sold; and got a passage to Europe in a Dutch

ship. He arrived at Galway in Ireland, where he left his family, in

June, 1722; being then in a very bad state of health, partly occasioned

by his great fatigues, but chiefly through the concern he was under for

the loss sustained by his owners in this unfortunate enterprize. It may

be objected, that he ought to have returned from Holland to England, to

give his owners the best account in his power respecting the events of

the voyage. But, as he sent home their moiety of the profits in the

Portugueze ship, which, had it not been destroyed by the way, had nearly

covered the expence of fitting out the Success, taking in the money she

sold for; and if we consider the reduced state of his health when he

went to Galway, where he did not live above a week, he may well be

excused for this step.

CHAPTER XII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE, IN 1719-1722.[248]

INTRODUCTION.

In the introduction to the former voyage, a sufficient account has been

given of the motives on which the expedition was founded, and the

original plan of acting under an imperial commission; together with

motives for changing this plan, and the reason of advancing Captain

Clipperton to the chief command. In the new scheme of the voyage,

Captain Shelvocke retained the command of the Speedwell, carrying

twenty-four guns and 106 men, Mr Simon Hately being his second captain,

an officer who has a good character given of him in the account of the

former voyage by Captain Rogers. The marines were under the command of

Captain William Betagh. Captain Shelvocke has himself written an account

of the expedition, and another was published by Captain Betagh, so that

the following narrative is composed from both. Shelvocke's narrative is,

strictly speaking, an apology for his own conduct, yet contains

abundance of curious particulars, written in an entertaining style, and

with an agreeable spirit; while the other is written with much acrimony,

and contains heavy charges against Captain Shelvocke, yet contains many

curious circumstances.--_Harris_.

[Footnote 248: Harris, I. 198. Callender, III. 502.]

This is one of the best written voyages we have hitherto met with, yet

extends rather to considerable length, considering its relative

importance. On the present occasion, therefore, it has been endeavoured

to lop off as many of its redundances as could be conveniently done

without injury, yet leaving every circumstance of any interest or

importance. The principal omission, or abbreviation rather, on the

present occasion, is the leaving out several controversial matters,

inserted by Harris from the account of this voyage by Betagh; which

might have sufficient interest among contemporaries, a few years after

the unfortunate issue of this misconducted enterprise, but are now of no

importance, near a century later.--Ed.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea._

Sailing from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719, in company with the

Success, we kept company no longer than to the 19th, when, between nine

and ten at night, we had a violent storm at S.W. which increased so,

that by eleven we were under bare poles. At midnight a sea struck us on

our quarter, which stove in one of our dead lights on the quarter and

another on our stern, by which we shipped a vast quantity of water

before we could get them again fastened up, and we were a considerable

time under great apprehension of foundering. On the 20th we could not

see the Success; and this storm so terrified the greatest part of the

crew, that seventy of them were resolved to bear away for England,

alleging that the ship was so very crank she would never be able to

carry us to the South Sea. But by the resolution of the officers they

were brought back to their duty.

As the Canaries were the first place of rendezvous, we continued our

course for these islands, where we arrived on the 17th March, and

cruised there the time appointed by our instructions.[249] We next

sailed for the Cape de Verde Islands, and arrived at Maio on the 14th

April.[250] A little before arriving here, Turner Stevens[251] the

gunner very gravely proposed to me and the rest of the officers to

cruize in the Red Sea; as there could be no harm in robbing the

Mahometans, whereas the Spaniards were good Christians, and it was a sin

to injure them. I ordered him immediately into confinement, after which

he became outrageous, threatening to blow up the ship. Wherefore I

discharged him at his own request, and left also here on shore my chief

mate, who had challenged and fought with Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant.

[Footnote 249: Clipperton arrived there on the 5th, and sailed thence on

the 15th of March.--E.]

[Footnote 250: Clipperton came to St Vincent on the 24th March, and

cruized in that neighbourhood for ten days, so that he must have sailed

about the 31st, at least a fortnight before the arrival of

Shelvocke.--E.]

[Footnote 251: Called Charles Turner by Betagh.--E.]

On the 18th, we went to _Port Praya_, in the island of St Jago, but

finding nothing here but fair promises, I resolved to proceed to the

island of St Catharine on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 30' S.[252]

in hopes of obtaining every thing necessary for our passage into the

South Sea, as, according to the account of it by Frezier, it abounds in

all the necessaries of life, such especially as are requisite in long

voyages. We sailed therefore from Port Praya on the 20th of April, and

had a very bad passage, as we were twenty-one days before we could pass

the equinoctial. White between the two tradewinds, we had usually slight

breezes, varying all round the compass, and sometimes heavy squalls of

wind, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In short, the most variable

weather that can be conceived, insomuch that we were fifty-five days

between St Jago and St Catharines. On the 4th June we made Cape Frio,

bearing W. seven leagues off our lat. by observation, 23° 41' S.[253] On

the 5th we met and spoke a ship, to which I sent Captain Hately to

enquire the news on the coast, and gave him money to buy tobacco, as the

Success had our stock on board. She was a Portuguese from Rio de Janeiro

bound to Pernambuco, and had no tobacco; but Hately had laid out my

money in unnecessary trifles, alleging they would sell for double the

money at the next port.

[Footnote 252: This island is in 27° 10' S.]

[Footnote 253: Cape Frio is in 22° 33' S.]

[Captain Betagh gives a very different account of this matter, asserting

that Shelvocke hoisted imperial colours and made the Portuguese ship

bring to, on which Hately went aboard with a boat's crew well armed, and

put the Portuguese captain in such a fright, that he not only sent all

sorts of refreshments on board the Speedwell, but a dozen pieces of silk

flowered with gold and silver, worth about three pounds a yard, several

dozens of China plates and basons, a Japan cabinet, and three hundred

moidores in gold; ninety-six of which were afterwards found on Hately,

when made prisoner by the Spaniards, when he had nearly been put to

death for piracy on their account.][254]

[Footnote 254: It is almost unnecessary to point out, that this

paragraph is an addition by Harris to the narrative of Shelvocke,

extracted from the journal of Betagh.--E.]

We anchored at the island of St Catharine on the 23d June, where the

carpenter went ashore with a gang to fell trees, and saw them into

planks. The captain and inhabitants of the island came off to us daily

with fresh provisions, which saved our sea-stores while we lay here. I

also bought twenty-one beeves, 200 salted drom-fish of large size, and

150 bushels of cassado meal, called by the Portuguese _farina de fao_.

This is about as fine as our oatmeal, and from it a very hearty food is

prepared with little trouble. I also bought 160 bushels of _calavances_,

partly for money at a dollar the bushel, and partly in exchange for

salt, measure for measure; and likewise provided a quantity of tobacco

for the crew.

