We left the Gulf of Amapalla on the 1st February, 1705, where Captain

Dampier remained at anchor in the St George, having a fine gale of wind

at N.E. While in any of the harbours on the coast of Mexico, we were

seldom allowed any thing except flour, only that we used to go on shore,

and found on the rocks plenty of concks, oysters, muscles, and other

shell-fish, on which we made many a hearty meal. Being now bound, as we

hoped, for a land of plenty, we bore hunger and short commons with great

patience, of which we had much need, as our allowance was no more than

half a pound of coarse flour a day to each man, and two ounces of salt

meat every other day. Our vessel was a small bark of about seventy tons

with two masts, which we had taken from the Spaniards, which was so

eaten with worms while in the Gulf of Amapalla, that she already began

to grow very leaky. To add to our distress, we had no carpenter, neither

had we a doctor or any medicines, if any of us happened to fall sick,

and we had no boat to aid us if our vessel should fail. The carpenter,

doctor, and boat being all left with Captain Dampier. Yet, trusting to

God's providence, who had already delivered us out of so many dangers,

we proceeded on our voyage to India; and a bolder attempt was perhaps

never made by such a handful of men in so frail a bark, and nothing but

our anxious desire to revisit our native country could have supported us

under all the difficulties and dangers of this extensive voyage.

The prospect of our difficulties gave us spirit and resolution to

provide against them; and in a council, which we held on this occasion,

we determined on the course we were to pursue, and the allowance of

provisions during the course. We knew the wind we now had was merely a

land breeze, and that by running 100 leagues out to sea we should fall

in with the regular trade-wind, which blows always N.E. or E.N.E. our

first purpose was, therefore, to get into the latitude of 13° N. which

is that of Guam, and then to bear away before the wind in that parallel.

This resolution was formed on the 2d February, all which day and most of

the ensuing night we had fine calm weather, and caught abundance of

_yellow-tails_, which swam about the vessel. This fish is about four

feet long, having twenty fins on its back; a middling one behind the

head, a large one on the middle of the back, and eighteen small ones

between that and the tail. It has a large fin on each side near the

gills, and thirteen under the belly, viz. a middling one under the

gills, a large one near the middle of the belly, which goes in with a

dent, and eleven small ones between that and the tail, which is yellow

and half-mooned. This fish has a very great head, with large eyes, and

is good eating, having no bones except the back-bone. It is all white,

except the tips of the fins and the tail, which, are yellow. These fish

were very acceptable to us, as we fed upon them for three days, saving

our other provisions. On the 3d February, five or six turtles came near

our bark, two of which we caught, which also served to save our scanty

store of provisions, which otherwise had not sufficed to keep us from

starving.

On the evening of the 3d February, having a brisk gale from the land at

N.E. we took our departure from _Mount St Miguel_ in the Gulf of

Amapalla, steering S.W. and S.S.W. till we were in the lat. of 10° N.

when falling in with the tradewind, we set our course W.N.W. we then

made studding-sails to our main and main-top sails, which we hoisted

every morning at day-break, and hauling down at sun-set, as it commonly

blew so fresh in the night that we had usually to furl our top-sail; but

the wind commonly abated at sun-rise. During our whole voyage we

steadily adhered to the rule of diet we had laid down, the slenderness

of which may be judged of by the following particulars.

From the 3d of February to the end of that month, we fed entirely on

plantains, making two meals a day, and allowing two plantains to each

man for a meal. We had then recourse to our flour, of which half a pound

was allowed daily to each man, and two ounces every other day of salt

beef or pork; but the meat had been so long in salt, that it shrunk one

half when boiled, wherefore we concluded it was better to eat it raw,

which we did as long as it lasted. By the beginning of April that began

to fail, so that we were reduced to flour alone, which was sore spoiled,

being full of maggots, spiders, and other vermin, so that nothing but

the extremity of want could have induced us to eat it. It was surprising

to behold this strange alteration in the flour, which only a few days

before was white and fine, and was now in a manner all alive, the

maggots tumbling over each other in prodigious numbers. On strict

enquiry, these maggots seemed to proceed from the eggs of spiders

deposited among the flour, out of which the maggots were bred, and then

fed voraciously on the flour. Words can only faintly describe the

miseries of our situation, which was somewhat alleviated by work, and

our spirits were buoyed up by the hopes of accomplishing our long and

difficult voyage. Some occasional assistance we derived by now and then

catching a dolphin. At other times we saw many sea fowl, such as

boobies, noddies, and others, which would come and perch on some part of

our rigging, and happy was he that could catch one. In this manner we

spent ten weeks, at the end of which we were in a very melancholy

condition, and nothing but the hope of seeing land could possibly keep

us from despair.

The 10th of April, we observed the clouds to gather more than usual in

the horizon, which is a sure indication of land, as it is common between

the tropics to be foggy over the land, though perfectly clear at sea;

wherefore we kept an anxious look-out all this night, and early in the

morning of the 11th, we saw the island of _Magon_ W. ten leagues

distant. This is a high woody island, very plain, and green on the top.

When within a mile of this island, we lay to, and several fishing boats

came to us, bringing us fish, yams, eggs, potatoes, and other

provisions, to our great joy. The men in these boats were very tall and

large-limbed, of tawny complexions, with long black hair reaching to

their middles, and were all utterly stark naked, not even covering their

parts of shame. In exchange for what we had of these people we offered

them money, which they looked at and returned, making signs to give them

tobacco, which we did, and they seemed much pleased. We also gave them

some old shirts, which they tore in pieces and wrapped round their

heads. We would have given each a dram of brandy, but they were afraid

of it; only one man accepted a glass, which he drank off, but we thought

he would never have closed his mouth again, he seemed so astonished at

the heat it left in his mouth and stomach, that I believe he thought

himself on fire. He lay down and roared like a bull near half an hour,

when he fell asleep; and we being in haste, put him into his boat,

making signs to his companions to take care of him.

These islanders seemed a very civil people, yet we did not venture to

allow too many of them to come on board at once. When they first came

near us, they tied two sticks together in form of a cross, which they

held up, as we supposed, to signify to us that they had some knowledge

of Christianity; whereupon we shewed them a crucifix, we had taken from

the Spaniards, at the sight of which they all bowed their bodies, and

came on board. This island of Magon, as I reckoned, is in lat. 15° N.

and we made its longitude by computation, 120° 9' W. from _St Miguel_,

or 7029 English miles, allowing 58-1/2 miles to the degree of longitude

in this parallel.[210]

[Footnote 210: From the sequel, this island of Magon appears almost

certainly to have been one of the Ladrones, perhaps to the N.E. of Guam,

now named Rota. Point Candadillo, near San Miguel, the N.W. cape of the

Gulf of Amapalla, is in long. 87° 58' W. and the Ladrones are in long.

216° W. from Greenwich, so that the difference, or run across the

Pacific, is 128° 2', which, at 58-1/2 miles, extend to 7590 miles,

besides the allowance for difference of latitude.--E.]

On mature deliberation, we resolved to proceed directly from this place

to New Guinea, without putting in at the island of Guam, which was in

sight. The weather continued fair, and the wind brisk and favourable,

till we came into the latitude of 4° N. when we had a calm for seven

days, during which time we had no means of relieving our hunger, except

by taking large draughts of water, and then lying down to sleep. On the

3d May we had a fine gale, which continued till the 5th, and then died

quite away before we got sight of land; but about ten that night we were

all sensible of a very odoriferous smell, whence we concluded that we

were near land, on which we examined our charts, but found none laid

down. Next morning, however, we saw land at no great distance. This day

also we caught two bonetoes, which were most welcome, as they made a

hearty meal to our whole company. This fish is commonly about three feet

long and two in circumference, having a very sharp head, with a small

mouth, full eyes, and a semilunar tail. It is very fleshy, and makes

good broth. About noon we were in sight of three small islands, all low

land, but very green and pleasant, especially to us, who had been so

long of seeing any land. We had this day an observation of the sun, by

which we found our latitude to be 50' N. and as the eastermost of these

islands was four leagues S.E. of the ship, it must of consequence be in

lat. 0° 42' N.[211]

[Footnote 211: The only islands in modern maps which agree with the

slight notice in the text, are Frevilla, or St David's Isle,, nearly in

lat. 1° N. and long. 135° E. from Greenwich: Yet it is singular that

Funnell should have passed through the numerous group of the Carolines

without seeing any of them.--E.]

As we were fearful of entering upon an unknown coast in the dark, we

stood off all night, which was well for us, as we found ourselves at

day-break next morning, 7th May, within a ship's length of a great reef

of rocks, which extended from one island to the other, and thinking to

have gone between the islands, we had nearly run upon this dangerous

ledge. Having a small breeze from shore we were fortunately able to

stand off, and went to the westermost island, because we saw many shoals

off the others. The rocks we were so near running upon were off the

northmost isle, which we named the Island of _Deceit_. On getting near

the westermost island which was the biggest of the three, forty or fifty

of their flying proas came off, in which there might be 450 men,

allowing ten to each proa, and we could also see multitudes of people on

the shore looking at us as we passed. The flying proas kept at a

distance from us, till we beckoned and made signs for them to come near,

and at length one came within a ship's length, in which were ten men

entirely naked, in the midst of whom was a grave old man of a pleasant

countenance, entirely naked like the rest, except that he had a

four-cornered cap on his head without a crown. By the respect shewn him

by all the rest in the boat, we judged this man to be a king or prince.

On their approach, they sung a song which continued near a quarter of an

hour, and had a very pretty tune. When this was done, they came almost

close to our vessel, and then sung another song, which was begun by the

old man, and followed by all the rest in the boat. At the end of which,

they put themselves in a posture of prayer, making many bows and cringes

towards us; and then one of the men in the boat, who had a very sore

leg, held it up to us, as if desiring us to cure it, whence we supposed

they had never seen white men before, and deemed us more than mortals.

After some time, we made signs to let them know we wanted victuals and

drink, when they shook their heads as if by way of denial. Seeing us

proceeding towards the island, one of the men in the boat blew a horn,

on which all the other boats made boldly towards us; and thinking they

meant to board us, we fired a junket over their heads to intimidate

them, at the noise of which they seemed much surprised and drew back,

menacing us at a distance with their paddles, and still following.

Seeing such multitudes on the shore, and finding we could have nothing

from them but by force, and besides not having anchors and cables on

which we could depend, or any boat in which to land, we concluded that

we could do no good here; and on examining our water, which was found

sufficient for eighteen days, at a quart each man daily, we resolved to

quit these islands, and trust to Providence for guiding us to some more

friendly place, where we might supply our wants. So we left these

islands, naming the westermost the Island of _Disappointment_, because

we made certain of procuring water here, but could not.

These three islands were all low, flat, and almost even with the water,

yet full of trees of various sorts, all very green and flourishing; and

doubtless, if we had possessed a boat, we must have found something

beneficial to ourselves, perhaps useful to our country, as we might also

at several other islands which we afterwards passed. The inhabitants of

most of these islands were a very large and strong-boned race of men,

having long black lank hair reaching to their middles, and were all

entirely naked, not so much as covering their parts of shame; and I

certainly never saw such, a parcel of stout-limbed men together in all

my life. These islands, therefore, are abundantly peopled, though they

were utterly averse from any communication with us, perhaps from a

notion that all whites are Spaniards; and yet it is not quite clear that

even the Spaniards have ever attempted to form a settlement at any of

these islands.

We left these islands with a fresh breeze at E. steering S.W. and

continually met with weeds and grass on our way, which made us believe

we were not far from land, yet we had no ground with 100 fathoms. Early

in the morning of the 9th May, we descried the coast of New Guinea, more

than eighteen or nineteen leagues distant. We now saw the necessity of

constructing a boat, with a few old boards and such other materials as

we had, though not quite suitable for the purpose; and though neither

strong nor handsome, it proved exceeding useful in the sequel. On the

9th we had very bad weather, the wind shifting to every point of the

compass. This part of New Guinea appeared very mountainous, black, and

rocky, without harbour, bay, or road, in which we might anchor in

safety. The mountains seemed so bleak and barren, and the vallies so

deep and narrow, that at first we conceived the country to be

uninhabited; neither did we afterwards see any inhabitants or signs of

any. That same day we passed two small islands, each about a league in

length, which were very low, and well clothed with small green trees. At

the same time we saw part of the great island of Gilolo, at the distance

of eight leagues, and held our course W.S.W.[212] intending to pass

through between that island and New Guinea, into the East Indian Sea.

