The main question proposed to him by Le Maire was, Whether he thought it

possible to find a passage into the South Sea, otherwise than by the

Straits of Magellan; and if so, whether it were not likely that the

countries to the south of that passage might afford as rich commodities

as either the East or the West Indies? Schouten was of opinion that such

a passage might be found, and gave several reasons as to the probable

riches of these countries.[103] After many conferences, they came to the

determination of attempting this discovery, under a persuasion that the

States did not intend, by their exclusive charter to the East India

Company, to preclude their subjects from discovering countries in the

south by a new route, different from either of those described in the

charter.

[Footnote 103: The idea of rich countries is here surely wrong stated,

as none such could possibly be conceived to the south of the Straits of

Magellan. The expected rich countries must have been to the westwards of

these straits, and in the tropical regions far to the north, in the hope

of not trenching upon the exclusive trade to the East Indies.--E.]

In consequence of this determination, it was agreed that Le Maire

should advance half of the necessary funds for the expence of the

proposed voyage, while Schouten and his friends were to advance the

other moiety. Accordingly Le Maire advanced his part of the funds; and

Schouten, with the assistance of Peter Clementson, burgomaster of Horn,

Jan Janson Molenwert, one of the schepens or aldermen of that city, Jan

Clementson Keis, a senator of that city, and Cornelius Segetson, a

merchant, produced the rest. These matters being adjusted, in spring

1615, the company proposed to equip two vessels, a larger and a less, to

sail from Horn at the proper season. That all parties might be

satisfied, it was agreed that William Cornelison Schouten, in

consideration of his age and experience, should command the larger ship,

with the entire direction of the navigation during the voyage; and that

Jaques le Maire, the eldest son of Isaac, should be supercargo. Every

thing was got ready in two months for the prosecution of the enterprise,

and a sufficient number of men engaged as mariners: but, as secrecy was

indispensable, they were articled to go wherever the masters and

supercargoes should require; and, in consideration of such unusual

conditions, their wages were considerably advanced beyond the ordinary

terms.

SECTION I.

_Journal of the Voyage from the Texel to Cape Horn_.

The larger of the two vessels prepared for this voyage was the Unity, of

360 tons, carrying nineteen cannon and twelve swivels; having on board

two pinnaces, one for sailing and another for rowing, a launch for

landing men, and a small boat, with all other necessaries for so long a

voyage. Of this vessel William Cornelison Schouten was master and pilot,

and Jaques le Maire supercargo. The lesser vessel was named the Horn, of

110 tons, carrying eight cannons and four swivels, of which Jan

Cornelison Schouten was master, and Aris Clawson supercargo. The crew of

the Unity consisted of sixty-five men, and that of the Horn of

twenty-two only. The Unity sailed on the 25th of May for the Texel,

where the Horn also arrived on the 3d June.

The proper season being now arrived, in their judgment, they sailed from

the Texel on the 14th of June, and anchored in the Downs on the 17th,

when William Schouten went ashore at Dover to hire an experienced

English gunner. This being effected, they again set sail the same

evening; and meeting a severe storm in the night between the 21st and

22d, they took shelter under the Isle of Wight. Sailing thence on the

25th, they arrived at Plymouth on the 27th, where they hired a carpenter

named Muydenblick. Sailing finally from Plymouth on the 28th June, with

the wind at N.E. and fair weather, they proceeded on their voyage.

Distinct rules were now established in regard to the allowance of

provisions at sea, so that the men might have no reason to complain, and

the officers might be satisfied of having enough for the voyage. The

rate fixed upon was, a cann of beer for each man daily; four pounds of

biscuit, with half a pound of butter and half a pound of suet weekly;

and five large Dutch cheeses for each man, to serve during the whole

voyage. All this was besides the ordinary allowance of salt meat and

stock-fish. Due orders were likewise issued for regulating the conduct

of the men and officers. Particularly on all occasions of landing men in

a warlike posture, one of the masters was always to command: and in such

ports as they might touch at for trade, the supercargo was to go on

shore, and to have the exclusive management of all commercial dealings.