The account given of this island by Frezier is very exact, only that he

takes no notice of an island between the island of _Gall_ and the

continent of Brazil, nor of a reef of rocks. To arrive at the proper

anchoring place at this island of St Catharine, it is necessary to

proceed in the channel between that island and the continent till within

or near two small nameless islands, over against the northernmost of

which is the watering place on the island of St Catharine, near the

entrance of a salt-water creek, opposite to which you may safely anchor

in six or seven fathoms on fine grey sand. The isle of St Catharine is

about eight leagues and a half long, but no where exceeds two leagues

broad; and at one place the channel between it and the continent is only

a quarter of a mile broad. The island is covered all over with

impassable woods, except where cleared for the plantations. Even the

smallest island about it is covered in like manner with a great variety

of trees, between which the ground is entirely covered with thorns and

brambles, which hinder all access; and the main land of Brazil may be

justly termed a vast continued wilderness. Sassafras, so much valued in

Europe, is so common here that we laid in a good quantity for fuel. It

has great abundance of oranges, both China and Seville, lemons, citrons,

limes, bananas, cabbage-palms, melons of all sorts, and potatoes. It has

also very large and good sugar-canes, of which they make little use for

want of utensils, so that the little sugar, molasses and rum they have

is very dear. They have very little game, though the woods are full of

parrots, which are good eating. These birds always fly in pairs, though

often several hundreds in a flock. Maccaos, cockatoes, plovers, and a

variety of other birds of curious colours and various shapes, are to be

seen in abundance; particularly one somewhat larger than a thrush,

having a spur on the joint of each wing. Flamingoes are often seen here

in great numbers, of a fine scarlet colour, and appear very beautiful

while flying. This bird is about the size of a heron, and not unlike it

in shape.

The fishery is here abundant, as fish of several excellent sorts are in

great plenty, and there is the best convenience almost everywhere for

hauling the seine. All the creeks and bays are well stocked with

mullets, large rays, grantors, cavallies, and drum-fish, so named from

the noise they make when followed into shallow water, and there taken.

Some of them weigh twenty or thirty pounds each, their scales being as

large as crown pieces. The Portuguese call them _moroes_. The salt-water

creek formerly mentioned may be gone up three or four miles, to be near

the watering-place; and every rock or stone, even the roots of the

mangrove trees, afford a delicious small green oyster. Likewise on the

rocks at the sea-side there are _sea-eggs_, which resemble _dock-burrs_,

but usually three or four times as large, of a sea-green or purple

colour. In the inside they are divided into partitions, like oranges,

each cell containing a yellow substance, which is eaten raw, and

exceeds, in my opinion, all the shell-fish I ever tasted. They have

prawns of extraordinary size, and we sometimes caught the _sea-horse_ in

our nets. On the savannahs of Areziliba, on the continent opposite the

southern end of St Catharine, they have great numbers of black cattle,

some of which we had from thence at a very reasonable price.

The Portuguese on this island are a parcel of banditti, who have taken

refuge here from the more strictly governed parts of Brazil. Emanuel

Mansa, who was captain of the island in the time of Frezier, was still

their chief. They enjoy the blessings of a fertile country and wholesome

air, and stand in need of nothing from other countries except clothing.

They have fire-arms sufficient for their use, and have often need of

them, being greatly infected with tigers; for which reason every house

has many dogs to destroy these ravenous animals, which yet often make

great havock. I have been told that a tiger has killed eight or ten dogs

in a night: But when any make their appearance in the day, they seldom

escape, as the inhabitants are fond of the diversion of hunting them.

These animals are so numerous, that it is quite common to see the prints

of their paws on the sandy beach. We could not see any of the fine

dwelling-houses mentioned by Frezier; neither have they any place that

can be called a town, nor any kind of fortification, except the woods,

which are a secure retreat from any enemy that may attack them. I cannot

say much about the Indians of those parts, as I never saw above two or

three of them.

On the 2d July we saw a large ship at anchor, under Parrots Island,

about five miles from where we lay. After securing the watering-place,

and what we had there ashore, I sent the launch, well manned and armed,

under a lieutenant, to see what she was. The launch returned about noon,

reporting that she was the _Ruby_, formerly an English man-of-war, but

now one of the squadron under Martinet, and commanded by Mons. La

Jonqniere. She was in, the Spanish service, but most of her officers and

crew were French, to the number of about 420. Yet they had no intention

to molest us, having quitted the South Sea on report of a rupture

between France and Spain. M. La Jonquiere was a man of strict honour,

and sent me intimation of his good intentions, with an invitation to

dinner, which I accepted, and was well entertained. About this time I

heard that Hately had plundered the Portuguese ship, formerly mentioned,

of 100 moidores, and had distributed part of the money among the boat's

crew, to engage them to secrecy. I examined into this as strictly as

possible, intending, if found guilty, to have delivered him up to the

captain of St Catharine's, but I could not get sufficient proof. This

man also committed so many vile actions in the island of St Catharine,

that oar people were often in the utmost danger, from the resentment of

the Portuguese; which bad conduct I could neither prevent nor punish, as

he had become a great favourite with my mutinous crew.

M. La Jonquiere, with several of his officers and passengers, came on

board the Speedwell to dine with me, on the 6th July. While they were on

board, Hudson my boatswain raised a mutiny, which was easily quelled by

the assistance of the French gentlemen: But the boatswain was sent home

in the French ship. On the 15th July, we saw a large ship bearing in

for the harbour; but on discovering us, she turned out again. This

circumstance alarmed M. La Jonquiere, suspecting she might be our

consort, so that he put to sea next morning. The large ship appeared

again on the 25th under French colours, being the Solomon of St Malo of

forty guns and 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, bound for Peru

and Chili.

At this time great heart-burnings arose in my crew: for, having heard

that the people on board the Duke and Duchess had been indifferently

treated in regard to their prize-money when they got home, they resolved

to secure themselves in time. With this view, and by the advice of

Matthew Stewart, chief-mate, they drew up a paper of articles respecting

plunder, and sent me a letter insisting on these articles being made the

rule of our voyage; to which at last I was obliged to agree, rather than

suffer them to proceed in a piratical manner.

On the 3d August the St Francisco Zavier came into the harbour, a

Portuguese man of war of forty guns and 300 men, bound from Lisbon for

Macao in China, commanded by Mons. Riviere, a Frenchman. We departed

from the island of St Catharine on the 9th August. Its northern point

being in lat. 27° 20' S. and long. 50° W. from the Lizard.[255] I kept

the lead constantly sounding all along the coast of Patagonia, and had

regular soundings. From the lat. of 40° to 30° 38' both S. we frequently

saw great shoals of seals and penguins, which were always attended by

flocks of pintadoes, birds about the size of pigeons. The French call

these birds _damiers_, as their black and white feathers on their back

and wings are disposed like the squares of a draught-board. These were

also attended by albatrosses, the largest of all sea-fowl, some of them

extending their wings twelve or thirteen feet from tip to tip. While

passing the mouth of the Rio. Plata, the sea was covered with prodigious

quantities of large seaweed, which often greatly incommoded us and

deadened our way. On getting farther south we were freed from this

inconvenience; after which we saw abundance of things floating on the

surface of the sea, like white snakes. We took some of these up, but

could not perceive them to have any appearance of life, neither had they

the shape of any kind of animal, being only a long cylinder of a white

jelly-like substance, perhaps the spawn of some large fish.

[Footnote 255: Only 27° S. and 48° 30' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

As we advanced to the southward, the appetites of our people increased

with the cold, which occasioned disputes in the ship. Even at my own

table, Captain Betagh of the marines insisted on a larger allowance in

such coarse terms, that I confined him till he wrote me a submissive

letter, on which I restored him. But this squabble constrained me to

allow an extraordinary meal to the people daily, either of flour or

calavances; which reduced our stock of provisions, and consumed our

wood and water, proving afterwards of great inconvenience. Whales,

grampuses, and other fish of monstrous size, are in such vast numbers on

the coast of Patagonia, that they were often offensive to us, coming so

close to us that it seemed impossible to avoid striking them on every

scud of a sea, and almost stifling us with the stench of their breaths,

when they blew close to windward. Being ignorant of the Greenland

fishery, I cannot pretend to say whether that trade might not be carried

on here; but this I may venture to affirm, that the navigation here is

safer, and I am apt to believe it has a greater chance of being

successful.[256]

[Footnote 256: This southern whale-fishery is now carried on to a

considerable extent.--E.]