[Footnote 212: The only way of explaining this part of the text, is by

supposing Funnel may have mistaken the island of Waygoo for a part of

New Guinea, and even the N.W. point of that island is at least sixty

leagues from the S.W. leg or peninsula of Gilolo, to which the direction

of his course certainly points.--E.]

We had very bad weather till the 11th of May, and the night being very

dark, we missed the common passage, and found ourselves among many

small islands; and as the wind was at E. we resolved to look out for

some passage among these islands to the south. After infinite difficulty

and much danger, we at length made our way through a strait, which we

named _St John's Straits_, after the name of our bark. At this time we

were boarded by a large Indian proa, on board of which was a freeman of

Amboina, whom we acquainted with our great want of victuals, having had

nothing for a great while to support us except a scanty allowance of

spoilt flour and water, and so very little of that as hardly sufficed to

keep us alive. He told us, if we would go to the island of _Manissa_,

which was then in sight, he would be our pilot, where he had no doubt we

might have enough of rice for our money to carry us to Batavia. We

accordingly proceeded for Manissa, passing by the island of _Keylan_,

which is small and high, but well inhabited, and clothed with many kinds

of trees. Its chief produce is rice, and a few cloves; and on this

island there is a Dutch corporal with six soldiers, whose only business

is to see all the clove trees cut down and destroyed. From thence we

proceeded to Manissa, where we arrived about midnight, and came to

anchor in a small bay at the N.W. end of the island, when our Dutch

pilot sent two men ashore with a letter to the governor, acquainting him

of our urgent wants.

Early of the 23d May, a Dutch corporal and two soldiers came on board,

and read to us a general order from the Dutch East-India Company, that

if any ships, except their own, came there to anchor, they were not to

be supplied with any thing whatever. We told him that extreme want of

provisions had constrained us to put in here, and that we should not

have touched any where before reaching Batavia, if we could possibly

have subsisted; wherefore we requested he would inform the governor of

our urgent wants. This he engaged to do, seeing us in a very weak

condition, and came back about four in the afternoon, saying that we

could have no provisions here, but might be supplied at Amboina. We were

forced therefore to leave this unfriendly place, and to attempt going to

Amboina, if the wind would serve. _Manissa_ is about fifteen miles from

S.E. to N.W. and about eight in breadth, in lat. 3° 25' S. and about

twenty miles west from the island of _Bonou_. It is a remarkably high

island, and pretty well inhabited by Malays, as are all the Molucca

Islands. It is surrounded by shoals almost on every side, and some of

these stretch a league and a half from the shore, so that it is very

dangerous to come near, unless with very good charts, or with an

experienced pilot. It has several good springs of fresh water, and the

Dutch have a small fort with six guns on its S.W. side. It is governed

by a Dutch serjeant, having under him three corporals, a master gunner,

and twenty European soldiers; and produces vast plenty of rice and

cloves, both of which are sent to Amboina. The inhabitants are mostly

fishers, and catch such abundance of fish as not only supplies

themselves, but enables them also to carry a great deal to Amboina.

We stood to the S.W. having the wind at S.S.E. and blowing fresh, so

that we sailed under our courses, and were now much out of heart, not

expecting to reach Amboina, the S E. monsoon being now set in; which was

right against us. Almost in despair, we continued our course till we

were over against the island of _Bouro_, and then the wind veering to

the S.S.W. we stood away S.E. but finding a strong current setting to

leeward, we rather lost ground, and seeing no likelihood of getting to

Amboina, we, by general consent, shared among us all that was eatable on

board, each man's share being six pounds and three quarters of flour,

and five pounds of bran, every one resolving to use his share as

sparingly as possible. On the 25th, the wind veered to S.S.E. when we

tacked to S.W. and soon weathered the island of _Amblow_. This is a

small island of moderate height, in lat. 4° 5' S. tolerably furnished

with trees, but not inhabited. On the 26th, we had a fine fresh gale at

S.E. when we tacked and stood away N.E. for the island of Amboina.

Continuing the same course all the 27th, we got sight of Amboina early

in the morning of the 28th, bearing due N. about six leagues distant. We

now stood directly for the island, and about noon came just off the

harbour, a joyful sight to us then, though we soon had cause to think it

the worst thing that had befallen us.

As we entered the harbour of Amboina, we met two Dutch ships coming out,

laden with cloves and bound for Batavia. The captain of one of these

came on board our bark, desiring to know whence we came and whither we

were bound, and required to have a journal of our voyage, promising to

return it when he again met us at Batavia. We gave him the best answers

we could to all his questions, and the agent of our owners gave him a

succinct relation of our voyage, which was of happy consequence to us,

as to that we afterwards owed our preservation as will appear in the

sequel. We stood into the harbour that night, and next morning, which,

according to our account, was Tuesday, but with the Dutch Wednesday, two

Dutch _orambies_, as they call the vessels used at that place, came on

board us, each of which was paddled by forty men. In these vessels came

the fiscal and several Dutch gentlemen, with eighty soldiers, who

immediately took possession of our bark. They also went below and sealed

up all our chests, after which the two orambies towed us farther into

the harbour, so that by noon we were up as high as the town of Amboina,

where they moored our bark in the ordinary anchorage.

We continued on board till the 31st, two days, not knowing how they

meant to dispose of us; in which time they would not supply us with any

victuals, though we offered a crown a pound for beef, pork, or bread. In

the evening of this day they took us all on shore, lodging us in two

rooms near the Stadt-house, our bark, with all our money and goods,

being taken from us, except what we happened to have about our persons,

and soon after our vessel and goods were sold by auction. We were fed

with bad meat, which our stomachs could ill digest, being very weak with

having been so long on short allowance, and if we desired to have better

we had to buy it with our own money. Several of us had fortunately some

money about us, and as long as that lasted we purchased provisions from

our keeper. For a Spanish dollar, which was worth five shillings and a

penny, he would only give us five Dutch _skellings_, or the value of

about two and six-pence; and even for this he gave us no more victuals

than we could have bought for five-pence, if we had been at liberty to

go into the town; so that, instead of five shillings for the Spanish

dollar, we in reality had only five-pence. During my leisure, I had many

opportunities of enquiring into the condition of Amboina, by which I was

enabled to draw up a pretty large account of the island and its

inhabitants, which I flatter myself will be acceptable to the public, as

the Dutch are careful to prevent any accounts of this place from being

published.

This _island of Amboina_, so famous, or rather infamous, for the

cruelties and injustice formerly committed there by the Dutch upon the

English, is twelve leagues long from N. to S. being high and

mountainous, with intermediate vallies, which are very fertile, but the

hills are in a great measure barren. The soil of the vallies is black,

and affords salt-petre. The middle of the island is in lat. 3° 40' S.

The original inhabitants of the island are Malays, who are of middle

stature and tawny complexions. The women are brighter than the men, and

have long black hair, reaching to the calves of their legs. They have

round faces, with small mouths, noses, and eyes. Their dress is a linen

or cotton waistcoat, reaching only below their breasts, and a cloth

round their waists, four yards long and a yard broad, which serves as a

petticoat, as the Dutch women only are permitted to wear petticoats;

neither are any of the men allowed to wear hats, except the king or

rajah. The natives are numerous, yet the Dutch possess the whole

sea-coast, and have here a strong castle, built of stone, mounted by

sixty pieces of cannon, besides several small forts in other parts of

the island. Near the castle is a small town of about 100 houses, of

stone, brick, or timber, inhabited by the Dutch. None of the houses

exceed one storey, as the place is subject to earthquakes, which would

endanger the houses if higher, and even low as they are they often fall.

While we were there we had a great earthquake for two days, which did

much mischief as the ground opened in several places, and swallowed up

several houses with their inhabitants. Several of their people were dug

out of the ruins, but most of them dead, and many others had their legs

and arms broken by the fall of the houses. Where we were, the ground

swelled up like a wave of the sea, but no damage was done.

This island is governed by a council of five, consisting of the

governor, the senior merchant, or _ober koop-man_, the Malay king, the

captain of the fort, and the fiscal, which last is the judge. There are

said to be on the island 350 Dutch soldiers, with 120 or 130 Dutch

freemen and petty officers, and about as many Chinese, who reside here

for the benefit of trade, though not allowed to participate in the spice

trade, which the Dutch reserve entirely to themselves. I thus estimate

that the Dutch are able to muster in this island about 550 fighting men,

including themselves and the Chinese; for they can count very little on

the Malays, who would gladly join any other nation against them. The

Malay women are said to be very loose, and not ashamed of having

intercourse with men. They are soon ripe, being often married at nine

years of age, and are said to have children by ten or eleven. All who

reside near the coast must live under the Dutch government, which is

very dissolute and tyrannical, and they are severely punished for even

small faults, being often reduced to slavery, and condemned to wear an

iron on their legs for life. Those dwelling near the coast under the

controul of the Dutch are a kind of Christians; but those in the

interior, among the hills, are Mahometans, and are always at war with

the Dutch. When these hill Malays take any prisoners, they never give

quarter; but, after detaining their prisoners a few days, without meat

or drink, they are produced in public, and have their breasts ripped

open, and their hearts taken out, all the Malays present making great

rejoicings. The heads of these slaughtered prisoners are then embalmed

with spice, and those who can shew the greatest number of Dutch heads

are held in highest honour. In retaliation, when the Dutch take any of

these hill Malays, they load them with irons, and after keeping them

some days in prison, they cut off their ears and noses, and after being

kept some time longer in prison, they are publicly racked to death.

When any of the Malays, living under the Dutch government, are found

guilty of thieving, their ears and noses are cut off, and a great iron

chain is fastened to their legs, in which condition they are made slaves

for life. While we were there, about 500 poor wretches were in this

condition, who were kept constantly employed, in sawing timber, cutting

stones for building, carrying burdens, or other work. They are let out

of prison at sunrise, the men being kept in one prison and the women in

another, and are kept hard at work till noon, when they return to prison

for an hour, being allowed for dinner a pint of coarse boiled rice for

each. They return again to work at one o'clock, and return to prison at

six in the evening, when they have a similar allowance for supper. Soon

afterwards they are locked up in their lodgings, where they lie on the

bare boards, having only a piece of wood for a pillow. Sometimes these

poor wretches make shift to escape, but are used with great severity if

again caught. One of the female slaves having escaped, and being

retaken, cut her own throat to avoid the severe punishment awaiting her,

when she was dragged out by the hair all round the town, and then hung

on a gibbet by the feet. Such as are in debt, and cannot satisfy their

creditors, are turned over by their creditors to the Dutch company, who

send them to work among their slaves, having the same allowance of

boiled rice with the rest, with two-pence a day towards paying their

debts; but they seldom get free till carried out dead.

Though the poor natives are thus harshly treated, the Dutch wink at the

faults of their countrymen, who are seldom punished for any crime,

unless it be for murder, as in any other case they get off for a small

sum of money, even for a great fault. The women slaves belonging to the

free Dutch burgesses have all reasonable indulgence, but are obliged to

find their own clothes and provisions, and pay an acknowledgement of

about a sixpence daily, in default of which they are severely used. If

they bring the daily tribute, they may whore or steal, and have no

questions asked, provided no complaint is made against them. The chief

products of this island are cloves, ginger, pepper, rattans, canes, and

a few nutmegs.

The clove-tree is rather slender, and is from twelve to thirty or even

forty feet high, having small branches, with tapering leaves about five

inches long and two broad, which smell strong of cloves, when rubbed

between the fingers. The cloves grow out at the tips of the branches,

ten, twelve, or fourteen in a cluster, being white at first, then green,

and lastly of a dark copper colour, in which state they are ripe and fit

for gathering. At this period, they spread cloths or sheets on the

ground round the bottom of the tree to a good distance, and shake the

tree, when all the ripe cloves fall down. This is repeated every six or

seven days for four or five times, till all the cloves have ripened and

are shaken off. The usual time of gathering is October and February,

those got in October, which is the end of their winter, being called

_winter cloves_, and are not accounted so strong and good as the others.

These are commonly preserved in small jars of about a quart each, of

which great quantities are sent to various parts of the world. Those

gathered in February are termed summer cloves, being better and stronger

than the others, as ripening in the best part of the summer; whereas the

former have not above a month of fair weather, all the rest of their

winter season, which is our summer, being rainy and cloudy, so that the

cloves want sun to ripen them. It is a common opinion, but extremely

erroneous, that cloves, nutmegs, and mace grow all on one tree. One

clove-tree commonly produces sixty, seventy, or eighty pounds of cloves

in one season; and every sixth year they are sure to have a double crop.