It was also enjoined, that every officer should be exceedingly strict in

the execution of his duty, but without subjecting the men to any

unnecessary hardships, or interfering with each other in their several

departments. The officers were also warned against holding any

conversation with the men, in regard to the objects of the voyage, all

conjectures respecting which were declared fruitless, the secret being

solely known to the first captain and supercargo. It was also declared,

that every embezzlement of stores, merchandises, or provisions, should

be severely punished; and, in case of being reduced upon short

allowance, any such offence was to be punished with death. The two

supercargoes were appointed to keep distinct journals of all

proceedings, for the information of the company of adventurers, that it

might appear how far every man had done his duty, and in what manner the

purposes of the voyage had been answered.

On the 11th July they had sight of Madeira, and on the 13th they passed

through between Teneriff and Grand Canary, with a stiff breeze at N.N.E.

and a swift current. The 15th they passed the tropic of Cancer; and the

20th in the morning fell in with the north side of Cape de Verd.

Procuring here a supply of water, by leave of the Moorish alcaide or

governor, for which they had to pay _eight states_ of iron, they left

the cape on the 1st August, and came in sight of the high land of Sierra

Leona on the 21st of that month, as also of the island of _Madre bomba_,

which lies off the south point of Sierra Leona, and north from the

shallows of the island of St Ann. This land of Sierra Leona is the

highest of all that lie between Cape Verd and the coast of Guinea, and

is therefore easily known.

On the 30th of August, they cast anchor in eight fathoms water on a fine

sandy bottom, near the shore, and opposite a village or town of the

negroes, in the road of Sierra Leona. This village consisted only of

eight or nine poor thatched huts. The Moorish inhabitants were willing

to come on board to trade, only demanding a pledge to be left on shore

for their security, because a French ship had recently carried off two

of the natives perfidiously. Aris Clawson, the junior merchant or

supercargo, went accordingly on shore, where he drove a small trade for

lemons and bananas, in exchange for glass beads. In the mean time some

of the natives came off to the ships, bringing with them an interpreter

who spoke many languages. They here very conveniently furnished

themselves with fresh water, which poured down in great abundance from a

very high hill, so that they had only to place their casks under the

waterfall. There were here whole woods of lemon-trees, and lemons were

so cheap that they might have had a thousand for a few beads, and ten

thousand for a few common knives; so that they easily procured as many

as they wished, and each man had 150 for sea store. The 3d September

they found a vast shoal of fish, resembling a shoemaker's knife.

They left Sierra Leona on the 4th September; and on the 5th October,

being in lat 4° 27' S. they were astonished by receiving a violent

stroke on the bottom of one of the ships, though no rock appeared to be

in the way. While forming conjectures on the occasion of this shock, the

sea all about the ship began to change colour, appearing as if some

great fountain of blood had opened into it. This sudden alteration of

the water seemed not less wonderful than the striking of the ship; but

the cause of both was not discovered till after their arrival in Port

Desire, when the ship was laid on shore to clean her bottom, when they

found a large horn, of a substance resembling ivory, sticking fast in

the bottom. It was entirely firm and solid, without any internal cavity,

and had pierced through three very stout planks, grazing one of the ribs

of the ship, and stuck at least a foot deep in the wood, leaving about

as much on the outside, up to the place where it broke off.[104]

[Footnote 104: This must have been a Narvai, or Narwhal, the Monodon

Monoceros, Licorne, or Unicornu Marinum, of naturalists, called likewise

the Unicorn Fish, or Sea Unicorn.--E.]

On the 25th of October, when no person knew whereabouts they were except

Schouten, the company was informed that the design of the voyage was to

endeavour to discover a new southern passage into the South Sea; and the

people appeared well pleased, expecting to discover some new golden

country to make amends for all their trouble and danger. The 26th they

were in lat. 6° 25' S. and continued their course mostly to the south

all the rest of that month, till they were in lat 10° 30' S. The 1st

September they had the sun at noon to the north; and in the afternoon

of the 3d they had sight of the isle of Ascension, in 20° S. otherwise

called the island of Martin Vaz, where the compass was observed to vary

12° to the east of north. The 21st, in lat. 38° S. the compass varied

17° in the same eastern direction. The 6th December, they got sight of

the mainland of South America, appearing rather flat, and of a white

colour, and quickly after fell in with the north head-land of Port

Desire, anchoring that night in ten fathoms water with the ebb-tide,

within a league and a half of the shore. Next day, resuming their course

southwards, they came into Port Desire at noon, in lat. 47° 40' S. They

had very deep water at the entrance, where they did not observe any of

the cliffs which were described by Van Noort, as left by him to the

northward on sailing into this haven, all the cliffs they saw being on

the south side of the entrance, which therefore might be those mentioned

by Van Noort, and misplaced in his narrative by mistake.