On the 19th September, about midnight, perceiving the water all at once

to be discoloured, we sounded, and had 25 fathoms, on which we stood out

from the land, but did not deepen our water in five leagues. This bank

must lie very near the entrance into the Straits of Magellan. On this

bank we saw great numbers of blubbers, appearing like the tops of

umbrellas, curiously streaked with all sorts of colours, being an

entirely different species from any I had ever seen before. We now

steered for the Straits of _Le Maire_, and met with very foggy weather

on approaching the coast of _Terra del Fuego_. The fog cleared up on the

23d September, when we had sight of stupendous mountains on that

southern land, entirely covered with snow. The nearest point of land was

at least eight leagues from us, in the S.W. but before we could

ascertain our situation the mist returned. At four next morning,

proceeding under easy sail to the S.E. it proved very clear at

day-break, and I found we had fallen in with the land about five leagues

N.W. from the straits of Le Maire. We had now a full, but melancholy

prospect of the most desolate country that can well be conceived,

appearing a congeries of chains of mountains in succession, one behind

the other, perpetually cloathed in snow.

Hitherto we had not been sensible of any current, either favourable or

adverse, after getting to the south of the Rio Plata. But this afternoon

we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the straits of Le Maire;

and when we had gained about the middle of the passage, the tide

slackened. On sounding we had twenty-seven fathoms on a rocky bottom. We

had a dear view of _Staten-land_, which yields a most uncomfortable

prospect of a surprising height, quite covered with snow to the very

wash of the sea, so that it seems more like a white cloud than firm

land. These straits seemed to answer well to the map of Frezier; being

about seven leagues through and six wide, and extend almost due north

and south. Now the return tide rushed upon us with a violence equal to

that which brought us in, and it was astonishing with what rapidity we

were driven again to the north, though we had a fresh gale at N.W. so

that we seemed to advance six knots by the log; whence I judged this

tide ran not less than ten knots. In short, we were carried quite out of

the straits to the north in about an hour. Upon this shift of tide there

arose such a short sea, and so lofty at the same time, that we

alternately dipped our bowsprit and poop-lanterns into the water; our

ship all the while labouring most violently, and refusing to answer the

helm. The tide shifted again at midnight, and we shot through the

straits, steering S. with a brisk gale at N.W. without seeing the land

distinctly on either side: And, in the morning, had a good offing to the

southward.

We found it very cold before we got thus far; but now we began to feel

the utmost extremity of coldness. The bleak western winds had of

themselves been sufficiently piercing; but these were always accompanied

by snow or sleet, which beat continually on our sails and rigging, cased

all our masts, yards, and ropes with ice, and rendered our sails almost

useless. We had been so much accustomed to most severe storms, that we

thought the weather tolerable when we could carry a reefed main-sail; as

we were often for two or three days together lying-to under bare poles,

exposed to the shocks of prodigious waves, more mountainous than any I

had ever seen. We now sensibly felt the benefit of our awning, without

which we could scarcely have lived. The wind continued to rage without

intermission from the westward, by which we were driven to the latitude

of 61° 30' S. and had such continued misty weather, that we were under

perpetual apprehension of running foul of ice islands: But, thank God,

we escaped that danger, though under frequent alarms from fog banks and

other false appearances. Though the days were long, we could seldom get

sight of the sun, so that we had only one observation for the variation

in all this passage, which was in lat. 60° 37' S. 5° W. of the straits

of Le Maire, when we found it 22° 6' E. On the 1st October, as we were

furling the main-sail, one William Camell, cried out that his hands and

fingers were so benumbed that he could not hold himself: And, before

those near could assist him, he fell down and was drowned. On the 22d

October, our fore-top-mast was carried away, and we rigged another next

day. Having contrary winds from the time we passed the straits of Le

Maire, with the most uncomfortable weather, we made our way very slowly

to the west and northwards, the hopes of getting soon into a wanner and

better climate supporting us under our many miseries.

SECTION II.

_Proceedings in the South Sea, till Ship-wrecked on the Island of Juan

Fernandez._

At length, on the 14th November at noon, our spirits were cheared by

seeing the coast of Chili; yet here we found ourselves under very great

difficulties. Our tedious passage and extraordinary consumption of

provisions, had so reduced our wood and water, and even our food, that

it was necessary to repair to some place where our wants might be

supplied; but it was difficult to resolve where that might be done. We

first tried Narborough island, but finding the road unsafe, sailed for

the mouth of St Domingo river on the continent, where we had

twenty-eight fathoms, shoaling as we advanced from eighteen to less than

five as fast as a man could heave the lead. Finding this place too

hazardous, we stood out to sea, and were blown farther north than we

designed. Being greatly at a loss where to procure wood and water, one

Joseph de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, proposed going to the island of

Chiloe, assuring us that the towns of _Chaiao_ and _Calibuco_, the

former on the island and the latter on the continent, were rich places,

where we could not fail of procuring whatever we wanted. Cliacao was, he

said, the usual residence of the governor, and at Calibuco was a wealthy

college of Jesuits, having considerable magazines, always well stocked

with provisions of all kinds. This person at the same time insinuated

among the people, that our expedition would probably turn out

unfortunate, if we passed this place, as Captain Clipperton must by this

time have alarmed the coast, in consequence of which there would be an

embargo on all ships trading to leeward.

My chief inducement for making an attempt on Chiloe was to procure such

additional supply of provisions, as might enable us, in case the coast

were already alarmed, to retire to some unfrequented island, to remain

till the Spaniards should suppose we had abandoned the South Sea; after

which we could resume our cruize, when they were under no apprehensions

of being molested. Accordingly, on the 30th November, we entered the

channel which divides the island of Chiloe from the main land of Chili,

and stood in for the harbour of Chacao under French colours, intending

to have attacked the towns of Chacao and Calibuco by surprise. Our

pilot, however, seemed as much a stranger to the navigation here as I

was, and as the wind began to blow fresh with thick weather, I came to

anchor in thirteen fathoms, at ten in the morning, between the point of

_Carelampo_ and the small island of Pedro Nunez. Soon after coming to

anchor, the tide made outwards with prodigious rapidity, and the wind

increased greatly, between which the sea became very boisterous, all the

channel in which we lay appearing one continued breach or surf. Our ship

consequently made a vast strain on her cable, which parted at two in the

afternoon, and we could have no hopes to recover our anchor, as the buoy

had been staved and sunk about an hour before we were thus set adrift. I

did not think it adviseable to risk another anchor, and therefore

immediately crossed over for the island of Chiloe, in a boisterous gale

with thick rainy weather, surrounded on all hands with seeming shoals,

and in a manner bewildered in an unknown navigation. When within a mile

of Chiloe, we ranged along shore to the southward,[257] in hope of

discovering the town of Chacao. We passed two commodious bays, which had

no appearance of any town, and came to a point of land marked by a high

pyramidal rock. After getting round this point, we found ourselves

entirely out of the tideway, and quite sheltered from all other

inconveniences, and came therefore to anchor opposite a cross on the

north side of the harbour, having just sufficient day-light to enable us

to get into this place of shelter.