There are a vast number of clove-trees on this island, which are

carefully looked after, and a register of them is kept in the books of

the company, being all numbered once every year, and they are not

allowed to increase beyond a certain limited number, for fear of

lessening the price, all beyond being cut down. All these trees belong

to the Company, or the free burgesses, every burgess having only a fixed

number; and if any one is found to have more than his allowance, he is

severely fined, and all his trees forfeited to the company. Besides, the

burgesses are bound to deliver the whole produce of their trees to the

company at six-pence the pound. If any freeman or other is convicted of

having sold or conveyed cloves from the island, to the value of ten

pounds, his whole property is forfeited to the company, and he becomes a

slave for life. The inhabitants used formerly to cheat the Dutch in the

sale of their cloves, in the following manner. They hung up their cloves

in a large sheet by the four corners, and set a large tub of water

underneath, which the cloves, being of a very hot and dry nature, drew

up by degrees, and thus made a large addition to their weight. But the

Dutch are now too cunning for them, as they always try the cloves, by

giving them a small filip on the head with the forefinger: if thoroughly

ripe, and no deceit has been used, the head breaks off like a piece of

thin brittle glass; but if watered, the clove is tough, and will sooner

bend than break.

The _nutmeg-tree_ is much like the peach, and there are a few of these

in this island, but they grow mostly on the island of Banda, whence two

or three ship-loads are exported yearly. The fruit of this tree consists

of four parts. The first and outer rind is like that of a green walnut.

The second, which we call _mace_, is dry and thin. The third is a tough

thin shell, like that of a chesnut; and the fourth is the _nutmeg_,

being the kernel included in that shell.

There are said to be some gold-mines in the island of Amboina; and a

Malay once shewed me some of the ore, which, he said, came from these

mines: but he said, at the same time, that he would be severely punished

if the Dutch knew of his having any, as they wish, as much as possible,

to keep this from the knowledge of all other Europeans.

Once every year the Dutch have to send a large force from Amboina on the

following business, about the 20th of October. On this occasion the

governor is attended by about seventy-five _orambies_, or boats of the

country, some rowed by 100 paddles, some eighty, fifty, or forty paddles

each, and in each of which there are two Dutch soldiers. I reckon

therefore in this fleet 150 to 160 Dutch soldiers, and about 5250

Malays, allowing seventy to each _oramby_ on the average. These

seventy-five _orambies_ are divided into three squadrons. The

van-division of twenty _orambies_, is always commanded by a member of

the council, who carries a yellow flag. The rear-squadron consists also

of twenty _orambies_, and is commanded by the fiscal, having a red flag.

The rest form the centre-squadron, and attend the governor, who has a

serjeant and corporal, with twelve Dutch soldiers, for his body guard,

and carries a blue flag. The governor is also attended by the Malay king

and all their princes or chiefs, lest they should rebel in his absence.

In this order the fleet proceeds to visit and victual the eastern, or

Banda islands, especially those that produce cloves or nutmegs; and at

every island it goes to, it is joined by additional boats. This cruize

generally lasts for six weeks, during which they cut down and destroy

all the clove and nutmeg-trees they can find, except those which are

reserved for the use of the company. All or most of these islands would

produce cloves, but they will not suffer them, having enough at Amboina

alone to supply all Europe. On all of these islands the Dutch keep a few

soldiers, three, six, nine, or twelve, according to their size, whose

only business is to see the trees cut down, or at least to take care

that they do not increase; as they are very jealous lest the English or

French should serve them as they did the English at Amboina. During this

annual expedition, the governor levies tribute from all the petty kings

and chiefs of these islands, and commonly returns to Amboina at the end

of six weeks.

The island of Amboina produces beavers, hogs, and deer, besides other

animals. Among its birds are crocadores, cassawaries, birds of paradise,

and others. The _crocadore_, or _cockatoo_, is of various sizes, some as

large as a hen, and others no bigger than a pigeon, being all over

white, except a crest of feathers on the top of their head, which is

always either yellow or red. This bunch of feather usually lies flat, in

a dent, or hollow, on the crown of the head, unless when the bird is

frightened, when it is erected, and opens like a fan. The flesh and legs

of this bird are very black, and they smell very sweet. When they fly up

and down the woods, they cry _crocadore, crocadore_, or _cockatoo,

cockatoo_, whence their name. The _cassowary_ is as large as a Virginia

turkey, having a head nearly the same with the turkey, with a long stiff

bunch of hair on his breast, also like the turkey. His legs are almost

as thick as a man's wrist, having five great claws on each foot. The

back is high and round, both it and the pinions being covered with long

hair instead of feathers. The female of this bird lays an egg so large

that its shell will hold an English pint of fluid, having a thick shell,

spotted with green and white, and exactly like China-ware. I never

tasted the eggs of this bird, but its flesh is good eating, resembling

that of a turkey, but stronger.

The _birds of paradise_ are about the size of pigeons, and are never

seen here alive, neither is it known whence they come. I have seen

several of them at Amboina preserved in spice, in which state they are

sent as rarities to several parts of the world. These birds are said to

resort, in February and March, when the nutmegs are ripe, to Banda and

Amboina, where they feed on the outer rind of the nutmeg, after which

they fall to the ground, quite stupified, or as it were dead drunk, when

innumerable ants gather about them, and eat them up. There are here many

kinds of fish, but the most remarkable is the _sea-porcupine_, which is

about three feet long, and two and a half feet round, having large eyes,

two fins on the back, and a large fin on each side, near the gills. Its

body is all beset with sharp spines, or quills, like a porcupine, whence

its name is derived.

All round Amboina the bottom is sand, but the water is so deep that

there is no anchorage near its shores, except to leeward, or on the west

side, where a ship may anchor in forty fathoms, close to the shore in

the harbour. This harbour runs so deep into the island as almost to

divide it into two, which are joined by so narrow a neck of land that

the Malays often haul their canoes across. On the east side of the entry

into the harbour there is a small fort of six guns, close to which the

depth is twenty fathoms. About a league farther up is the usual

anchorage for ships, close under the guns of the great castle, which has

been called _Victoria_ ever since the massacre of the English at this

place. About two miles farther to the N.E. and within the harbour, is

the place where the English factory formerly stood; and near it is the

hole into which the English were said to have been thrown after the

massacre. Few of us who were now here but expected the same fate; and

some of the inhabitants did not scruple to say that our only protection

was our journal, which had been sent to Batavia by the Dutch ship we met

when going into the harbour; as by this it would soon be known all over

India that a part of Captain Dampier's crew had arrived at Aniboina,

which would cause us to be enquired after.

A little to the eastward of Amboina there are several other small

islands, the most noted of which are _Boangbessay_ and _Hinomsa_, only a

small distance east from Amboina. These two islands are moderately high,

and not above a third part so large as Amboina. They are both well

fortified, and produce store of cloves. The chief place for nutmegs is

the island of _Banda_, which also belongs to the Dutch, being in lat. 4°

20' S. 28 leagues S.S.E. from Amboina. This island is said to have the

form of a man's leg and foot, and is well fortified. The governor of

Amboina is supreme over all the spice islands, even to _Ternate_ and

_Tidore_, which are also spice islands belonging to the Dutch, and are

about forty miles to the north of the equator. We were so troubled at

Amboina by musquitoes, a sort of gnats, that we had every night to put

ourselves into a bag before we could go to sleep, as otherwise these

insects bit us so intolerably that we could get no rest. Wherever they

bit, there commonly rose a red blister, almost as broad as a silver

penny, which itched so violently that many cannot forbear from

scratching, so as to cause inflammations that sometimes aid in the loss

of a limb. During our stay, we were allowed to walk in a paved yard

about sixty yards square; but were not permitted to go into the town,

that we might not learn their strength, or make any discoveries

prejudicial to them.

We remained at Amboina from the 31st of May to the 14th of September,

1705, when three of their sloops were ready to sail with cloves to

Batavia, in which twenty-five of our men were sent away to Batavia, ten

of us being left behind, who they said were to be sent in another

vessel, almost ready to sail. On the 27th September, a Malay man was

brought to the Stadt-house to be tried for his life, being accused by

his own wife of having murdered his slave. The slave had been dead six

months, when the wife falling out with her husband, she went to the

fiscal in the heat of her rage and revealed the murder, on which the

husband was thrown into prison, but it was generally believed that he

was wrongfully accused by his wife. During his trial the earthquake took

place, formerly mentioned, which made the court break up, fearful the

house might fall on their heads. At this time I observed that it is an

error to suppose that it is always calm during an earthquake; for we had

a fine fresh gale at S.S.W. both days on which the earthquake happened.

Next day the court sat about eleven o'clock, continuing the trial; and

while the wife was in her greatest violence in the accusation of her

husband, the earth shook again with much violence, which obliged the

court again to break up.

That same day, the 28th September, I and four more of our men were sent

off for Batavia in a Chinese sloop, the other five men being promised to

be sent after us in a short time, but we never heard of them afterwards.

We sailed westwards till we came to the island of Lancas, in lat. 5° 27'

S. and by my estimation, 2° 21', or 155 miles W. from Amboina. We then

steered W. by N. till we made two islands called the _Cabeses_, whence

we procured some hundred cocoa nuts. The eastermost island, to which we

sent our boat, is low and uninhabited, but has been planted full of

cocoa-nut trees by the Dutch, for the use of their vessels going between

the spice islands and Batavia, as it is a kind of miracle to see any

other ship in these parts except those belonging to the Dutch. Off this

island we met our own bark which had brought us from America to Amboina,

the Dutch having fitted her up with a main-mast and converted her into a

very good vessel. This island is in lat. 5° 23' S. and nearly W. by N.

from the island of Lancas, about forty-five miles distant, and has a

shoal extending about two miles from the shore. To the S.W. of this is

the other island of _Cabeses_, a pretty high island, on which the Dutch

always keep a corporal and two soldiers, who go two or three times all

over the isle to see that no cloves are planted, and if they find any to

cut them down and burn them, lest any other nation might be able to

procure that commodity, in which case Amboina would become of little

value, as cloves are its only valuable product.

We next passed by the S. end of the island of _Bouton_, or _Booton_,

which is pretty large, and in the lat. of 5° 45' S. We steered W. from

thence, between the islands _Celebes_ and _Zalayer_ or _Salayr_. The

S.W. leg or peninsula of Celebes is very high land. Celebes is composed

of very high land, very well inhabited, being a very large island,

extending through seven degrees of latitude. On the west side of its

southern end the Dutch have a factory named Macasser, where they have a

fortress of about seventy guns, and a garrison of 600 or 700 Dutch

soldiers. The chief product is rice, with which they supply most of

their eastern islands from hence. There are said to be gold-mines in

this island, of which the Dutch are not yet masters, as the inhabitants

are often at war with them, and have hitherto been able to keep them

from those parts of the island. Between the south end of Celebes and the

island of Salayr there are three small low islands, and the best channel

is through between the island next to Salayr, and another small isle to

the northward. This is called the _second_ passage, the first, third,

and fourth of these passages being very dangerous, so that ships

generally avoid them if possible. I would willingly give an account of

every island I have occasion to mention, but as that is not in my power,

I must rest satisfied with what I am able to say consistent with truth.

The island of _Zalayer_, or _Salayr_, is of moderate height, inhabited

by Malays, and planted all round with cocoa-trees, the natives being

obliged to send a considerable quantity of nuts and oil to the Dutch at

Macasser as tribute. We steered from hence W. by N. till we had passed a

dangerous shoal called the Porill, after which we stood to the S.W. and

saw in the night a small island just in our way, which we were unable to

weather, and therefore stood off till daylight, when we were to the S.

of that isle, when we tacked and stood again S.W. and soon after saw two

other small isles bearing from N. to N.W. For about two miles of our

course at this time, the sea was so transparent that we could plainly

discern the bottom, which was never less than five or more than six

fathoms, yet appeared only two to the eye. We passed over this shoal

about a league to the S. of these two small islands, this being the

narrowest part of the shoal, for it is five or six leagues in breadth

farther to the south; yet is it every where without danger, as it has

very uniform soundings, seldom over or under five or six fathoms. To the

north of these islands, however, it is very dangerous, being all over

foul rocky ground, and having in some places not more than four or five

feet water; it is proper, therefore, always to keep to the south of

these islands, where the passage is perfectly safe. Yet in the Dutch

charts, these dangers are laid down to the southward, which should have

been to the northwards, and they lay down the safe shoals to the

northward, whereas we now went to the southwards, as they always do.