In consequence of this error, they overpassed Port Desire to the south,

so as to miss the right channel, and came into a crooked channel, where

they had four and a half fathoms water at full sea, and only fourteen

feet at low water. By this means the Unity got fast aground by the

stern, and had infallibly been lost, if a brisk gale had blown from the

N.E. But as the wind blew west from the land, she got off again without

damage. Here they found vast quantities of eggs upon the cliffs; and the

bay afforded them great abundance of muscles, and smelts sixteen inches

long, for which reason they called it _Smelt Bay_. From this place they

sent a pinnace to the Penguin Islands, which brought back 150 of these

birds, and two sea lions.

Leaving Smelt Bay on the 8th December, they made sail for Port Desire, a

boat going before to sound the depth of the channel, which was twelve

and thirteen fathoms, so that they sailed in boldly, having a fair wind

at N.E. After going in little more than a league, the wind began to veer

about, and they cast anchor in twenty fathoms; but the ground,

consisting entirely of slippery stones, and the wind now blowing strong

at N.W. they drifted to the south shore, where both ships had nearly

been wrecked. The Unity lay with her side to the cliffs, yet still kept

afloat, and gradually slid down towards the deep water as the tide fell.

But the Horn stuck fast aground, so that at last her keel was above a

fathom out of the water, and a man might have walked under it at low

water. For some time, the N.W. wind blowing hard on one side, kept her

from falling over; but, that dying away, she at length fell over on her

bends, when she was given over for lost; but next flood, coming on with

calm weather, righted her again. Having escaped this imminent danger,

both ships went farther up the river on the 9th, and came to King's

Island, which they found full of black sea-mews, and almost entirely

covered with their eggs; so that a man without moving from one spot

might reach fifty or sixty nests with his hands, having three or four

eggs in each. They here accordingly were amply provided with eggs, and

laid in several thousands of them for sea store.

The 11th the boats were sent down the river in search of fresh water, on

the south side, but found it all brackish and unpleasant. They saw

ostriches here, and a sort of beasts like harts, having wonderfully long

necks, and extremely wild. Upon the high hills, they found great heaps

of stones, under which some monstrous carcass had been buried, some of

the bones being ten or eleven feet long, which, if having belonged to

rational creatures, must have been the bones of giants.[105] They here

had plenty of good fish and fowls, but no water could be found for some

days.

[Footnote 105: Giants indeed; for thigh bones of ten or eleven feet

long, and these are the longest in the human body, would argue men of

_thirty-one feet high_!--E.]

On the 17th December, the Unity was laid ashore on King's island, in

order to clean her bottom, and next day the Horn was hauled on shore for

the same purpose, but providentially at the distance of about 200 yards

from her consort: For, on the 19th, while burning a fire of dry reeds

under the Horn, which was necessary for the object in view, the flame

caught hold of the ship, and they were forced to see her burn without

being able to do any thing to extinguish the fire, as they were at least

fifty feet from the water side. They launched the Unity at high water on

the 20th, and next day carried on board all the iron-work, anchors,

cannon, and whatever else they had been able to save belonging to the

Horn.

On the 25th some holes full of fresh water were found, which was white

and muddy, yet well tasted, and of which a great quantity was carried

on board, in small casks on the men's shoulders. At this place, they

found great numbers of sea lions, the young of which are good to eat.

This creature is nearly as big as a small horse, their heads resembling

lions, and the males having long manes on their necks of tough coarse

hair; but the females have no manes, and are only half as large as the

males. They are a bold and fierce animal, and only to be destroyed by

musket shot.

January 18th, 1616, they departed from Port Desire: and on the 18th,

being in lat. 51° S they saw the Sebaldine [or Faulkland] islands, as

laid down by de Weert. The 20th, being in lat. 53° S. and by estimation

twenty leagues to the South of the Straits of Magellan, they observed a

strong current running to the S.W. The 22d the wind was uncertain, and

shifting, and the water had a white appearance, as if they had been

within the land; and holding on their course, S. by W. they saw land

that same day, bearing from them W. and W.S.W. and quickly afterwards

saw other land to the south. Then attempting, by an E.S.E. course, to

get beyond the land, they were constrained to take in their topsails, by

the wind blowing hard at north. In the forenoon of the 24th they saw

land to starboard, at the distance of a league, stretching out to the

east and south, having very high hills all covered with snow. They then

saw other land bearing east from the former, which likewise was high and

rugged. According to estimation, these two lands lay about eight leagues

asunder, and they guessed there might be a good passage between them,

because of a brisk current which ran to the southward in the direction

of that opening. At noon they made their latitude 54° 46',[106] and

stood towards the before-mentioned opening, but were delayed by a calm.