[Footnote 257: The direction was more probably to the eastward--E.]

Next morning, I sent the second lieutenant, in the pinnace well manned

and armed, to look out for the two towns; and sent at the same time Mr

Hately in the launch, to endeavour to find a watering-place. He soon

returned, accompanied by an Indian, who had shewn him a very convenient

place where we could at once procure both wood and water, even under the

command of our guns from the ship, and free from all danger of being

surprised. I accordingly sent back the launch with casks to be filled,

and several people to cut wood, all well armed, together with an

officer of marines and ten men to keep guard. The Indians gave us hopes

of a sufficient supply of provisions; but came in the evening to our

people who were on shore, to acquaint them that the natives were

forbidden to bring any thing to us. As the pinnace had not yet returned,

this information gave me much concern, fearing that the enemy had taken

her, and had by that means learnt what we were. On the 3d December,

about seven in the evening, a Spanish officer came to us, in a boat

rowed by eight Indians, being sent by the governor of Chiloe to enquire

what we were. Meaning to pass upon him for a French captain well known

in these seas, I ordered none of my people to appear on deck but such as

could speak French or Spanish, and hoisted French colours. When the

officer came on board, I told him my ship was the St Rose,

homeward-bound, that my name was _Janis le Breton_, and that I entreated

the governor to spare me what provisions he could conveniently afford,

that being my only business on the coast. The officer heard me with much

civility, seeming to give implicit credit to all I said; even staid on

board all night, and went away next morning, to all appearance well

satisfied.

On the 5th in the morning, two boats came towards us full of armed men;

but, after taking a view of us, went to a small island in the mouth of

the harbour. On the 6th we saw a white flag hoisted on shore, to which I

sent my launch completely manned and armed, but they found no person

near the flag, to the shaft of which a letter was fastened, and a dozen

hams lying close by. The letter was from _Don Nicholas Salvo_, governor

of Chiloe, intimating strong doubts of our ship being the St Rose,

complaining of the behaviour of the people in our pinnace, and desiring

me to leave the coast. I returned an answer in as proper terms as I

could devise, and next morning had another letter, couched in the utmost

civility, but absolutely refusing me any refreshments, and demanding the

restitution of the Indians said to have been made prisoners by our

pinnace. In fact I knew less of our pinnace than he did, and believed

that he actually had the people in his hands of whom he now complained.

Despairing of ever seeing my people, and still ignorant where Chacao was

situated, having no chart of the island on which I could depend, I

determined to change my style of writing to the governor, and try what

could be done by threatening to use force. I therefore wrote, that I

was determined to have provisions by fair means or foul. Next day I sent

my first lieutenant, Mr Brooks, with twenty-nine men well armed in the

launch, ordering him to bring off all the provisions he could find.

Shortly after, a boat came with a message from the governor, offering to

treat with me, if I would send an officer to Chacao: But I answered,

that I would treat no where but on board, and that he was now too late,

as I had already sent eighty men on shore to take all they could find.

In the evening the launch returned, accompanied by a large piragua, and

both were completely laden with sheep, hogs, fowls, barley, and green

peas and beans. Soon afterwards, the pinnace arrived with all her crew,

but so terrified that I did not expect them to be again fit for service

for one while. The officer told me, that he had been forced to fight his

way through several canoes, filled with armed Indians, from whom he got

clear with the utmost difficulty, and had been under the necessity of

making his passage quite round the island, a course of not less than

seventy leagues.[258] This proceeded only from excess of terror, as they

only met one boat with unarmed Indians and a Spanish sergeant, who came

off to them without the least shew of violence, as some of them

afterwards confessed, but with this addition, that there were great

numbers of people on shore, who they were apprehensive would come off to

them. The only excuse the officer could allege was, that the tide had

hurried him away, and he forgot in his fright that he had a grappling in

the boat, with which he might have anchored till the tide turned.

[Footnote 258: The circuit of the island of Chiloe by sea, could hardly

be less than 350 English miles; an arduous navigation in an open boat

upon an utterly unknown coast.--E.]

By this strange mismanagement, I missed a favourable opportunity of

seizing the town of Chacao, which I might easily have done if I had

appeared before it within forty-eight hours after our arrival, when the

governor was totally unprovided for resistance. But now, having a whole

week allowed for mustering the force of the island, he had collected

near a thousand armed Spaniards, as I learnt from the Indian prisoners

in the pinnace. I therefore laid aside all thoughts of going to the

towns, in the hopes of furnishing ourselves from the Indian farms and

plantations, in which I kept one of our boats constantly employed. By

the 16th, our decks were full of live cattle, together with poultry and

hams in abundance, and such quantities of wheat, barley, potatoes, and

maize, that I was quite satisfied. On a moderate computation, we had

added four months provisions to the stock we brought from England, so

that I was well pleased with the effects of our stay at Chiloe, and

prepared to depart. I might certainly have done much more for my own

credit and the profit of my owners, had if not been for the

mismanagement of the officer in the pinnace.

_Chiloe_ is the first of the Spanish possessions on the coast of Chili,

reckoning from the south; and, though it produces neither gold nor

silver, is a fine island, and is considered as of great consequence;

insomuch that the Spaniards would be under great apprehensions when

strange ships enter its ports, did they not confide in the number of its

inhabitants, which is extraordinary for this part of the world. The body

of this island is in lat. 42° 4' S. being about thirty leagues in length

from N. to S. and not above six or seven leagues from E. to W.[259] It

is watered by several rivers, and produces many kinds of useful trees,

yielding an agreeable prospect, by the great number of Indian farms and

plantations dispersed at small distances from each other, on rising

grounds among the woods. Within this great island there is an

archipelago or cluster of smaller islands, the number of which is not

well known; yet the smallest of these is said to be well inhabited, and

to abound in cattle. Among these islands there are very uncertain and

violent currents, which are by no means safe. I would recommend all

strangers to go in at the north end of the great island, giving the

northern point of the island a good birth, and then to keep the island

side of the channel on board, running along shore to the southward

(eastward). Passing two bays, which seem commodious, you come to a

point, almost contiguous to which is a high rock, somewhat like a

pyramid; and passing between that rock and a small high island near it,

you run directly into a harbour resembling the mouth of a river, which

forms a safe anchorage. In going in, take care not to come nearer shore

than having the depth of five fathoms, as the nearer to the small island

the less water; wherefore keep the lead going, and be bold with the

shore towards the north side of the harbour, which has the greatest

depth, while the south side is shoaly.[260]

[Footnote 259: Chiloe reaches from lat. 41° 50' to 43° 50', both S. and

from long. 73° 18' to 74° 24', both W. extending 135 English miles in

extreme length, by 35 in medium breadth. See vol. V. p. 592, for an

account of the Archipelago of Chiloe.--E.]

[Footnote 260: Shelvocke seems here to describe the harbour leading to

the town or village of San Carlos.--E.]

My pilot carried me the contrary way to that here directed, advising me

to keep near the main land of Chili, which I did till I got to

_Carelampo_ Point, having several small islands to the southward of my

course, which proved unfortunate for me by the loss of my anchor. The

soil of Chiloe is very fertile, producing all sorts of European fruits

and grains, and has fine pasture lands, in which great numbers of cattle

are grazed, particularly sheep. The air is wholesome and temperate; yet

I suspect the winter may be rigorous, being bounded on the west by an

immense ocean, without any land to screen it from the cold moist vapours

brought thither by the tempestuous westerly winds, which generally reign

in these latitudes, and which must render it uncomfortable in the winter

months, as the parallels of latitude to the south of the equator are

much colder than those in the same degrees to the northwards.