The captain of our vessel had a chart on board, which shewed these

things exactly as I have now described, but which I compared with

several others, also on board, which I found quite different. I asked

our captain the reason of this, when he told me that all these shoals

and dangerous places were well known to the Hollanders, but they did not

wish they should be known by others, but rather that strangers might

lose their ships among these rocks and shoals, as we certainly had done,

if we had sailed according to these common charts.

We entered the harbour of Batavia on the 21st October, and sent

immediately on landing to join the rest of our men, who were still

detained in custody. We were soon afterwards visited by the first major,

who desired us to transmit to the general, through him, an account of

the losses we had sustained by our being taken prisoners at Amboina, and

we should receive compensation for our effects, loss of time, and

imprisonment. We each accordingly drew up accounts of our losses, which

we sent by the major to the governor, who sent us back word that we

should speedily have our freedom. On the 27th we were sent for to the

fort, where most of our money was returned; but we could have no

satisfaction for our goods, imprisonment, and loss of time, the

governor-general saying that he had given us all that had been sent to

him as ours by the governor of Amboina, and that we were now at liberty

to go where we pleased. As our vessel had been taken from us for the use

of the Dutch Company, we desired he would be pleased to find us some

ship for our return home, which he promised; with which arrangement we

were forced to be satisfied, and took lodgings in the city of Batavia,

till an opportunity might offer for our return to Europe. In the course

of seven weeks residence here, I made all the observations I could upon

this place and its inhabitants. I found the city in as good a condition

as could be wished, and the people seemed to be as prudent and as

industrious as any I had ever seen: But, as the descriptions already

published of this place are so exact as to render my observations

superfluous, I shall content myself with a very short description,

referring the curious reader to the large accounts that have been

published by Dutch, French, and English writers, but especially the

first.

BATAVIA is the chief place belonging to the Hollanders in India, and

receives all the productions of India, Japan, and China. The Malays are

the original natives; but besides these and the Dutch, who are the

masters, it is inhabited by Portuguese, Chinese, Persians, and negroes.

The town is large and handsome, having seven churches, belonging to the

Dutch, Portuguese, Malays, and Chinese.[213] The town has many spacious

houses built in the European manner, and is walled and moated all round,

the ramparts being well provided with cannon. In the middle of the city

there is a spacious square, in which is the stadt-house, where all

public matters are transacted. This city is usually governed by a member

of the States-General of the United Netherlands, with the title of

Governor-General of India, all other governors of the possessions

belonging to the Dutch Company being subordinate to his authority. The

inhabitants are well pleased in the governor-general being often

changed, as all prisoners are released at the installation of a new one,

except those charged with murder. He has twelve counsellors to assist

him, who are called the _rads_, or lords of India, and are mostly such

as have formerly been governors in other places, as in Ceylon, Amboina,

Malacca, &c.

[Footnote 213: This seems to indicate that, of the seven _churches_,

some belong to the Dutch Calvinists and Portuguese Roman Catholics,

while others are Mahometan places of worship for the Malays, and idol

temples, or _pagodas_, frequented by the Chinese.--E]

The city is divided by many canals, over which there are bridges almost

at the end of every street, together with booms to lay across, that no

boats may go in or out after sunset. The chief product of the adjoining

country is pepper, of which the Dutch export great quantities every

year; and there are also some few diamonds and other precious stones.

The chief fruits here are plantains, bananas, oranges, lemons,

mangostans, and rumbostans. The _mangostan_ is about the size of a

golden rennet, quite round, and resembling a small pomegranate, the

outer rind being like that of the pomegranate, but of a darker colour,

but the inside of the rind of a fine red. The fruit lies within the

rind, commonly in four or five cloves, of a fine white, very soft and

juicy, within each clove having a small black stone or pip. The pulp is

very delicious, but the stone is very bitter, and is therefore thrown

away, after sucking the fruit The _rumbostan_ is about the size of a

walnut after the green outside peel is off, and is nearly of the shape

of a walnut, having a thick tough outer rind of a deep red colour, full

of red knobs, within which is a white jelly-like pulp, and within that

is a large stone. The pulp is very delicate, and never does any harm,

however much of it a man may eat, providing he swallow the stones; but

otherwise they are said to produce fevers.

This island of Java, on the north side of which Batavia is situated,

extends about ten degrees from east to west, or nearly 700 English

miles. The weather is here extremely regular, and the inhabitants know

how to use it to the best advantage. During the eastern monsoon, the

land-winds are at S.E. Sometimes more southerly; and the sea-winds blow

from the N.E. fine pleasant gales. This easterly monsoon is accounted

the good monsoon, being fine clear and fair weather, and begins in

April, ending in October. The other, or westerly, is called the bad

monsoon, consisting of blustering rainy weather, accompanied with much

thunder and lightning, especially in December, January, and February.

This bad monsoon begins in November and ends in March or the beginning

of April; during which the land-winds are W.S.W. or S.W. and the

sea-winds at N.W. and W.N.W.

The anchoring ground all along the north side of Java, from Madura to

Batavia, is a fine oozy bottom, free from rocks. The principal places on

this side of the island are Batavia, Bantam, Japara, Samarang, Surabon,

Taggal, Quale, and Rambang; all of which are possessed by the Dutch.

These settlements afford abundance of rice, with which the Dutch supply

all their out-factories near Java, and also produce excellent plank for

ship-building. The principal place for ship-building is _Rambang_, where

the free burgesses of Batavia usually go to build their small vessels,

as sloops and brigs. Ships of five, six, and seven hundred tons, often

load with timber at Rambang, Quale, Japara, and other places; and each

ship, after being fully laden, takes a great raft or float of the

largest timber, which she tows along with her to Batavia. Some of these

rafts are said to be thirty feet square, and draw twenty feet water.

There are commonly six ships employed in this timber trade, and they

usually make four voyages yearly in the good monsoon, for in the bad

they cannot do any thing. Ail this timber is for the most part landed on

the island of _Ormrust_, between four and five leagues from Batavia,

where there are about 200 ship-carpenters, who are constantly in full

employ, and here the Dutch careen their ships. This island is well

fortified, being, to use a sea phrase, all round a bed of guns.

We had notice on the 2d December, 1705, that all of us who wished to

return to England should immediately go on board the homeward-bound

Dutch East India fleet, which we did accordingly, and sailed next day.

This fleet consisted of twelve ships, as well provided in all respects

as any I had ever seen, and we made the voyage in good order. We arrived

at the Cape of Good Hope on the 3d February, 1706. The Dutch have here a

strong fortress, and about half a mile from this is a fine town of 150

houses, with a small church. The country in the neighbourhood is very

high, and the mountains are mostly barren, producing only a few shrubs;

but the country is full of lions, tigers, elephants, and other wild

beasts, which give great disturbance to the settlers, for which reason

the government gives a reward of fifty-two guilders for killing a lion,

equal to four pounds six and eight-pence, and twenty-four guilders, or

forty shillings, for killing a tiger. While we were there, a certain

Scotsman killed four lions, three tigers, and three wild elephants, for

all of which he got the rewards. The Dutch make here a great quantity of

an excellent wine, called Cape wine, which is sold by retail at

eight-pence a quart.

We sailed from the Cape the 24th of March, excellently provided with

every thing requisite for the voyage. We were now twenty-four sail,

having nine English and fifteen Dutch ships. On the 17th April we made

the island of Ascension, but did not touch there even for turtle,

although their season of laying, having been so well provided with fresh

provisions at the Cape that we had no occasion for more. On the 19th

there happened a great earthquake, when the ship seemed for some time as

if she run along the ground, on which we heaved the lead on both sides,

but had no ground at 200 fathoms. The whole fleet felt the shock at the

same time; so that for about ten minutes every ship was making signals

and firing guns. On the 14th June we saw four sail of French privateers,

which were waiting for us; but after looking at us for some time, and

observing the regular order in which we sailed, they did not think it

adviseable to make any attempt against us, and bore away. This shewed

the great advantage of the regular order observed by the Dutch in

sailing, in which on this occasion they were imitated by the English

ships in company.

On the 30th June we were in lat. 62° 40' N. the highest north I was ever

in, and I could not help noticing the great difference in point of cold

here and in 60° S. There we had continual showers of snow or hail, with

bitter cold weather; while here the weather was fair, and the cold

moderate. In the evening of the 3d July we saw the Faro Islands. On the

5th we met with eight Dutch men of war, which were cruizing on purpose

to convoy us safe home, accompanied by four victuallers and three of the

Company's privateers. On the 15th July we all arrived safely in the

Texel, and got on the 17th to Amsterdam. After this, I and the rest of

our company went to see several parts of Holland, and we arrived on the

26th August, 1706, in England, after many dangers by sea and land, being

only 18 of us out of 183. The news of our misfortunes reached home

before us, and every body was solicitous to have an account of our

adventures, especially while under the power of the Dutch at Amboina.

These importunities led me to believe that a faithful relation of our

voyage would be acceptable to the public, and I hope some of the

descriptions, observations, and discoveries contained in this small

performance may be found useful, and not altogether destitute of

entertainment.

SECTION III.

_Brief Account of Stradling, Clipperton, and Dampier, after their

respective Separations, till their Returns to England._

The reader may remember that Captain Dampier, in the St George, left

_Captain Stradling_ in the Cinque-ports on the 19th of May, 1704, at

King's Island, in the Bay of Panama. The force under Captain Stradling

was too insignificant to maintain him long in the South Sea, for which

reason he went to the island of Juan Fernandez in search of shelter and

refreshments. They were in so forlorn a condition at this time, that

Alexander Selkirk[214] chose rather to remain by himself in that island,

than to run the hazard of returning to the South Sea in the

Cinque-ports. In this he shewed great judgment, as the Cinque-ports

actually foundered on the coast of _Barbacora_ (Barbacoas), and only

Captain Stradling, with six or seven of his men, were saved, and sent

prisoners to Lima. Captain Stradling was alive there at the time when

Woods Rogers came into the South Sea, but what became of him afterwards

is unknown.

[Footnote 214: This person, on whose simple adventures the romance of

Robinson Crusoe was soon afterwards founded, will be more particularly

mentioned in a subsequent chapter of this book.--E.]

The next person who left Captain Dampier was his mate, _Mr Clipperton_

of whom we shall have occasion to say much in a succeeding voyage round

the world. Clipperton was certainly a man of parts and resolution, and

probably would not have deserted from Captain Dampier, if he had not

thought that his commander was resolved to remain in his old crazy ship

in the South Sea till she foundered. Finding many of the crew of the

same opinion, he thought proper to leave him at the middle islands, as

already related, where it was plain to every one that the St George was

no longer fit for going to sea. Mr Clipperton set sail on the 2d

September, 1704, having twenty-one men, in a small bark of ten tons,

with two masts and two square sails, two swivels, two or three barrels

of powder, and some shot. With this inconsiderable force, he ventured

into Rio Leon, on the coast of Mexico, where he took two Spanish ships

riding at anchor. One of these was very old and worm-eaten, which he

immediately sunk. The other was new, and had goods on board to a

considerable value, and for her Captain Clipperton demanded a ransom of

10,000 dollars, by two of his prisoners whom he set on shore. The

prisoners spoke so handsomely of Clipperton that the governor resolved

to treat with him, and sent him word that he did not think his offer

unreasonable, but the owners were entirely ruined, and the town so poor

that it was impossible to comply with his terms; but if 4000 dollars

would content him, which was all they could raise, that sum should be

sent aboard, and the governor would rely on the honour of Captain

Clipperton for the release of the ship. Clipperton accepted this

proposal, but as his bark was in want of provisions and water, he sent

word to the governor, that every kind of provisions and drink were not

to be considered as within the capitulation. This was readily agreed to,

the money was sent on board, and as soon as the provisions were got out

of her, the ship was honourably restored.

Clipperton went thence to the Bay of Salinas, where his little vessel

was drawn on shore, and cleaned and effectually refitted, after which he

resolved in this cockle-shell to sail for the East Indies, which he

actually did, keeping in the latitude of 18° N. and reached the

Philippine Islands in fifty-four days. While among these islands, a

Spanish priest came off to his bark in a canoe, and Clipperton detained

him till furnished with a supply of fresh provisions, and then set him

at liberty. His next scheme was to sail for the English settlement of

Pulo Condore, in lat 8° 40' N. off the river of Cambadia, and actually

came there: But finding that the English had been massacred by their

Indian soldiers on the 3d March, 1705, for which reason no relief or

safety could be expected there, he bore away for Macao, a port belonging

to the Portuguese on the coast of China, where he and his people

separated, every one shifting for himself as well as they could. Some

went to Benjar,[215] in order to enter into the service of the English

East India Company, while others went to Goa to serve the Portuguese,

and some even entered into the service of the Great Mogul, being so bare

after so long a voyage, that any means of providing for themselves were

desirable. Clipperton returned to England in 1706, and afterwards made

another voyage round the world in the Success, of which an account will

be found in its proper place.