At this place they saw a prodigious multitude of penguins, and such

numbers of whales that they had to proceed with much caution, being

afraid they might injure their ship by running against them.

[Footnote 106: They were here obviously approaching the Straits of Le

Maire, discovered on the present occasion, the northern opening of which

is in lat. 54° 40' S. the southern in 55° S. and the longitude 65° 15'

W. from Greenwich.--E.]

In the forenoon of the 25th they got close in with the eastern land, and

upon its north side, which stretched E.S.E. as far as the eye could

carry. This they named _States Land_, and to that which lay westward of

the opening they gave the name of _Maurice Land_.[107] The land on both

sides seemed entirely bare of trees and shrubs, but had abundance of

good roads and sandy bays, with great store of fish, porpoises,

penguins and other birds. Having a north wind at their entrance into

this passage, they directed their course S.S.W. and going at a brisk

rate, they were at noon in lat. 55° 36' S. and then held a S.W. course

with a brisk gale. The land on the south side of the passage or Straits

of _Le Maire_, and west side, to which they gave the name of _Maurice

Land_, [being the east side of the Terra del Fuego] appeared to run

W.S.W. and S.W. as far as they could see, and was all a very rugged,

uneven, and rocky coast. In the evening, having the wind at S.W. they

steered S. meeting with prodigious large waves, rolling along before the

wind; and, from the depth of the water to leeward, which appeared by

very evident signs, they were fully convinced that they had the great

South Sea open before them, into which they had now almost made their

way by a new passage of their own discovering.

[Footnote 107: The former of these names is still retained, but not the

latter; the land on the west of the Straits of Le Maire being Terra del

Fuego; and the cape at the N.W. of the straits mouths is now called Cape

St Vincent, while the S.W. point is named Cape St Diego.--E.]

At this place the _sea-mews_ were larger than swans, their wings when

extended measuring six feet from tip to tip. These often alighted on the

ship, and were so tame as to allow themselves to be taken by hand,

without even attempting to escape. The 26th at noon they made their

latitude 57° S. where they were assailed by a brisk storm at W.S.W. the

sea running very high, and of a blue colour. They still held their

course to the southwards, but changed at night to the N.W. in which

direction they saw very high land. At noon of the 27th they were in 56°

51' S. the weather being very cold, with hail and rain, and the wind at

W. and W. by S. The 28th they had great billows rolling from the west,

and were at noon in 56° 48' S. The 29th having the wind at N.E. they

steered S.W. and came in sight of two islands W.S.W. of their course,

beset all round with cliffs. They got to these islands at noon, giving

the name of _Barnevelt's Islands_, and found their latitude to be 57°

S.[108] "Being unable to sail _above_ them, they held their course to

the north; and taking a N.W. course in the evening from Barnevelt's

islands, they saw land N.W. and N.N.W. from them, being the lofty

mountainous land covered with snow, which lies to the south of the

straits of Magellan, [called Terra del Fuego,] and which ends in a sharp

point, to which they gave the name of _Cape Horn_, which is in lat. 57°

48' S."[109]

[Footnote 108: Only 56°, so that by some inaccuracy of instruments or

calculation, the observations of the latitude, in this voyage, seem all

considerably too high.--E.]

[Footnote 109: The course in the text within inverted commas, from

Barnevelt's islands to Cape Horn, is evidently erroneously stated. It

ought to have run thus. "Being unable to pass to the north of these

islands, they held their course S.W. seeing land on the N.W. and N.N.W.

of their course, which ended in a sharp point, which they named _Cape

Horn_."--Cape Horn is in lat. 56° 15' S. and long. 67° 45' W. from

Greenwich.--E.]