In this island they have abundance of very handsome middle-sized horses,

which the natives are said to manage with great dexterity. They have

also an animal, called _guanaco_ or _carneso de tierra_, that is, sheep

of the country, which very much resembles a camel, but not nearly so

large. They have long necks, and I have seen one of them between five

and six feet high. Their wool or soft hair is very fine. They smell very

rank, and move with a very slow majestic pace, which hardly any violence

can make them quicken; yet they are of great service at the mines in

Peru, where they are employed in carrying the ore and other things.

Their flesh is very coarse, as we experienced, having salted some of

them for our future use. Besides these, the inhabitants have European

sheep and great numbers of hogs, but not many black cattle. The island

has plenty of fowls, both wild and tame. Among the former is a small

species of goose, found on the banks of the rivers, which are

beautifully white, and of an excellent taste. The tame poultry are of

the same kinds with our own.

The natives are almost in all respects the same with those on the

continent of Chili, of moderate stature, with deep olive complexions,

and coarse shaggy black hair, some of them having by no means

disagreeable features. They seem naturally of fierce and warlike

dispositions; but the oppressions of the Spaniards, and the artifices of

the jesuits, who are the missionaries in these parts, have curbed and

broken their spirits. Frezier says, that the Indians on the continent,

to the southward of this island, are called _Chonos_, who go quite

naked; and that there is a race of men of extraordinary size in the

inland parts of the country, called _Cacahues_,[261] who are in amity

with the _Chonos_, and sometimes accompany them to the Spanish

settlements in Chiloe. Frezier says, that he has been credibly informed

by eye-witnesses, that some of these were about nine or ten feet high. I

had sight of two of these Indians, who came from the southward of St

Domingo river, one of whom was a cacique, who did not seem to me to

differ in their persons from the ordinary natives of Chiloe. They were

decently clothed in _ponchos, monteras_, and _poulains_. The _poncho_ is

a sort of square carpet, having a slit or hole cut in the middle, wide

enough to slip over the head, so that it hangs down over the shoulders,

half before and half behind, under which they generally wear a short

doublet. On their heads they have a _montera_, or cap nearly like those

of our postillions, and their legs are covered by the _poulains_, a kind

of knit buskins, or hose without feet. In short, their appearance has

little or none of the savage. Their habitations are firmly built of

planks, but have no chimneys, so that they are very black and sooty

within.

[Footnote 261: See an account of the native tribes, inhabiting the

southern extremity of South America, vol. V. p. 401.]

They inclose some of their land for cultivation, by means of rails or

paling; and although they have plenty of every thing necessary to a

comfortable subsistence, they have no bread, from wanting mills in which

to grind and prepare their wheat They use a miserable substitute, making

a kind of cakes of sea-weeds, which from use is much esteemed by them,

and was not even disliked by some of our men. Besides this, they prepare

their maize in several manners to answer the purpose of bread, and they

use potatoes and other roots with the same intention. They prepare a

liquor called _chicha_ from their Indian corn, in imitation of their

neighbours on the continent of Chili; but the Spaniards endeavor to curb

their propensity to the use of this liquor, as their drinking bouts have

often occasioned seditions and revolts. Such of the natives as have no

European weapons, use pikes, darts, and other arms of the country. Among

these is a running noose on a long leathern thong, called a _lays_,

which they use with surprising dexterity for catching cattle, horses, or

other animals, even when at full career. From all that I could see of

the natives of Chiloe, or hear respecting the Chilese, they seem to

resemble each other in all things, which is not wonderful, considering

the near neighbourhood of this island to the continent of Chili. They

use small drums, the heads of which are made of goats skins with the

hair on, and give a very dull sound.

The natives of Chiloe carry on a small woollen manufacture, consisting

of _ponchoes_ and other articles of clothing, formerly mentioned. They

also export considerable quantities of cedar, both in plank, and wrought

up into boxes, chests, desks, and the like, with which they supply all

Chili and Peru. They have no European trade; but the Spaniard who came

to me from the governor expressed his astonishment that no trading ships

ever put in there, saying they had plenty of money among them, with a

safe port, free from the danger of going to the northward among the

Spanish ships of war; as a great deal of business might be done here,

before intelligence could be sent as far as Lima, and the ships could be

fitted out and sent so great a way to wind-ward. It is observed of the

Chilese, that, differing from all other nations ever heard of, they have

no notion of a Supreme Being, and consequently have no kind of worship;

and they are such enemies to civil society that they never live together

in towns and villages, so that their country seems thinly inhabited,

though very populous, the whole nation being dispersed in farms at a

good distance, every family having its own plantation, and raising its

own necessaries.

Though thus scattered, they are not wholly independent, each tribe being

subject to a chief, called a cacique, whose dwelling is conveniently

situated among them, for the more speedy summoning them together on

affairs of importance. This is done by the sound of a sort of horn, on

hearing which all his vassals repair to him without delay. The chief

commands them in war, and has an absolute power of dispensing justice

among his subjects, who all consider themselves as his relations, he

being as it were the head of his family, and his authority hereditary.

In all these respects the inhabitants of Chiloe resemble their

neighbours on the continent, excepting that their caciques are stript

in a great measure of their power and influence, by the tyranny of the

Spaniards, who keep them under the most servile slavery, while the

missionaries blind them by a superstitious and imperfect conversion to

Christianity, of which not one of these natives know any thing more than

merely that they were baptized; all their devotion consisting of mere

idolatry of the cross, or the images of saints; for the Spanish clergy

use no manner of pains to enlighten their minds, but probably think it

better, by keeping them in ignorance, to make them more contented under

the rigorous government of the Spaniards. Under this delusion, the

caciques have changed their lawful prerogatives for the vain ostentation

of being allowed to wear a silver-headed cane, which places them on a

footing outwardly with a Spanish captain. Yet have they sometimes

rebelled against their proud oppressors, deeming death preferable to

slavery, as may be seen in the account of Frezier's voyage.

The vessels used in Chiloe are peculiarly constructed, as, for want of

nails and other articles of iron, the planks of which their boats are

constructed are sewed together very ingeniously with oziers. These boats

are all constructed of three pieces only, the keel or bottom being one

piece, and the sides two others; and they are rowed with oars, in the

same manner as with us, more or fewer according to their size.

Having nothing farther to detain us in Chiloe, I determined upon

proceeding to the island of Juan Fernandez, as directed in my

instructions; but my men took it into their heads that great things

might be done by a short trip to the Bay of Conception, to which also

they were induced by the Frenchman who persuaded us to come to Chiloe.