[Footnote 215: This is perhaps an error for Bombay; yet it may have been

Benjarmassin, on the southern coast of Borneo.--E.]

It is not easy to conceive a worse situation than that in which Captain

Dampier was left at the close of the year 1704, when Mr Funnell and his

people separated from him, being only able to retain twenty-eight of his

men, and even these were prevailed upon to stay, by representing that it

was easy to surprise some Spanish village, and that the fewer they were,

each would have the greater share in the plunder. After some

consultation, they resolved to attack Puna, a hamlet or village of

thirty houses and a small church, the inhabitants of which are well to

pass, and are under the command of a lieutenant. Dampier landed here in

a dark night, and, surprizing the inhabitants in their beds, got

possession of the place with very little trouble.

After plundering this town, they repaired to the island of _Lobos de la

Mar_, and took a small Spanish bark by the way, well furnished with

provisions. They now resolved to quit their own ship, and to endeavour

to sail for the East Indies in this small bark; and accordingly left the

St George at anchor under the island of Lobos, after taking every thing

valuable out of her. They then sailed across the Pacific Ocean to the

East Indies, and arrived at the Dutch settlements, where their bark was

seized, and they were turned adrift to shift for themselves as they best

might. Dampier returned naked to his owners, with a melancholy relation

of his unfortunate expedition, occasioned chiefly by his own strange

temper, being so self-sufficient and overbearing that few or none of his

officers could bear with him; and when once disputation gets in among

those who have the command, success is not to be expected. Even in this

distress, he was received as an eminent man, notwithstanding his

faillings, and was introduced to Queen Anne, having the honour to kiss

her hand, and to give her majesty some account of the dangers he had

undergone. The merchants were so sensible of his want of conduct, that

they resolved never to trust him any more with a command; and this, with

the poverty resulting from his late unlucky voyage, obliged him to make

the tour of the world once more as pilot to the Duke, commanded by

Captain Woods Rogers, the relation of which voyage forms the subject of

next Section.

CHAPTER X.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN WOODS ROGERS, AND STEPHEN COURTNEY, IN

1708-1711.[216]

INTRODUCTION.

It has been universally allowed by all competent judges, that there

never was a voyage of this nature so excellently adjusted or so well

provided in all respects, as the present, or in which the accidents that

usually happen in privateers were so effectually guarded against; owing

to the abilities of the gentlemen at Bristol, who both charged

themselves with the expence of fitting out this expedition, and took

care of every thing relating to its being properly fitted out. Their

first care was in the choice of proper officers, in which they were very

fortunate. Captain Woods Rogers, who had the chief command, being a

bold, active, and indefatigable officer, not too ready to give up his

opinion to others, and not apt to be flattered by other people giving up

theirs to him. He had been a great sufferer by the French; but his most

singular qualities, and which chiefly recommended him to the command of

this expedition, were a peculiar felicity in maintaining authority over

his seamen, and a wonderful readiness in devising expedients under the

most difficult circumstances.

[Footnote 216: A Cruizing Voyage round the World, &c. by Captain Woods

Rogers, 8vo. London, 1712. Voyage to the South Sea, and round the World,

&c. by Captain Edward Cooke, 2 vol. 8vo. London, 1712. Harris, I. 150.

Callender, III. 231.]

Captain Stephen Courtney, the second in command, was a gentleman of

birth, fortune, and amiable character, who had contributed considerably

to the expence of the voyage, and went in the expedition that he might

see how it was conducted, and either be able to prevent miscarriages, or

at least to make a faithful report of its incidents. Captain Thomas

Dover, the third in command, was a proprietor also. He was bred a

physician, and afterwards made a noise in the world by recommending the

use of crude mercury. He was a man of rough temper, and could not easily

agree with those about him, yet his morose disposition hindered him from

making any party to support him in his ill humours. Captain Cooke,

fourth in command, was second to Captain Courtney. The pilot in the

larger ship was Captain William Dampier, who was now to proceed for the

fourth time into the South Sea, where his name and exploits were well

known and terrible to the Spaniards. The adventurers were also extremely

careful in the choice of inferior officers, and even as far as possible

in procuring the best private men that could be found.

In the next place, the proprietors established rules for the proper

conduct of the voyage, which were digested in the following articles of

instruction, and signed by a committee of proprietors at Bristol, on the

14th July, 1708.

"For the better government and regulating the affairs of the present

voyage of the ships Duke and Duchess, we do hereby appoint and

constitute Captain Woods Rogers, Captain Thomas Dover, Captain William

Dampier, Mr Charlton Vanbrugh, Messrs Green, Fry, Charles Pope,

Glendall, Bullet, and Wasse, all of these officers on board the Duke,

to be the council on board that ship: We also appoint Captain Stephen

Courtney, Captain Edward Cooke, Messrs William Stratton, Bathe, John

Rogers, White, and the master, officers on board the Duchess, to be

council on board that ship, in case of the ships being separated from

each other. But, when in company, the whole officers of both ships above

named, are conjunctly to come on board either ship at the summons of

Captains Rogers, Dover, and Courtney, or any two of them, and to be the

council referred to in our general orders, to determine all matters and

things that may arise or be necessary for the general good daring the

whole voyage. In case of the death, sickness, or desertion of any of the

above officers in either ship, the rest who are of the council of that

ship shall convene on board their own ship, and chose another fit person

into that office and council."

"We farther require and direct, that all attempts, attacks, and designs

upon the enemy, either by sea or land, shall be first consulted and

debated, either in the particular council if separated, or in the

general council if together; and as the majority shall conclude how and

when to act or do, it shall be indispensably and cheerfully put in

execution, and without unnecessary delay. In case of any discontents,

differences, or misbehaviours among the officers and men, which may tend

to the disturbance of good order and government on board, either the men

or persons may appeal to the captain to have a hearing by a council, or

the captain shall call a council to have the matter heard and decided,

and may prefer or displace any man according to desert. All decisions

and judgments of the council shall be finally determined by the majority

of voices; and in case of an equality, Captain Dover is to have a double

voice as president, and we do accordingly order and appoint him

president of the council. All matters transacted in this council shall

be registered in a book by the clerk appointed for that purpose."

It was agreed between the owners and those employed in this voyage, that

all prizes were to be divided after the following rule. Two-third parts

of the clear profits were to belong to the owners, and one-third to the

officers, seamen, and landsmen, which last was to be distributed

according to the following proportions.

_If wholly on Shares_. _If part on Shares, and

part on Wages_.[217]

A captain, _Shares_ 24

Second captain, 20 _Wages_. _Shares_

First lieutenant, 16 £3 8

Second lieutenant, 10 2 10 5

Third lieutenant, 8 2 4

Master, 10 2 10 5

First mate, 6 2 3

Second mate, 4 1 15 2-1/2

Surgeon, 10 2 10 5

Surgeon's mate, 6 1 10 3

Owner's agent, 10 2 10 5

Pilot, 8 2 10 4

Carpenter, 6 2 3

Carpenter's mate, 4 1 10 2

Boatswain, 6 2 3

Boatswain's mate, 4 1 10 2

Gunner, 6 2 3

Gunner's mate, 3-1/2 1 10 1-3/4

Cooper, 5 1 10 2-1/2

Cooper's mate, 3-1/2 1 5 1-3/4

Midshipman, 4 1 10 2

_Shares_. _Wages_. _Shares_.

Quarter-master, 3 1 10 1-1/2

Sailors, 2-1/2 1 8 1-3/4

Land-men, 1-1/2 14 0-3/4

[Footnote 217: The wages were probably monthly, though not so

explained.--E.]

"We have two relations of this voyage, one by Captain Rogers, and the

other by Captain Cooke, both in the form of journals. On the present

occasion I shall chiefly follow that written by Captain Woods Rogers,

taking occasionally explanatory circumstances and descriptions from

Captain Cooke: But as they agree pretty well in their relations, I do

not think it necessary to break the thread of the discourse, but shall

proceed as near as may be in the words of Captain Rogers."--_Harris_.

Besides using as the ground-work of the present chapter, the narrative

drawn up by Harris from the publications of Captain Woods Rogers and

Edward Cooke, we have carefully employed both of these original works on

the present occasion; yet have not deemed it at all necessary or

adviseable to retain the minute and tedious nautical remarks, and have

chiefly attended to such interesting circumstances as had not been

sufficiently illustrated in the preceding chapters of this book.--E.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage, from England to the Island of Juan Fernandez_.

Our force on this voyage consisted of the Duke of 300 tons, carrying

thirty guns and 170 men, Captain Woods Rogers commander, with Captain

Thomas Dover as second captain, and three lieutenants; and the Duchess

of 270 tons, with twenty-six guns and 150 men, commanded by Captain

Stephen Courtney, having Captain Edward Cooke as second captain, and

three lieutenants. Both ships had commission from George Prince of

Denmark, husband to Queen Anne, and Lord High Admiral of England, to

cruize on the coasts of Peru and Mexico in the South Sea, against the

French and Spaniards, and to act jointly and separately.

On the 15th June, 1708, we went down to King-road, to fit our ships for

sea and the better to keep our men on board, where we continued till the

1st August, when we weighed anchor and towed down about five miles below

the Holmes. We made sail at one next morning, and got into Cork harbour

on the 5th August, where we remained till the 27th adjusting all things,

taking on board additional men provided there for us, and discharging

some we had brought from Bristol, who were found unfit for the voyage.

Our complement of men in both ships was now 333, of which above a third

were foreigners from most nations, several of her majesty's subjects we

had on board being tinkers, tailors, haymakers, pedlars, fiddlers, and

the like, with one negro and ten boys; yet we hoped to be well manned

with this motley crew, when they had got their sea-legs and had learnt

the use of arms. We had double the number of officers usual in

privateers, which was meant to prevent mutinies, so usual in long

voyages, and to secure a succession in case of deaths. Our holds were

so full of provisions, that our cables, and a great deal of our bread

and some water casks were between decks, and having 183 men in the Duke,

and 151 in the Duchess, we were obliged to send our sheet, cable, and

other new store cordage on shore at Cork, to make room for our men and

provisions, yet were so much crowded and lumbered that we could not have

engaged an enemy, without throwing much provisions and stores overboard.

Having agreed upon signals between our two ships, and appointed places

of rendezvous in case of separation, and how long to wait at each for

one another, we took sailing orders from the Hastings man of war on the

1st September, the better to keep company of her and a fleet bound to

the southward and westward. We sailed that day, and the next we and our

consort stood out from the fleet to chase a sail we saw to windward,

when we had the satisfaction to find that our ship sailed as well as any

in the fleet, not excepting the man of war, so that we hoped we should

find our heels, although so deeply laden. We found the chase to be a

small vessel coming from Baltimore to join the fleet. On the 4th,

Captain Paul of the Hastings proposed to Captain Courtney and me, after

he left the fleet, which would be soon, to cruise in company a few days

off Cape Finister, and obligingly supplied us with some scrubbers, iron

scrapers for the ships bottoms, a speaking-trumpet, and some other

things of which we were in want, and would not accept any thing in

return, as our voyage was to be so long, saying he hoped our owners

would restore the same articles for his ship on his return. That

evening, calling our crews on deck, we informed them whither we were

bound, and the objects of our expedition; that if any disputes or

mutinies had arisen, we might have sent home the refractory in the man

of war. Only one poor fellow was dissatisfied, who was to have been

tithing-man that year, and feared his wife might have to pay forty

shillings for his default; but seeing all around him pleased with the

hope of plunder, he too became easy, and drank as heartily as any one to

the success of the voyage.