They now held their course westwards, being assisted by a strong current

in that direction; yet had the wind from the north, and had heavy

billows meeting them from the west. The 30th, the current and billows as

before, they were fully assured of having the way open into the South

Sea, and this day at noon they made their latitude 57° 34' S. The 31st

sailing west, with the wind at north, their latitude at noon was 58° S.

But the wind changing to W. and W.S.W. they passed Cape Horn, losing

sight of land altogether, still meeting huge billows rolling from the

west with a blue sea, which made them believe they were in the main

South Sea. February 1st, they had a storm at S.W. and sailed N.W. and

W.N.W. The 2d, having the wind at W. they sailed southwards, and came

into the lat. of 57° 58' S. The 3d they made their latitude 59° 25' S.

with a strong wind at W. but saw no signs of any land to the South.

SECTION II.

_Continuation of the Voyage, from Cape Horn to the Island of Java._

Altering their course to the northwards, they plainly discerned the

western mouth of the Straits of Magellan, bearing east from them, on the

12th February; and being now quite sure of their new and happy

discovery, they returned thanks to the Almighty for their good fortune

over a cup of wine, which was handed three times round the company. To

this new-found passage or straits, leading from the Atlantic into the

Pacific, they gave the name of the _Straits of Le Maire_, though that

honour ought justly to have been given to _Schouten,_ by whose excellent

conduct these straits were discovered.

By the 27th of February they were in lat. 40° S. with fair weather,

continuing their course to the north; but on the 28th, they determined

to sail for the island of Juan Fernandez, to give some rest and

refreshment to their sickly and wearied company. That day their latitude

at noon was 35° 53' S. In the evening they shortened sail, fearing to

fall in with the land in the night. Next day, being the 1st of March,

they saw the islands of Juan Fernandez to the N.N.E. and got up to them

at noon, being in the lat. of 35° 53' S.[110] The smaller of these

islands is that to the westwards, [Masafuero,] which is very barren and

rocky. The greater [Juan Fernandez,] to the eastwards, though also very

high and mountainous, is yet fruitful and well shaded with trees. This

island affords plenty of hogs and goats; and there is such excellent

fishing all round, that the Spaniards come hither for that purpose, and

transport vast quantities of fish from hence to Peru.

[Footnote 110: The latitude of Juan Fernandez is only 33° 42' S. The two

islands mentioned in the text under this name, are Juan Fernandez and

Masafuero; the former in long. 77° 80', the latter in 79° 40', both W.

from Greenwich. Or perhaps, the second island may be the Small Goat's or

Rabbit Island, off its S.W. end, called _Isola de Cabras_, or _de

Conejos_.--E.]

The road or haven of Juan Fernandez, [named la Baia, or Cumberland

Harbour,] is at the east end of the island; but they shaped their course

to the west end, where they could find no place in which to anchor. The

boat being sent in search of an anchorage, brought an account of a

beautiful valley, full of trees and thickets, and refreshed by streams

of water running down from the hills, with a variety of animals feeding

in this pleasant spot. The boat brought also great store of fish on

board, being mostly lobsters and crabs, and reported having seen many

sea wolves. Finding the island inaccessible, they took a considerable

quantity of fish, and procured a supply of fresh water, after which they

determined to pursue their voyage.

The 11th March they passed the tropic of Capricorn to the north, the

wind in general being E.S.E. and they held their course N.N.W. till the

15th, when being in lat. 18° S. they changed their course to W. The 3d

April they were in 15° 12' S. being then much afflicted with the flux,

and that day they saw a small low island which they got up to at noon.

Finding no bottom, they could not come to anchor, but sent some men

ashore in the boat. They found nothing here fit for refreshment, except

some herbs which tasted like scurvy grass, and saw some dogs which

could neither bark nor snarl, and for which reason they named it Dog

Island. It is in lat. 15° 12', and they judged it to be 925 leagues west

from the coast of Peru.[111] The interior of this island is so low, that

it seemed mostly overflowed at high water, its outskirt being a sort of

dike or mound, overgrown with trees, between which the salt water

penetrates in several places.

[Footnote 111: Dog Island is in lat. 15° 18' S. and long. 137° W. about

1200 marine leagues west from the coast of Peru under the same parallel.

By the description in the text it seems one of those which are usually

termed _lagoon_ islands--E.]

The 14th, sailing W. and W. by N. they saw a large low island in the

afternoon, reaching a considerable way N.E. and S.W. At sun-set, being

about a league from this island, a canoe came to meet them, in which

were some naked Indians of a reddish colour, having long black hair.