He pretended that there were always five or six ships in the road of

Conception, besides others daily coming in or going out, and that these

had often both ways considerable sums of money or silver, with other

valuable things, on board; and, though large ships, they were of little

or no force, neither were there any fortifications at that place to

protect them; so that we could not meet any opposition in taking them,

even if there were twenty sail. He said their, cargoes consisted chiefly

of corn, wine, brandy, flour, and jerked beef; and that the ships bound

for Conception always brought money to purchase their cargoes; besides

that considerable booty might be made for rich trading passengers, who

carry on a considerable trade over land between Conception and Buenos

Ayres. He also alleged, that we could not fail of having any ships we

might take ransomed; and that we should certainly make our fortunes, if

we could only reach Conception before they had notice of our being in

these seas. This man therefore advised my people to endeavour to prevail

on me to make the best of my way to Conception, before the governor of

Chiloe could send our deserter thither; after which all the coast would

be alarmed, and we should have no opportunity of meeting with any thing

till the Spaniards had imagined we were gone from the South Sea.

In similar cases, all are fond of delivering their sentiments; and, as

it is impossible to keep a ship's company in so much awe in so remote a

part as in short voyages, my men did not fail to speak their minds

somewhat insolently. One William Morphew, who had been in these seas

several years, took upon him to tell me, that it did not signify much if

we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan Fernandez. He said

also, that I was a stranger here, but the Frenchman and he were well

acquainted with these seas, and every body hoped I would be advised to

go to Conception; hoping I would not put a mere punctilious adherence to

orders in balance against so fair a prospect, or almost certainty of

success, if we arrived there in time. In short, they all assured me that

they had the interest of the proprietors in view, as much as their own,

and that they would perish sooner than injure them in any respect. They

said at the same time, if I had not success in my proceedings nobody

could be blamed but myself, and entreated me not to let slip this

opportunity, in which they would stand by me with all fidelity.

On our way to Conception, we made the islands of Mocha and St Mary on

the 23d December, and arrived that same evening in the Bay of

Conception, but could not be certain whether there were any ships in the

road. I immediately gave orders to man and arm our boats and sent them

up that same night, in order to surprise any ships that might be there;

and with strict orders, if they found them too strong, to endeavour to

prevent them from sending any thing on shore till I were able to work

the ship up to them. This I endeavoured to do all night, but to very

little purpose; for at day-light next morning I could not discern any

thing above us. Captain Hately returned about noon of the 24th,

informing me that he had taken a ship of about 150 tons, lately arrived

from Baldivia, and having only a few cedar plants on board, with no

person in her but the boatswain, an old negro, and two Indian boys. He

had left her in the charge of Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, with

orders to bring her down the first opportunity; and had taken, while on

his return, a small vessel, of about twenty-five tons, near the island

_Quiri-quinie_, which lies in the harbour or bay of Conception, where

this small vessel had been taking in pears, cherries, and other fruits,

to sell at Conception. Immediately after taking this small vessel, I

could perceive with my glass another small boat come in between the

islands of _Quiri-quinie_ and _Talgaguana_, passing within pistol-shot

of my pinnace, and yet Captain Hately did not engage her. For this his

only excuse, after he came on board, was, that he did not mind her;

though our boat's crew said she was full of men.

On the 26th about noon, Mr Brooks brought down the prize, and anchored

about half a mile short of us. The boatswain of this prize had not been

two hours in the Speed-well, till he told us of a vessel, laden with

wine, brandy, and other valuable things, riding at anchor in the Bay of

Herradura, about two leagues to the north of us, and bound for Chiloe.

On receiving this information, I ordered Mr Randal, my second

lieutenant, with twenty five men, to go in the Mercury, which name we

gave to the captured flour bark, and, accompanied by the Spanish

boatswain of the other prize, to go in search of the vessel in the Bay

of Herradura, with positive orders not to land or to make any other

hazardous attempt. But they returned next evening with the following

melancholy story.

On getting into the bay, they found the vessel hauled dry ashore, when

Randal ordered his people to land and bring away what they could find in

her, while he and three or four more kept the bark afloat. The people

found the bark empty, but seeing a small house hard by, they suspected

her cargo might be lodged there, and the inferior officer along with

them ordered them to examine that house. The poor fellows went

accordingly, without any officer at their head, and without any regard

to order, every one endeavouring to be foremost. Their career was soon

stopped, as they had hardly got beyond the top of the bank when they

discovered the enemy coming furiously towards them. Some of the seamen

were of opinion they might have retreated at this time in safety, if

they had not been astonished at the strange manner in which they were

attacked, by a number of horses galloping up to them without riders,

which caused them for some time to stand amazed, not knowing what way to

proceed; but on a little reflection they bestirred themselves to make

the best of their way to the Mercury, in which they all succeeded except

five, who were made prisoners. Fortunately for them, the Mercury had by

some accident got aground, or they must all have been cut off, as the

Spaniards thought fit to retire on getting within musket-shot of the

Mercury. They now got the bark afloat, but as the water was still very

low, and they were obliged in going out of the bay to keep very near to

a point of land, the Spaniards galled them from that point, under the

shelter of the wood. They soon passed this point, having a fair wind,

all lying close in the bottom of the bark, so that on this occasion only

one man was wounded, who was shot through the thigh. The Spaniards came

down upon them in this affair after the following singular manner. They

were preceded by twenty or more horses abreast, two deep, and linked

together, behind which extraordinary van-guard came the enemy on

horseback, lying on the necks of their horses, and driving the others

before them, never seen to sit up on their saddles, except to fire their

muskets, or when there was no danger. When they got near our people,

they threw their _lays_ or running nooses to catch them, and accordingly

ensnared James Daniel, one of my foremast-men, who was a good way into

the water, and whom they dragged out again at the rate of ten knots. The

Spaniards in Chili are universally dexterous in the use of this running

noose, for I have seen a Spaniard bring a man up by the foot as he ran

along the deck, and they are sure of any thing they fling at, at the

distance of several fathoms.

These misfortunes and disappointments made my crew extremely uneasy, and

might have had bad consequences, if we had not been agreeably surprised

by seeing a large ship coming round the northern point of the island of

_Quiri-quinie_.[262] It was at this time almost dark, so that her people

could not perceive what we were, and stood on therefore without fear, so

that she came towards us, and was taken without resistance. This ship

proved to be the St Fermin, of about 300 tons, last from _Cadaco_,[263]

having only a small cargo, consisting of sugar, molasses, rice, coarse

French linen, some woollen cloth and bays of Quito, a small quantity of

chocolate, and about five or six thousand dollars in money and wrought

plate. I sent Mr Hendric, the owners agent, to inspect her cargo, and to

order every thing of value out of her into the Speedwell, and the ship's

company sent their agent likewise. They returned in the afternoon,

bringing all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, and other packages,

with a large quantity of sugar, molasses, and chocolate, and about

seventy hundred weight of good rusk, with all her other stores and

eatables. Don Francisco Larragan, the captain of this ship, begged to be

allowed to ransom her, which I willingly consented to, and allowed him

to go in his own launch to Conception to raise the money, accompanied by

a merchant, one of the prisoners.

[Footnote 262: A small island in the entrance of the Bay of

Conception.--E.]

[Footnote 263: Callao, or the port of Lima, is perhaps here meant.--E.]