We gave chase to a ship on the 10th September, about six in the morning,

which we came up with about three in the afternoon, when she shewed

Swedish colours. On examining the master, we found he had come round

Scotland and Ireland, and suspected he had contraband of war, as some of

the men, whom we found drunk, told us they had gunpowder and cables on

board; wherefore we resolved to examine her strictly, putting twelve of

our men on board, and taking the Swedish master and twelve of his men

aboard our ships. Next morning, having examined the men and searched the

ship, we found it difficult to prove her a legal prize, and, not willing

to lose time in carrying her into a port for farther examination, we let

her go without embezzlement. She was a frigate-built ship, of about 270

tons, and twenty-two guns, belonging to Stadt, near Hamburgh. The crew

of the Duke mutinied, headed by our boatswain and other three inferior

officers, alleging the Swede was a good prize, and had much contraband

goods on board, though we could find none: but being supported by my

officers, well armed, I at length pacified the men, after putting ten of

the mutineers in irons, and soundly whipping a sailor who had excited

the rest. This mutiny would not have been easily got the better of, but

for the number of our officers, whom we now found very useful in

bringing our crews under good discipline, a very difficult matter in

privateers, and without which it is utterly impossible to succeed in

distant and important enterprises. We sent home Giles Cash, our

boatswain, in irons, on board the Crown galley, with letters to our

owners, justifying our severity; and next morning I discharged our

prisoners from their irons, on their humble submission, and solemn

promise of dutiful behaviour in future.

On the 18th, between Fuertaventura and Grand Canary, we chased and took

a small Spanish ship, bound from Teneriff to Fuertaventura, having

several men and women passengers, and laden with a variety of goods.

Next day we bore away for Oratavia Roads, where, after much discussion,

we sold the vessel for 450 dollars, retaining all her goods. The 30th

September we put into the harbour of St Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd

islands, coming to anchor in ten fathoms within the rock. Seeing several

men on shore, though the island is not inhabited, Captain Cook went in

the pinnace, well armed, to see who they were, and found them some

Portuguese from St Antonio, come to catch turtles or sea-tortoises, who

told him we could have wood and water at this island, which is in lat.

16° 55' N. long. 24° 50' W. from Greenwich. It has great plenty of

Guinea fowl, with some hogs and goats; and we caught abundance of fish

in the road. In the woods there are great numbers of spiders as large as

walnuts, and their webs are very troublesome to get through, being very

numerous, and as strong as ordinary threads.

While here, new disturbances arose among the men, in relation to the

effects taken in the late prize; as we had here an opportunity of

purchasing various things, and every one wished to have the means of

purchasing. To put an end to all these heart-burnings, and to fix the

people in a resolution of doing their duty, we determined to settle this

affair by framing such articles as might inspire the seamen with courage

and constancy, and make them as willing to obey as the officers to

command, without giving our owners any cause of complaint. It cost us

some trouble to adjust these articles, but they effectually answered our

purpose, and all our people readily agreed to abide by them.

After staying two days here, in which we heeled our ships, and got wood

and water on board, our boat returned with limes and tobacco; but our

linguist, who had been sent ashore to procure refreshments, did not make

his appearance. Soon after there came a boat from that part of the

island where the governor resides, on board of which was the

deputy-governor, a negro, who brought limes, tobacco, oranges, fowls,

potatoes, hogs, bananas, musk-melons, watermelons, and brandy, all of

which we bought of him, paying in prize goods we had taken out of the

bark at the Canaries, and at a cheap rate; for they are a poor people,

and are ready to truck for any thing they want at any price, in such

payments as they can make. Being ready to sail, we called a council to

consider what was to be done in respect to the absence of our linguist,

who had promised the deputy-governor to wait for him at the water-side,

but had broke his word; and therefore, as his absence seemed to be

entirely his own fault, it was unanimously resolved that we ought to

leave him behind, rather than our two ships should wait for one man,

who had disobeyed orders. We were the more inclined to this, that others

might learn, by this example, to comply with their instructions when

sent ashore, and might come aboard again without delay, after completing

their business, and not flatter themselves that fair words and fine

excuses were to atone for breach of duty, to humour the fancies of

individuals, at the expence of delaying the voyage. This was certainly

but an indifferent place for our linguist to be left in; but he knew the

people and the language, and might easily get a passage home. We

persisted therefore in our resolution, and gave orders for sailing as

soon as possible, that we might not lose the proper season, and be

obliged to double Cape Horn at a wrong time of the year.

Captain Dampier and others in our ships, who had formerly put in at St

Jago, another of the Cape Verd islands, said that this island of St

Vincent, though not so much frequented, is preferable to St Jago for

outward-bound ships, as its road is much better, has better land, and is

more convenient for wood and water. The island is mountainous and

barren, its plainest part being over against the sandy bay where we

anchored. The wood growing upon it is short, and only fit for fuel. We

watered at a little stream that flows from a spring down the hill, and

is good fresh-water, the others in that neighbourhood being brackish. It

was formerly inhabited and had a governor, but is now only frequented by

the inhabitants of the other islands in the season for catching turtle,

these islanders being mostly negroes and mulattoes, and very poor. The

stock of wild goats on this island has been mostly destroyed by the

inhabitants of St Nicholas and St Antonio. The heat at this place was so

excessive to us, newly from Europe, that several of our men became sick,

and were blooded. There are a few wild asses; and some of our officers

wounded one, after a long chase, yet he held out, and tired them.

These islands are named from Cape Verd, on the coast of Africa, whence

they lie about 170 leagues to the west.[218] They are ten in number, of

which St Jago, St Nicholas, Bonavista, St Antonio, Brava, Mayo, and

Fuego are inhabited. _St Jago_ is much the largest and best, and is the

seat of the chief governor. Besides sugar and tobacco, this island

produces a small quantity of indigo, which, with goat-skins and some

other articles, are sent to Lisbon. The capital is named likewise St

Jago, and is the see of a bishop. There is another town, named _Ribera

grande_, said to consist of 500 houses, which has a good harbour. The

air of this island is rather unwholesome, and the soil is very unequal,

the vallies producing some corn and wine. The goats are fat and good

eating, the females usually producing three or four kids at a birth,

once in four months. _St Nicholas_ is the best peopled next after St

Jago. _Mayo_ has a great deal of salt, formed by the heat of the sun in

pits, or ponds, into which the sea-water is let from time to time, and

might furnish many thousand tons yearly, if there were vent for it. The

fine _Marroquin_ leather is made from the goat-skins brought from these

islands.

[Footnote 218: The difference of longitude between the cape and islands

is seven degrees W. or 140 marine leagues.--E.]

We sailed from St Vincent on the 8th October; and in our passage to the

coast of Brazil some new disputes arose among the men. After various

consultations, it was determined that one Page, second mate of the

Duchess, should be removed into the Duke, whence Mr Ballet was to remove

into the Duchess. Captain Cooke was sent to execute this order, which

Page refused to obey, but was brought away by force. Being accused of

mutiny, he requested leave to go to the head before entering on his

defence, which was permitted, when he jumped overboard, meaning to swim

to the Duchess, while both captains were absent; but he was brought back

and punished, which ended this dissension. The 18th November we anchored

before Isla Grande, on the coast of Brazil, in eleven fathoms. While

here new quarrels arose, and matters had like to have come to a great

height in the Duchess, when Captain Courtney put eight of the

ringleaders in irons, which frightened the rest, and probably prevented

an attempt to run away with the ship. On the 23d two men deserted from

the Duchess, but were so frightened in the night by tigers, as they

supposed, though only monkeys and baboons, that they took refuge in the

sea, and hallooed with all their might till they were fetched on board:

yet, on the 25th, two Irish landmen stole away into the woods; but both

were taken next day, and put in irons.

This island is remarkably high land, having a small cliff and a tip

standing up on one side, in the middle of the highest land, easily seen

in clear weather; and there is a small island without _Isla Grande_ to

the southward, rising in three little hummocks, the nearest hummock to

the great island being the smallest. There is also a singularly round

white rock on the larboard side, nearest Isla Grande, at the entrance

between it and the main going in. On the starboard-side of this entrance

there are several islands, and even the main land has much the

appearance of islands till well in. The best way is, when you have

opened the coves on the starboard-side going in, which are inhabited, to

get a pilot to carry you to the watering-cove on Isla Grande; otherwise

send a boat to the watering-cove, which lies round the inner and western

point of the island, and is near a league in the passage between small

islands, but room enough and bold. It is the second cove, under the

first high mount, round behind the first-seen point, after getting in

between, the two islands. This is the cove at which we watered; and we

sounded all the passage going in, having seldom less than ten fathoms.

There are other two very good coves, but we had not time to sound them.

The town is N.E. from this cove, about three leagues distant.

_Isla Grande_ is about nine leagues long, consisting of high land, as in

the main, and all near the water is thickly covered with wood. The

island abounds with monkeys and other wild beasts, and has plenty of

good timber for various uses as well as fuel, with excellent water; and

oranges, lemons, and guavas grow wild in the woods. From the town we

procured rum, sugar, and tobacco, and the last is sold very dear, though

not good for smoking, being too strong. We got also fowls and hogs, but

the latter were scarce and dear; likewise maize, or Indian corn,

bananas, plantains, guavas, lemons, oranges, and pine-apples are in

great plenty; but they have no bread except _cassada_, which they call

_faranada pan_, or bread of wood. Beef and mutton were cheap, but no

great quantity to be had. We had fine pleasant weather most of the time

we were here, but hot like an oven, as the sun was quite vertical. The

winds we did not much observe, as they were little and variable, but

commonly between the N. and E.

I had Neuhoff's account of Brazil on board, and from all the enquiry and

observation I could make, I found his description of the country, with

its animals and productions, to be just. I particularly enquired

respecting the monster called the _liboya_, or roebuck-serpent, thinking

it fabulous; but the Portuguese governor assured me that they are

sometimes found thirty feet long, and as big round as a barrel, being

able to swallow a roebuck at one morsel, whence it has its name; and he

told me that one of these enormous serpents had been killed near the

town, a short time before our arrival. The principal products of Brazil

are red wood, bearing the name of the country; sugar, gold, tobacco,

snuff, whale oil, and various kinds of drugs; and the Portuguese build

their best ships in this country. Brazil has now become very populous,

and the people take great delight in arms, especially about the gold

mines, to which people of all kinds resort in great numbers, especially

negroes and mulattoes. Only four years ago [in 1704] these people

endeavoured to make themselves independent, but have now submitted. Some

men of repute told me that the gold mines increase fast in

productiveness, and that the gold is got much easier in them than in any

other country.

The indigenous Brazilian women are very fruitful, and have easy labours,

on which occasion they retire into the woods, and bring forth alone, and

return home after washing themselves and their child; the husbands lying

a-bed for the first twenty-four hours, being treated as if they had

endured the pains of child-birth. The _Tapoyers_, who inhabit the inland

country to the west, are the most barbarous of the natives, being taller

and stronger than any of the other tribes, and indeed than most

Europeans. They wear, by way of ornament, little sticks thrust through

their cheeks and underlips, and are said to be cannibals, using poisoned

arrows and darts. They live chiefly by hunting and fishing, shifting

their habitations according to the seasons. Their kings, or chiefs, are

distinguished by a particular manner of shaving their crowns, and by

wearing their nails very long. Their priests are sorcerers, making the

people believe that the devils appear to them in the form of certain

insects, and they perform their diabolical worship in the night, when

the women make dismal howlings, in which consists their principal

devotion. They allow polygamy, yet punish adultery with death. When the

young women are marriageable, but not courted, their mothers carry them

to the chiefs, who deflower them, and this is deemed a great honour.

Some of these people were considerably civilized by the Dutch, while

they possessed a part of Brazil, and did them good service under the

conduct of their native chiefs.

Leaving Isla Grande on the 30th November, we continued our voyage far to

the south, where we endured great cold, owing to which, a third part of

both ships companies fell sick while passing round Cape Horn, for which

reason we bore away for the island of Juan Fernandez, which we had some

difficulty to find, owing to its being laid down differently in all the

charts. Even Captain Dampier was much at a loss, though he had been

there so often, and had as it were a map of the island in his head,

which exactly agreed with it when we came there. This ought to induce

sea-officers to prefer their own proper business to amusement, since,

with all this knowledge, we were forced to make the main land of Chili,

in order to find this island, and did not strike it at the last without

considerable difficulty.

We arrived at the island of _Juan Fernandez_ on the 1st February 1709,

and having a good observation the day before, when we found our lat. 34°

10' S.[219] In the afternoon we hoisted out our pinnace, in which

Captain Dover set off to go on shore, though not less than four leagues

from the ship. As it grew dark, we observed a light on shore, which some

were of opinion was from our boat, but it was evidently too large for

that, and we hung up a light to direct our boat, firing our quarter-deck

gun, and showing lights in our mizen and fore shrouds, that our boat

might find us, as we had fallen to leeward of the island. Our boat came

aboard again about two in the morning, having turned back on seeing the

light ashore when within a league, and we were glad they had got off so

well, as it now began to blow. We were all convinced that the light

which we had seen was from the shore, and therefore prepared our ships

for an engagement, supposing it might proceed from some French ships at

anchor, which we must either fight or want water. All this stir and

apprehension, as we afterwards found, arose from one poor man, who

passed in our imaginations for a Spanish garrison, a body of Frenchmen,

or a crew of pirates, and it is incredible what strange notions some of

our people entertained about this light; yet it served to show their

tempers and spirits, and enabled us to guess how our men would behave,

in case there really were enemies on the island.