They made signs to the Dutch to go on shore, and spoke to them in a

language which was not understood; neither did the Indians understand

them, though spoken to in Spanish, Moluccan, and Javan. Getting near the

coast, no bottom could be found, though only a musket-shot from land.

They now sailed S.S.W. along the island, making ten leagues during the

night, and continued along the shore on the 15th, many naked people

continually inviting them to land. At length a canoe came off, but the

natives would not venture into the ship, yet came to the boat, where the

Dutch gave them beads, knives, and other trifles; but they found them

thievishly disposed, much like the natives of the Ladrones, and were so

fond of iron, that they stole the nails from the cabin windows, and the

bolts from the doors. Their skins were all pictured over with snakes,

dragons, and such like reptiles, and they were entirely naked, except a

piece of mat before them. A boat was sent ashore well armed, and

immediately on landing, about thirty of the natives rushed from a wood,

armed with clubs, slings, and long staves or spears, and would have

seized the boat and taken away the arms from the soldiers; but on

receiving a discharge of musquetry they run off. Not being able to

anchor here, they called this the _Island without ground_. It is low,

and mostly composed of white sandy ground, on which are many trees,

which were supposed to be cocoas and palmitos. It is not broad, but of

considerable length, being in lat. 15° S. and about 100 leagues from Dog

Island.[112]

[Footnote 112: Sondre-ground, or Without-ground, is in lat. 15° 12' S.

and 143° 25' W. long.--E.]

Finding nothing could be done here, they held on their course to the

west, and on the 16th came to another island, about fifteen leagues

north from the former. This seemed all drowned land, yet its skirts were

well clothed with trees. Here also they found no ground, and it yielded

nothing but a few herbs, with some crabs and other shell-fish, which

they found good eating. It afforded them also good fresh water, which

they found in a pit not far from the shore. The pottage or soup, which

they made of certain herbs gathered here, proved serviceable to those

who were afflicted with the flux. They called this _Water Island_,[113]

because it supplied them with fresh water.

[Footnote 113: Water-land is in lat. 15° S. and 146° W. long.--E.]

Sailing from this island westwards, they came on the 18th to another

island 20 leagues distant from the last, and extending a considerable

way N.W. and S.E. Dispatching the boat in search of anchorage, a bottom

was found near a point of land, in 25 and 40 fathoms, about a

musket-shot from the shore, where also was a gentle stream of fresh

water. This news induced them to send back the boat with some casks for

water: But after using much pains to get on shore, and searching in the

wood to find a spring, they were frightened away by seeing a savage. On

getting back to their boat, five or six more of the savages came to the

shore, but on seeing the Dutch put off they soon retired into the woods.

Although they thus got rid of the savages, they encountered other

adversaries of a formidable nature; for they were followed from the

woods by innumerable myriads of black flies, so that they came on board

absolutely covered with them from head to foot, and the plague of flies

began to rage in the ship in a most intolerable manner. This persecution

lasted three or four days, on which account they called this _Fly

Island_,[114] and by the help of a good breeze of wind, they left it as

fast as they could.

[Footnote 114: The next island W. or rather S.W. from Water-land, and

nearly at the distance in the text, is now called Palliser's

island.--E.]

Continuing their course westwards from the 19th of April to the 9th of

May, when they were in lat. 15° 20' S. and estimated their distance from

Peru 1510 leagues to the west, they perceived a bark coming towards

them, on which they fired a gun or two to make them strike. But those

who were in her, either not understanding the language of cannon, or

unwilling to obey, made off as fast as they could; on which the Dutch

sent their boat with ten musqueteers to intercept them. Some of the

savages in the bark leapt overboard, and the rest surrendered without

resistance, on which the Dutch used them kindly, dressing those that

were wounded, and saving the lives of some who had leapt into the sea.

Besides the men, there were eight women and several children, being in

all twenty-three, remaining in the bark. They were a cleanly neat kind

of people, of a reddish colour, and entirely naked except the parts of

shame. The men wore their long black curled hair, but that of the women

was cut short.