In the mean time we were very busy in searching the prize, lest any

thing might have been concealed; and every one who came at any time from

the St Fermin was strictly searched by some of our people appointed for

the purpose, that they might not appropriate any thing of value. Our

carpenter also was employed in making a slight spar-deck over the

Mercury, as she might be of great use while cruizing along the coast. On

the 30th December a boat came off to us with a flag of truce from the

governor of Conception, and an officer, who acquainted us that two of

our people, taken in the late skirmish, were still alive, but very much

wounded. He brought also a present of seven jars of very good wine, and

a letter from Don Gabriel Cano, the governor, in which he demanded to

see my commission, as also that I should send ashore Joseph de la

Fontaine, who had been servant to one of the mates belonging to Captain

La Jonquiere, and some other things that I thought unreasonable,

engaging to enter into a treaty, if I would comply with these

requisitions. At length a formal treaty was begun, in which I demanded

16,000 dollars for the ransom of the St Fermin alone, while they offered

only 12,000 for both the ships and the bark. Finding all his Spanish

_puncto_ tended only to entrap us, I set fire to the Solidad, one of our

prizes; and, giving them time to comply with my proposals it they would,

I set the St Fermin also on fire.

We sailed from the bay of Conception on the 7th January, 1720, intending

for Juan Fernandez; and on the 8th we observed the sea to be entirely of

a red colour, occasioned, as the Spaniards say, by the spawn of the

_camarones_, or pracous. On the 9th, the plunder taken in the St Fermin

was sold by the ship's agent at the mart, and brought extravagant

prices. The account being taken, and the shares calculated, the people

insisted for an immediate distribution, which was made accordingly, and

each foremast-man had after the rate of ten dollars a share, in money

and goods. On the 11th we saw the island of Juan Fernandez; and at noon

it bore from us five leagues W.S.W. the meridional distance from

Conception being 275 miles[264] W. From that day to the 15th, I stood

off and on, waiting for my boats which were employed in fishing. In this

time I sent the Mercury ashore to stop her leaks, while the boats caught

so many fish, that we salted the fill of five puncheons. I could find no

marks of Captain Clipperton having been here for a long time; but at

length some of my men saw accidentally the words _Magee_ and Captain

John cut upon a tree. Magee was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, but no

directions were left, as agreed upon in his instructions to me, so that

it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join

him again.

[Footnote 264: The difference of longitude between Conception and Juan

Fernandez is six degrees of longitude W. and, consequently, 360 minutes

or marine miles.--E.]

Being by this certified of the arrival of Clipperton in the South Sea, I

directly made the best of my way from Juan Fernandez, being in a pretty

good condition as to provisions, by the additional stock of fish caught

here, all our casks being filled. On the 21st, while sailing along there

with the design of looking into _Copiapo_, I put Mr Dodd, second

lieutenant of marines, into the Mercury, with a reinforcement of eight

men, and sent her next evening to cruize close in with the land, while I

kept with the Speedwell in the offing, to prevent being discovered from

the land. On this occasion I took care to give the officer commanding

the Mercury a copy of my commission, with all necessary instructions how

to proceed, appointing the _Moro_, or head-land of Copiapo, to be our

place of meeting. The business of the Mercury was to look into the port

of Copiapo, called _Caldera_,[265] near which there are some gold-mines,

and from whence considerable quantities of gold are exported in small

vessels; and our bark had the advantage of being of that country build,

so that she could not excite suspicion. Next day I hove in sight of the

head-land of Copiapo, and lay to the southward, that I might not be seen

from that port, which is to the northward of the _Moro de Copiapo_.

While here, opposite a small island which lies athwart the mouth of

Copiapo river, I sent the pinnace to fish between that isle and the

main, and soon after saw a vessel crowding all sail towards us. She at

first seemed too large for the Mercury, yet turned out to be her; when

the officer told me he had looked into the port, but could see no

shipping; but he had looked into a wrong place, and having made him

sensible of his error, I sent him again to the right place, which was

about six leagues farther north.

[Footnote 265: The port of Caldera, or English harbour, is about twelve

or fifteen miles to the N. of Copiapo river, having a considerable

interposed promontory.--E.]

Next morning our pinnace returned, bringing only a few penguins which

she had taken on the island in the bay of Copiapo. The Mercury had

looked into Caldera, but saw nothing; and instead of making use of the

land-wind to come off to me, had kept along shore in the bottom of the

bay till the land-wind came in so strong that she was nearly lost on the

lee-shore. On the 27th, I sent Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, and Mr

Rainor, first lieutenant of marines, to relieve Mr Randal and Mr Dodd in

the Mercury, which I had fitted with a gang of oars, and, upon trial,

she was found to make way at the rate of three knots, which might render

her extremely useful in a calm. The 5th February, I dispatched Mr Brooks

ahead in the Mercury, to see if there were any ships in the harbour of

Arica, in lat. 18° 26' S. and next day, at one p.m. having ranged along

shore, by the breakers of _Pisagua, Camarones_, and _Victor_, I got

sight of the head-land of Arica, with a ship at anchor on its northern

side, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the

ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all haste to get up to her

with the Speedwell. On coming up, we found that the ship was already

taken, and the Mercury only accidentally adrift. This prize was called

the Rosario, of 100 tons, laden with cormorants dung, which they use for

manuring the land which produces the cod-pepper, or _Capsicum_, from the

cultivation of which they make a vast profit in the vale of Arica. The

only white face in this ship was the pilot, whom I sent ashore to see if

the owner would ransom his ship, the cargo being worth gold to them, but

entirely useless to us. Next morning I received a letter from Miguel

Diaz Gonzale, the owner of the ship, insisting pitifully on his poverty

and distress, having a large family to provide for, and promising to

meet me at Hilo or Quaco, to treat for a ransom.

We soon after took a small bark of ten tons, laden with _guana_, or

cormorants dung, and having also some dried fish, which lay within a

mile of Arica. By this time all the adjacent country was up in arms, and

great numbers had come down to the coast, well mounted and armed, and

seemingly well disciplined. To try their courage, I ordered the Mercury

and launch to draw near the shore, as if we had really intended to land,

though the landing-place here is altogether impracticable for European

boats; and I also cannonaded the town briskly. Our balls made no

execution, yet ploughed up the sand in front of the Spanish horse,

throwing it all over them: But neither this, nor the approach of my

small craft, made any impression, for they stood firm, and at least

shewed the countenance of as good troops as could be wished. This much

disappointed me, as it shewed my men that the Spaniards were far from

being cowards, as they had been represented. As soon as it was dark,

Gonzales came off to me, and I agreed to let him have back his ship and

six negroes on receiving 1500 dollars, reserving right to take any thing

out of her that might be useful to us; and at ten next night he brought

me the agreed sum, being the weight of 1300 dollars in ingots of virgin

silver, called _pinnas_ by the Spaniards, and the rest in coined

dollars. He also made great enquiry for English commodities, for which

he offered high prices, complaining that the French only supplied them

with paltry goods and mere trifles, for which they carried off vast

sums. He added, that he supposed the English merchants were all asleep,

or too rich, as they did not come near them: And, although their ports

were not so open as in other parts of the world, they yet know how to

manage matters tolerably well; and that their governors, being generally

Europeans, who seldom remained above three years in the country, used

any means to improve their time, and could easily be gained so as to act

very obligingly. He said much more as to the blindness of the English,

in suffering the French pedlars to carry on, uninterruptedly, the most

considerable branch of traffic in the world. Before leaving me, he

desired me to carry his ship two or three leagues out to sea, and then

to turn her adrift, on purpose to deceive the governor and the king's

officers; and, if I would meet him at _Hilo_ (_Ilo_,) about twenty-five

leagues to the north-westwards, he would purchase from me any coarse

goods I had to dispose of, which might be done there with all imaginable

secrecy. At this time also, the master of the small bark came off in a

_balsa_. This is an odd sort of an embarkation, consisting of two large

seal skins, separately blown up, like bladders, and made fast to pieces

of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy and forty dollars;

which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could expect.