[Footnote 219: Juan Fernandez is in lat 33° 40' S. long. 79° W. Massa

Faera, in the same latitude, is in long. 80° 50' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

While under these apprehensions, we stood to the back of the island in

order to fall in with the southerly wind, till we were past the island.

We then stood back for it again, and ran close aboard the land that

begins to form its N.E. side. The flaws came heavy off the land, and we

were forced to reef our top-sails when we opened the middle bay, where

we expected to have found our enemy, but saw all clear, and no ships

either there or in the other bay near the N.E. end. These are the only

bays in which ships can ride that come here for refreshments, the middle

one being the best. We now conjectured that there had been ships here,

but that they had gone away on seeing us. About noon of the 2d February,

we sent our yawl on shore, in which was Captain Dover, Mr Fry, and six

men, all armed; and in the mean time we and the Duchess kept turning in,

and such heavy squalls came off the land that we had to let fly our

top-sail sheets, keeping all hands to stand by our sails, lest the winds

should blow them away. These flaws proceed from the land, which is very

high in the middle of the island; but when they passed by, we had little

or no wind. As our yawl did not return, we sent the pinnace well armed,

to see what had occasioned the yawl to stay, being afraid there might be

a Spanish garrison on the island, who might have seized her and our men.

Even the pinnace delays returning, on which we put up a signal for her

to come back, when she soon came off with abundance of cray-fish,

bringing also a man cloathed in goat-skins, who seemed wilder than the

original owners of his apparel. His name was _Alexander Selkirk_, a

Scotsman, who had been left here by Captain Stradling in the

Cinque-ports, and had lived alone on the island for four years and four

months. Captain Dampier told me he had been master of the Cinque-ports,

and was the best man in that vessel; so I immediately agreed with him to

serve as a mate in the Duke. During his stay, he had seen several ships

pass by, but only two came to anchor at the island, which he found to be

Spaniards, and therefore retired from them, on which they fired at him,

but he escaped into the woods. Had they been French, he would have

surrendered to them; but chose rather to run the risk of dying alone on

the island than fall into the hands of the Spaniards, as he suspected

they would either put him to death, or make him a slave in their mines.

The Spaniards had landed before he knew what they were, and came so near

him that he had much ado to escape; for they not only shot at him, but

pursued him into the woods, where he climbed up a tree, at the foot of

which some of them made water, and killed several goats just by, yet

went away without discovering him.

He told us that he was born in Largo, in the county of Fife in Scotland,

and was bred a sailor from his youth. The reason of his being left here

was a difference with Captain Stradling; which, together with the ship

being leaky, made him at first rather willing to stay here than to

continue in the ship; and when at last he was inclined to have gone, the

captain would not receive him. He had been at the island before to wood

and water, when two of the men were left upon it for six months, the

ship being chased away by two French South-Sea ships; but the

Cinque-ports returned and took them off, at which time he was left. He

had with him his clothes and bedding, with a firelock and some powder

and bullets, some tobacco, a knife, a kettle, a bible, with some other

books, and his mathematical instruments. He diverted himself and

provided for his sustenance as well as he could; but had much ado to

bear up against melancholy for the first eight months, and was sore

distressed at being left alone in such a desolate place. He built

himself two huts of pimento trees, thatched with long grass, and lined

with goat-skins, killing goats as he needed them with his gun, so long

as his powder lasted, which was only about a pound at first. When that

was all spent, he procured fire by rubbing two sticks of pimento wood

together. He slept in his larger hut, and cooked his victuals in the

smaller, which was at some distance, and employed himself in reading,

praying, and singing psalms, so that he said he was a better Christian

during his solitude than he had ever been before, or than, as he was

afraid, he should ever be again.

At first he never ate but when constrained by hunger, partly from grief;

and partly for want of bread and salt. Neither did he then go to bed

till he could watch no longer, the pimento wood serving him both for

fire and candle, as it burned very clear, and refreshed him by its

fragrant smell. He might have had fish enough, but would not eat them

for want of salt, as they occasioned a looseness; except cray-fish,

which are as large as our lobsters, and are very good. These he

sometimes boiled, and at other times broiled, as he did his goat's

flesh, of which he made good broth, for they are not so rank as our

goats. Having kept an account, he said he had killed 500 goats while on

the island, besides having caught as many more, which he marked on the

ear and let them go. When his powder failed, he run down the goats by

speed of foot; for his mode of living, with continual exercise of

walking and running, cleared him of all gross humours, so that he could

run with wonderful swiftness through the woods, and up the hills and

rocks, as we experienced in catching goats for us. We had a bull-dog,

which we sent along with several of our nimblest runners to help him in

catching goats, but he outstript our dog and men, caught the goats, and

brought them to us on his back. On one occasion, his agility in pursuing

a goat had nearly cost him his life: as, while pursuing it with great

eagerness, he caught hold of it on the brink of a precipice, of which,

he was not aware, being concealed by bushes, so that he fell with the

goat down the precipice to a great depth, and was so bruised and stunned

by the fall, that he lay senseless, as he supposed, for twenty-four

hours, and when he recovered his senses found the goat dead under him.

He was then scarcely able to crawl to his hut, about a mile distant, and

could not stir out again for ten days.

He came at length to relish his meat well enough without bread and salt.

In the proper season he had plenty of good turnips, which had been sowed

there by Captain Dampier's men, and had now spread over several acres of

ground. He had also abundance of cabbage, from the cabbage-palms, and

seasoned his food with the fruit of the pimento, which is the same with

Jamaica pepper, and has a fine flavour. He found also a species of black

pepper, called _malageta_, which was good for expelling wind and curing

gripes. He soon wore out all his shoes and other clothes, by running in

the woods; and, being forced to shift without, his feet became so hard

that he ran about every where without inconvenience, and it was some

time after he came to us before he could wear shoes, as his feet swelled

when he first began again to wear them. After he had got the better of

his melancholy, he sometimes amused himself with carving his name on the

trees, together with the date of his being left there, and the time of

his solitary residence. At first he was much pestered with cats and

rats, which had bred there in great numbers from some of each species

which had got on shore from ships that had wooded and watered at the

island. The rats gnawed his feet and clothes when he was asleep, which

obliged him to cherish the cats, by feeding them with goats flesh, so

that many of them became so tame that they used to lie beside him in

hundreds, and soon delivered him from the rats. He also tamed some kids,

and for his diversion would at times sing and dance with them and his

cats: So that, by the favour of Providence and the vigour of his youth,

for he was now only thirty years of age, he came at length to conquer

all the inconveniences of his solitude, and to be quite easy in his

mind.

When his clothes were worn out, he made himself a coat and a cap of goat

skins, which he stitched together with thongs of the same, cut out with

his knife, using a nail by way of a needle or awl. When his knife was

worn out, he made others as well as he could of some old hoops that had

been left on the shore, which he beat out thin between two stones, and

grinded to an edge on a smooth stone. Having some linen cloth, he sewed

himself some shirts by means of a nail for a needle, stitching them with

worsted, which he pulled out on purpose from his old stockings, and he

had the last of his shirts on when we found him. At his first coming on

board, he had so much forgotten his language, for want of use, that we

could scarcely understand him, as he seemed to speak his words only by

halves. We offered him a dram, which he refused, not having drank any

thing but water all the time he had been on the island, and it was some

time before he could relish our provisions. He could give us no farther

account of the productions of the island than has been already, except

that there were some very good black plums, but hard to come at, as the

trees which bear them grow on high mountains and steep rocks. There are

many pimento trees, some of them being sixty feet high and two yards

round; and we saw cotton trees still higher, and near four fathoms round

the stems. The climate is excellent, and the trees and grass are quite

verdant the whole year. The winter lasts no longer than June and July,

and is not then severe, there being then only slight frosts and a little

hail, but sometimes very great rains. The heat of summer is equally

moderate, and there is not much thunder or tempestuous weather. He saw

no venomous, or savage creature on the island, nor any other beasts

besides goats, bred there from a few brought by Juan Fernandez, a

Spaniard, who settled there with a few families, till the continent of

Chili began to submit to the Spaniards when they removed to that country

as more profitable. This island, however, might maintain a good many

people, and is capable of being made so strong that they could not be

easily dislodged.

We got our smith's forge ashore on the 3d February, and set our coopers

to work to repair our water casks. They made a little tent also for me

on shore, to enjoy the benefit of the land air. The two ships also set

up tents for their sick, so that we had presently a kind of small town,

in which all who were able were busily employed. A few men supplied us

with excellent fish, in such abundance that they could take as many in a

few hours as would serve 200 men for a meal. There were some sea-fowl in

the bay, as large as geese, but they eat fishy. The governor, for so we

called Mr Selkirk, never failed to procure us two or three goats every

day for our sick men, by which, with the help of cabbages and other

vegetables, and the wholesome air, our men soon recovered from the

scurvy, and we found this island exceedingly agreeable, the weather

being neither too hot nor too cold. We spent our time till the 10th in

refitting our ships, taking wood on board, and laying in a stock of

water, that which we brought from England, St Vincents, and Isla Grande,

being spoilt by the badness of our casks. We also boiled up and refined

eighty gallons of oil of sea-lions, which we used in lamps to save

candles, and might have prepared several tons, if we had been provided

with vessels. The sailors sometimes used this oil to fry their fish, for

want of butter, and found it sufficiently agreeable. The men who worked

ashore in repairing our rigging, eat the young seals, which they

preferred to our ship's provisions, alleging that it was as good as

English lamb. We made all the haste we could to get every thing on

board, as we learnt at the Canaries that five stout French privateers

were coming in company into the South Sea.

This island of Juan Fernandez is about fifteen English miles in length

from E. to W. and five miles where broadest, but averaging little more

than two miles in breadth, and is mostly composed of high rugged land. I

know of nothing in its neighbourhood which may endanger a ship, except

what is distinctly visible. We anchored in the great bay, [La Baia or

Cumberland harbour] on the N.E. side, about a mile from the bottom of

the bay, our best bower being dropt in forty fathoms, and the stream

anchor carried in with the shore, where it was laid in about thirty

fathoms. We here had plenty of several sorts of fish, as silver-fish,

snappers, bonitoes, cavallos, pollocks, old wives, and cray-fish of

great size. The wind blows here generally off the shore, sometimes in

heavy squalls, but for the most part calm, and where we were moored the

water was very smooth, owing to the winding of the shore. Mr Selkirk

told us it had never blown towards the land above four hours, all the

time he had been there. It is all hills and vallies, and would doubtless

produce most plants usual in such climates, if manured and cultivated,

as the soil promises well in most parts, and already grows turnips and

some other roots, which I suppose were formerly sowed. It has plenty of

wood and water, and abundance of wild goats.

There are such numbers of great sea-lions and other seals of various

sorts, all having excellent furs, in every bay, that we could hardly

walk about along shore for them, as they lay about in flocks like sheep,

their young ones bleating for their dams like so many lambs. Some of

these sea-lions are as big in the body as an English ox, and they roar

like lions. They are covered with short hair of a light colour, which is

still lighter on the young ones. I suppose they live partly on fish and

partly on grass, for they come on shore by means of their fore paws,

dragging their hind parts after them, and bask themselves in the sun in

great numbers. They cut near a foot deep of fat, and we killed a good

many of them for the sake of their oil, which is of good quality, but

they are difficult to kill. Both sea-lions and seals were so numerous on

the shore, that we had to drive them away before we could land, and they

were so numerous as is hardly credible, making a most prodigious noise.