The bark was of a singular figure and construction, consisting of two

canoes fastened together, in the midst of each of which were two planks

of red wood to keep out the water, and several others went across from

one canoe to the other, being made fast and close above, and projected

over a good way on each side. At the end of one of the canoes, on the

starboard side, there stood a mast, having a fork at its upper end,

where the yard lay; the sail being of mats, and the ropes of that kind

of stuff of which fig-frails are made in Spain. Their only furniture

consisted of a few fishing-hooks, the upper part of which was of stone,

and the other of bone, tortoise-shell, or mother-of-pearl. They had no

water on board, instead of which they satisfied themselves with the

liquor of a few cocoa-nuts; in default of which they drank sea-water,

which even the children did heartily. The Dutch sent them all again on

board their vessel, where the women welcomed their husbands with joyful

embraces, after which they made away to the south-east.[115]

[Footnote 115: This double canoe seems to have belonged to the Society

islands, and was perhaps bound towards Otaheite, by the course which it

followed on getting rid of the Dutch.--E.]

The 10th of May, Schouten continued his course W.S.W. and that day saw

some very high land to larboard, S.E. by S. about eight leagues off. The

11th they came to a very high island, and about two leagues south from

this to one much lower; and the same day sailed over a bank where they

had fourteen fathoms on a stoney bottom, about two leagues from the

land, and being past this bank could find no bottom. At this time

another bark, or double canoe like the former, came up to them, having a

small loose single canoe in her, to put out upon occasion. She sailed so

fast that few Dutch ships could have outstripped her. She was steered

behind by two oars, one in each canoe, and when they have a mind to

tack they use oars forwards. Sending their boat to sound at one of these

islands, ground was found a cannon-shot from the shore, in twelve,

fourteen, and fifteen fathoms, but shelvy. The savages in the bark made

signs as if directing them to the other island, but they anchored at the

former in twenty-five fathoms on a sandy bottom, a cannon-shot from

shore.

This island, in lat. 16° 10' S. is one entire mountain, looking like one

of the Molucca islands, and all covered with cocoa-nut trees, for which

reason they named it Cocoa island.[116] The other island is much lower

than this, but longer, and stretches east and west. While at anchor off

Cocoa island there came three _ships_,[117] and nine or ten canoes about

them, having three or four men in each. Some of these holding out white

flags in token of peace, the Dutch did so likewise. The canoes were flat

before and sharp behind, hewed each out of one piece of a red kind of

wood, and sailed very swiftly. On coming near the Unity, some of the

savages leapt into the sea and swam to the ship, having their hands full

of cocoa-nuts and _ubes-roots,_[118] which they bartered for nails and

beads, giving four or five cocoa-nuts for a nail or a small string of

beads, so that the Dutch that day procured 180 cocoa-nuts. This traffic

brought so many of the natives on board, that the Dutch could hardly

stir about the ship.

[Footnote 116: Cocas, or Boscawen island, is in 16° 32' S. and long.

169° 35' W. The other island mentioned in the text, Traitors, or Keppel

island, is a few leagues S.S.W. from Cocos.--E.]

[Footnote 117: These ships must have been large double canoes.--E.]

[Footnote 118: These _ubes_-roots were perhaps the same that are called

_eddoes_ by modern navigators among the South Sea islands.--E.]

The boat was now sent to the other island to see for a more convenient

place in which to anchor; but she was presently beset by a vast number

of canoes filled with a mad sort of people, armed with clubs, who

boarded the boat and attacked the Dutchmen. On firing their muskets, the

savages laughed at them for making so much noise and doing so little

hurt; but, on the next discharge, one of them being shot through the

breast, they learnt to pay more respect to the muskets, and to keep

their due distance for the future. The savages were lusty,

well-proportioned men, and most expert swimmers, but naked and thievish,

and very fantastical in the fashion of their hair, some having it

short, others long, some curled, and others plaited or folded up in

various forms.