One part of his cargo was valuable, being a considerable quantity of

excellent dried fish.

The port of _Arica_, formerly so famous for the great quantities of

silver shipped from thence, is now much diminished in its riches, and

appears mostly a heap of ruins, except the church of St Mark, and two or

three more, which still look tolerably well. What helps to give it a

very desolate appearance is, that the houses near the sea are only

covered with mats. Being situated on the sea-shore, in an open

roadstead, it has no fortifications of any kind to defend or command the

anchorage, the Spaniards thinking it sufficiently secured by the heavy

surf, and the rocky bottom near the shore, which threaten inevitable

destruction to any European boats, or other embarkation, except what is

expressly contrived for the purpose, being the _balsas_ already

mentioned. To obstruct the landing of an enemy, the Spaniards had

formerly a fort and entrenchments, flanking the storecreeks; but being

built of unburnt bricks, it is now fallen to ruins. In 1680, when

Dampier was here, being repulsed before the town, the English landed at

the creek of _Chacota,_ to the south of the head-land, whence they

marched over the mountain _(Gordo)_ to plunder Arica. Earthquakes also,

which are frequent here, have at last ruined the town, and Arica is now

no more than a little village of about 150 families, most of them

negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, with very few whites. On the 26th

November, 1605,[266] the sea, violently agitated by an earthquake,

suddenly overflowed, and broke down the greatest part of the town, and

the ruins of its streets are to be seen at this day. What remains of

Arica is not now liable to such an accident, being situated on a little

rising ground at the foot of the head-land. Most of the houses are only

constructed of a sort of fascines, made of flags or sedges, bound

together, called _totora_, set up on end, crossed by canes and leather

thongs; or are made of canes set on end, having the intervals filled

with earth. The use of unburnt bricks is reserved for churches and the

stateliest houses; and as no rain ever falls here, they are only covered

with mats, so that the houses seem all in ruins when seen from the sea.

The parish church, dedicated to St Mark, is handsome enough. There are

also three religious houses, one a monastery of seven or eight

_mercenarians_, a second is an hospital of the brothers of _St John of

God_, and the third a monastery of Franciscans, who formerly had a house

a short way from town, in the pleasantest part of the vale, near the

sea.

[Footnote 266: Perhaps this date ought to have been 1705.--E.]

The vale of Arica is about a league wide next the sea, all barren ground

except where the old town stood, which is divided into small fields of

clover, some small plantations of sugar-canes, with olive-trees and

cotton-trees intermixed, and several intervening marshes, full of the

sedges of which they build their houses. Growing narrower about a league

eastward at the village of _St Michael de Sapa_, they begin to cultivate

the _agi_, or Guinea pepper, which culture extends over all the rest of

the vale, in which there are several detached farms exclusively devoted

to its culture. In that part of the vale, which is very narrow, and

about six leagues long, they raise yearly to the value of above 80,000

crowns. The Spaniards of Peru are so much addicted to this spice, that

they dress no meat without it, although so hot and biting that no one

can endure it, unless accustomed to its use; and, as it cannot grow in

the _Puna_, or mountainous country, many merchants come down every year,

who carry away all the Guinea pepper that grows in the districts of

_Arica, Sama, Taena, Locumba_, and others, ten leagues around, from all

of which it is reckoned they export yearly to the value of 600,000

dollars, though sold cheap. It is hard to credit that such vast

quantities should go from hence, as the country is so parched up, except

the vales, that nothing green is to be seen. This wonderful fertility is

produced by the dung of fowls, which is brought from _Iquique_, and

which fertilizes the soil in a wonderful manner, making it produce four

or five hundred for one of all sorts of grain, as wheat, maize, and so

forth, but particularly of this _agi_, or Guinea pepper, when rightly

managed. When the plants are sufficiently grown in the seed-bed to be

fit for transplanting, they are set out in winding lines like the letter

S, that the furrows for conveying the water may distribute it equally to

the roots of the plants. They then lay about the root of each plant of

Guinea pepper as much _guana_, or bird's dung formerly mentioned, as

will lie in the hollow of the hand. When in blossom, they add a little

more; and, lastly, when the pods are completely formed, they add a good

handful more to each plant, always taking care to supply them with

water, as it never rains in this country; otherwise, the salts contained

in the manure, not being dissolved, would burn the plants, as has been

found by experience. It is also for this reason that this manure is laid

on at different times, as already explained, the necessity of which has

been found by long use, and by the superior value of the crops thus

produced.

For the carriage of this _guana_, or fowl's dung, the people at Arica

generally use that sort of little camels which the Indians of Bern call

_Llamas_, the Chilese, _Chilihneque_, and the Spaniards, _Carneros de la

tierra_, or native sheep. The heads of these animals are small in

proportion to their bodies, and are somewhat in shape between the head

of a horse and that of a sheep, the upper lips being cleft like that of

a hare, through which they can spit to the distance of ten paces against

any one who offends them, and if the spittle happens to fall on the face

of a person, it causes a red itchy spot. Their necks are long, and

concavely bent downwards, like that of a camel, which animal they

greatly resemble, except in having no hunch on their backs, and in being

much smaller. Their ordinary height is from four feet to four and a

half; and their ordinary burden does not exceed an hundred-weight. They

walk, holding up their heads with wonderful gravity, and at so regular a

pace as no beating can quicken. At night it is impossible to make them

move with their loads, for they lie down till these are taken off, and

then go to graze. Their ordinary food is a sort of grass called _yeho_,

somewhat like a small rush, but finer, and has a sharp point, with which

all the mountains are covered exclusively. They eat little, and never

drink, so that they are very easily maintained. They have cloven feet

like sheep, and are used at the mines to carry ore to the mills; and, as

soon as loaded, they set off without any guide to the place where they

are usually unloaded. They have a sort of spur above the foot, which

renders them sure-footed among the rocks, as it serves as a kind of hook

to hold by. Their hair, or wool rather, is long, white, grey, and

russet, in spots, and fine, but much inferior to that of the Vicunna,

and has a strong and disagreeable scent.

The _Vicunna_ is shaped much like the Llama, but much smaller and

lighter, their wool being extraordinarily fine and much valued. These

animals are often hunted after the following manner: Many Indians gather

together, and drive them into some narrow pass, across which they have

previously extended cords about four feet from the ground, having bits

of wool or cloth hanging to them at small distances. This so frightens

them that they dare not pass, and gather together in a string, when the

Indians kill them with stones tied to the ends of leather thongs. Should

any _quanacos_ happen to be among the flock, these leap over the cords,

and are followed by all the _vicunnas_. These _quanacos_ are larger and

more corpulent, and are also called _viscachas_. There is yet another

animal of this kind, called _alpagnes_, having wool of extraordinary

fineness, but their legs are shorter, and their snouts contracted in

such a manner as to give them some resemblance to the human countenance.

The Indians make several uses of these creatures, some of which carry

burdens of about an hundred-weight. Their wool serves to make stuffs,

cords, and sacks. Their bones are used for the construction of weavers

utensils; and their dung is employed as fuel for dressing meat, and

warming their huts.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 10 Arranged in systematic order: Forming a complete history of the origin and progress of navigation, discovery, and commerce, by sea and land, from the earliest ages to the present time. · 第 14 / 15 章

The 12th December he took a vessel bound from Cherisse for Panama with