There are but few birds. One sort, called _pardelas_ by the Spaniards,

burrow in the ground like rabbits, and are said to be good eating. There

are also _humming-birds_, not much larger than bumble bees, their bills

no thicker than a pin, their legs proportional to their bodies, and

their minute feathers of most beautiful colours. These are seldom taken

or seen but in the evenings, when they fly about, and they flew

sometimes at night into our fire. There is here a sort of cabbage tree,

of the nature of a palm, producing small cabbages, but very sweet. The

tree is slender and straight, with circular knobs on the stem fourteen

inches above each other, and having no leaves except at the top. The

branches are about twelve feet long, and at about a foot and a half from

the body of the tree begin to shoot out leaves, which are four feet long

and an inch broad, and so regularly placed that the whole branch seems

one entire leaf. The cabbage, which grows out from the bottom of the

branches, is about a foot long and very white; and at the bottom of this

there grow clusters of berries, weighing five or six pounds, like

bunches of grapes, as red as cherries and larger than our black-heart

cherries, each having a large stone in the middle, and the pulp eats

like our haws. These cabbage trees abound about three miles into the

woods, the trunk being often eighty or ninety feet high, and is always

cut down to get the cabbages, which are good eating; but most of them

grow on the tops of the nearest mountains to the great bay.

We found here some Guinea pepper, and some silk cotton trees, besides

several others with the names of which I am not acquainted. Pimento is

the best timber, and the most plentiful at this side of the island, but

it is very apt to split till it is a little dried. We cut the longest

and cleanest to split for fire wood. In the nearest plain, we found

abundance of turnip greens, and water-cresses in the brooks, which

greatly refreshed our men, and quickly cured them of the scurvy. Mr

Selkirk said the turnips formed good roots in our summer months, which

are winter at this island; but this being autumn, they were all run up

to seed, so that we had no benefit of them excepting their green leaves

and shoots. The soil is a loose black earth, and the rocks are very

rotten, so that it is dangerous to climb the hills for cabbages without

great care. There are also many holes dug into the ground by a sort of

birds called _puffins_, which give way in walking, and endanger the

breaking or wrenching a limb. Mr Selkirk said he had seen snow and ice

here in July, the depth of the southern winter; but in September,

October, and November, the spring months, the climate is very pleasant,

and there are then abundance of excellent herbs, as purslein, parsley,

and sithes. We found also an herb, not unlike _feverfew_, which proved

very useful to our surgeons for fomentations. It has a most grateful

smell like balm, but stronger and more cordial, and grew in plenty near

the shore. We gathered many large bundles of it, which were dried in the

shade, and sent aboard for after-use, besides strewing the tents with it

fresh gathered every morning, which tended much to the recovery of our

sick, of whom, though numerous when we came here, only two died

belonging to the Duchess. We found the nights very cold, and the days

not near so warm as might have been expected in so low a latitude. It

hardly ever rains, instead of which there fall very heavy dews in the

night, which serve the purposes of rain, and the air is almost

perpetually serene.

The 13th February we held a consultation, in which we framed several

regulations for preserving secrecy, discipline, and strict honesty in

both vessels: and on the 17th we determined that two men from the Duke

should serve in the Duchess, and two of her men in the Duke, to see that

justice was reciprocally done by each ship's company to the other. The

28th we tried both pinnaces in the water under sail, having a gun fixed

in each, and every thing else requisite to render them very useful small

privateers.

SECTION II.

_Proceedings of the Expedition on the Western Coast of America_.

In the evening of the 13th March[220] we saw a sail, and the Duchess

being nearest soon took her. She was a small bark of sixteen tons from

Payta, bound to Cheripe for flour, having a small sum of money on board

to make the purchase, being commanded by a _Mestizo_, or one begotten

between a Spaniard and an Indian, having a crew of eight men, one a

Spaniard, another a negro, and all the rest Indians. On asking for news,

we were told, that all the French ships, being seven in number, had left

the South Sea six months before, and no more were to come there; adding,

that the Spaniards had such an aversion to them, that they had killed

many Frenchmen at Callao, the port of Lima, and quarrelled with them so

frequently that none of them were suffered to come ashore there for some

time before they sailed.

[Footnote 220: It is quite obvious that they had now left Juan

Fernandez, but this circumstance and its date are omitted by

Harris.--E.]

After putting some men aboard the prize, we haled close upon a wind for

the isle of _Lobos_, and had we not been informed by our prisoners, had

endangered our ships by running too far within that isle, as there are

shoals between the island and the main, having a passage for boats only

in that direction to get into the road which is to leeward of these

islands in a sound between them. This sound is a mile long and half a

mile wide, and has from ten to twelve fathoms on good ground. The only

entrance for ships is to leeward of the islands. We went in with a small

weather tide, but I could never observe it to flow above three feet

while we were there. On the eastermost island there is a round hummock,

behind which is a small cove, very smooth, deep, and convenient enough

for careening a ship; we here hauled up and fitted our prize, which we

named the _Beginning_. The highest part of the island of Lobos, as seen

from the road, did not seem much higher than the top-mast head of a

large ship. The soil is a hungry white clayish earth, mixed with sand

and rocks; and there is no fresh water, nor any green thing to be seen

on either of the islands. They are frequented by many vultures or

carrion crows, and looked so like turkeys that one of our officers was

rejoiced at the sight, expecting to fare sumptuously, and would not wait

till the boat could put him ashore, but leapt into the water with his

gun, and let fly at a parcel of them; but, when he came to take up his

game, it stunk most abominably, and made us merry at his expence. The

other birds here are pelicans, penguins, boobies, gulls, and one

resembling teal, which nestle in holes under ground. Our men got great

numbers of these birds, which they said were good meat after being

skinned.

We found abundance of bulrushes and empty jars, which the Spanish

fishers had left on shore; for all over this western coast of America,

they use earthen jars instead of casks, for containing oil, wine, and

all other liquids. There are here abundance of sea-lions and seals, the

latter being much larger than those we saw at Juan Fernandez, but their

fur not so fine. Our people killed several of these, on purpose to eat

their livers; but a Spaniard on board died suddenly after eating them,

and I forbade their use, and we learnt also from our prisoners that the

old seals are very unwholesome. The wind commonly blows here fresh from

the south, veering to the east, and coming over the land to where we

lay, brought with it a most noisome smell from the seals on shore, which

gave me a violent headach, and offended every one else extremely. We

found nothing so offensive at Juan Fernandez.

Our prisoners told as, that the widow of the late viceroy of Peru was

soon expected to embark in a Spanish man of war of thirty-six guns for

Acapulco, with her family and riches; on which voyage she would either

stop at Payta for refreshments, or pass in sight of that place, as is

customary. They said also that about eight months before, a ship had

passed Payta for Acapulco, loaded with flour and liquors, and having

200,000 dollars on board. Also, that they had left signior Morel at

Payta, in a ship laden with dry goods, who was expected to sail shortly

for Lima; and that a stout French-built ship richly laden, and having a

bishop on board, was shortly expected at Payta. This is the common place

for refreshments, and is frequented by most ships from Lima or other

parts to windward, on their way to Panama or other ports on the western

coast of Mexico. On this information, we determined to spend as much

time as possible cruising off Payta, so as not to discover that we were

in these seas lest we should thereby hinder our other designs.

In pursuance of this plan, we took a galleon on the 1st April, of 500

tons burden, commanded by two brothers, Joseph and Juan Morel, laden

with dry goods and negroes; and next day we took another prize. We now

determined to make an attack on the town of _Guayaquil_; and on the 11th

April, in a grand consultation, this enterprize was fully resolved upon,

and a paper of instructions was drawn up for the guidance of the

officers who were to command, so that each might be taught and kept to

his duty. This enterprize was to be conducted by the three captains,

Rogers, Courtney, and Dover. Captain Dover was to command the van

division, consisting of seventy marines; Rogers the centre company, of

seventy-one men, mostly officers and sailors; and Courtney the

rear-guard, of seventy-three men; while Captain Dampier, with a reserve

of twenty-two men, was to bring up some pieces of cannon, to be employed

if necessary. Our force therefore on this occasion consisted of 238

men.[221] Captain Cooke was to remain in the Duchess with forty-two men,

and Captain Fry in the Duke with forty, our entire force being 320 men,

while we had about 266 prisoners in both ships, including Indians and

Negroes.

[Footnote 221: The enumeration in the text gives only 236 men.--E.]

Every thing being arranged, we bore in for Cape _Blanco_ on the 13th, of

which we had sight about noon, bearing E.S.E. ten leagues off. On the

15th in the morning we saw a ship near the shore, and having little

wind, the Duke's boat, commanded by Captain Fry, and that of the Duchess

by Captain Cooke, rowed directly for her, going off in such haste that

neither of them had the swivel guns commonly used in the boats, neither

had they their full complement of men, and only ten muskets and four

pistols, with not much powder and shot, and no water. They rowed very

hard for six leagues to get up with the ship, and on Mr Fry getting

near, she hoisted Spanish colours. We could plainly see that she was

French-built, and therefore concluded that it must be the ship we had

long looked for, which was to carry the bishop. Our ships being almost

out of sight, and the chase near the coast, making the best of her way

to run ashore in a sandy bay, we resolved to lay her on board, one of

our boats on each bow, I[222] being then on her weather quarter, and

Captain Fry on her lee. It was our intention to pretend that we were

friends, till we should get out of the way of her stern-chase guns; but

the Duke's men, conceiving the Spaniards were going to give us a

volley, poured in their shot. We then laid in our oars, and fell to with

our small arms. We kept up a constant fire for a long time, which was

returned by the Spaniards, who killed two of Captain Fry's men, and

wounded one of his and two of mine. One of the dead men was John Rogers,

our second lieutenant, and brother to Captain Woods Rogers, who had

behaved himself gallantly. Finding the enterprize too difficult, Captain

Fry drew off his boat, as I did soon after. Captain Fry then put some of

his men aboard my boat, giving us some powder and shot, and taking in

our wounded men, on which he stood away towards our ships, while I

resolved to keep the chase if possible from running on shore, and rather

than fail to clap her on board. Seeing our design, the enemy edged off

to sea, and we after them. Our ships came up apace, while we kept close

to the Spaniard, sometimes firing at him. At length the Duchess got up

and fired a shot or two, on which she struck, and we immediately

boarded. The men begged for quarter, and we promised them all civility.

This ship was of 270 tons, commanded by Don Joseph Arizabella, and had

come from Panama bound for Lima, where she was to have been fitted out

as a man of war, the captain having his commission on board for that

purpose. She had seventy negroes on board, with many passengers. The

loading was bale goods, with some things belonging to the bishop, and a

considerable quantity of pearls; but the bishop had been landed at Point

St Helena, whence he was to go by land to Guayaquil. Many of the

passengers were considerable merchants at Lima, and the briskest

Spaniards I ever saw. After the capture of this ship, Captain Cooke

remained on board, sending her captain and the rest of the prisoners to

the Duke and Duchess.

[Footnote 222: This particular action is related by Harris in the words

of Captain Cooke, who commanded the boat from the Duchess.--E.]

We now proceeded on our intended expedition against Guayaquil, sending

the _Beginning_ ahead to _Punta arena_, or Sandy Point, on the island of

Puna, to see if there was any force to oppose us; but she only found a

Spanish bark, quite empty, riding close under the point. She had been

sent to load salt, but her men had abandoned her on seeing us approach.

At five in the afternoon, our whole force intended for the attack upon

Guayaquil, being embarked in boats, rowed for that place; and at eleven

at night we could see a light in the town, on which we rowed as easy as

we could and in silence, for fear of being discovered; till we were

within a mile of the place. We then heard a sentinel call to another,

and after conversing for some time, bid him bring fire. Perceiving we

were now discovered, we rowed to the other side of the river, opposite

the town, whence we saw a fire lighted up at the place where the

centinels had talked, and soon after we could see lights all over the

town and at the water side, heard them ring the alarm bell, fire several

vollies, and saw a fire lighted on the hill where the beacon was kept,

all on purpose to give notice to the town and neighbourhood that we were

come into the river.

Our boats were now moored with grapplings, and so hot a dispute took

place among some of our officers, that they were heard on shore; but as

the Spaniards did not understand what they said, an English prisoner was

brought to the shore to interpret what they heard. By the time he came,

the dispute was over; but this Englishman afterwards joined us, and gave

us this account. We held a council in the stern sheets of one of our

boats, to consider whether we should land immediately or wait till

day-light; and, as the barks were not come up, in which were the

artillery and half of our men, and as we did not know the ground

sufficiently to act in the dark, it was agreed to wait till day, by

which time it was hoped the barks would join. We accordingly fell down

the river a short way, to meet our barks, hearing several musket shots

by the way. On the 23d April at day-break, we saw one of our barks at

anchor within a mile of the town, close under the shore, and the other

coming up the river with the tide of flood. We then rowed up to our

bark, which had fired the shots we heard in the night at some fishermen

passing by, whom they took.