On the 12th the savages came again in their canoes, laden with cocoas,

bananas, _ubes-roots_, hogs, and fresh water, contending violently who

should get first on board. Those who were behind, being unable to get

over the throng of canoes and men before them, leapt into the sea, and

diving under the canoes, swam to the ship with bunches of cocoas in

their mouths, and climbed up the side like so many rats, and in such

swarms that the Dutch had to keep them off with cudgels. The Dutch

bartered with them that day for so many cocoas, as to produce twelve for

each of their men, being eighty-five in number. The natives wondered

much at the size and strength of the Dutch ship; and some of them even

dived under her bottom, knocking it with stones, as if to try how strong

it was. The king of these savages sent a black hog on board as a

present, charging the messenger to take no reward. Shortly after he came

in person, in a large ship of their fashion, attended by thirty-five

single canoes; and when at a small distance from the ship, he and all

his people began to bawl out as loud as they could, being their manner

of welcoming strangers. The Dutch received him with drums and trumpets,

which pleased him much; and he and his attendants shewed their sense of

this honourable reception by bowing and clapping their hands. The king

gave them a present after his fashion, which they requited with an old

hatchet, some rusty nails and glass beads, and a piece of linen, with

all which he seemed much pleased. This king was not distinguished from

his subjects by any external mark of dignity, but merely by the

reverence they shewed him, as he was equally naked with all the rest;

but he could not be prevailed on to come on board the Unity.

At noon on the 13th, the Dutch ship was surrounded by twenty-three large

double canoes, or ships of their fashion, and forty-five single canoes,

in all of which there could not be less than seven or eight hundred men.

At first they pretended to come for the purpose of trade, making signs

of friendship, and endeavouring to prevail upon the Dutch to remove

their ship to the other island, where they would be better accommodated.

Yet, in spite of all these fair pretences, the Dutch suspected that some

mischief was intended by the savages, who now began to environ the ship

all around, and then, with a great outcry, made a sudden attack. The

king's ship was the foremost in the action, and rushed with such

violence against the Unity, that the heads of the two canoes composing

it were both dashed to pieces. The rest came on as well as they could,

throwing repeated showers of great stones on board; but the Dutch,

having been on their guard, so galled them with musquetry, and with

three great guns loaded with musket-balls and nails, that all the

savages were fain to quit their canoes, and seek for safety in the

water. Being thus put to the rout, they dispersed as quickly as

possible. These treacherous savages were inhabitants of the lower, or

more southerly, of the two islands, which therefore the Dutch named

_Traitor's Island_.

Schouten sailed from Cocoa Island that same day, holding a course to the

W. and W. by S. and came on the 14th to another island, about thirty

leagues from Cocoa Island, to which he gave the name of _Hope

Island_,[119] because expecting there to meet with refreshments. Finding

no ground for anchorage, the boat was sent to sound along shore, and

found a stony bottom about a musket-shot from the shore, in some places

having forty, and in others twenty and thirty fathoms, and then no

bottom at all next throw of the lead. Some ten or twelve canoes came off

to the ship, bartering a small quantity of flying fishes for beads, the

articles being reciprocally exchanged by means of a rope let down from

the stern of the ship. From this peddling traffic the Indians soon after

withdrew, and endeavoured to board and carry away the boat which was

employed in sounding; but met with such a reception from guns, pikes,

and cutlasses, that after two of them were slain, they were glad to

hurry away as fast as they could. This island was mostly composed of

black cliffs, which were green on the top, and seemed well stocked with

cocoa-trees. There were several houses seen along the sea side; and in

one place was a large village close beside a strand, or landing-place.

As there was no convenient anchorage at this place, the ground being

extremely rough, Schouten proceeded on his voyage to the S.W. meaning to

pursue the originally intended discovery of a southern continent.

[Footnote 119: Hope Island is in lat. 16° 32' S. and in 177° 25' W.

longitude.--E.]

The 18th May, being in lat. 16° 5' S. and the west wind becoming very

unsteady, they began to consult as to the farther prosecution of their

voyage. Schouten represented that they were now at least 1600 leagues

westward from the coast of Peru, without having made the expected

discovery of a southern land, of which there was now no great

probability of success, having already sailed much farther west than

they at first intended. He said also, if they persisted in following

their present course, they would assuredly come to the southern side of

New Guinea; and if they were unable to find a passage through that

country, to the west or north, they would inevitably be lost, since it

would be impossible for them to get back again, by reason of the east

winds which continually reign in these seas. For these reasons, and

others which he urged, he proposed, that they should now alter their

course to the northwards, so as to fall in with the north side of New

Guinea.[120] This proposal was embraced by all the company, and it was

immediately determined to change the course to N.N.W. Accordingly,

holding their course in that new direction, they saw two islands at noon

of the 19th, about eight leagues from them, N.E. by E. and seeming to be

a cannon-shot distant from each other.[121] Upon this they steered N.E.

with fair weather and a scanty wind, meaning to approach this island,

but could only get within a league of it on the 21st, when they were

visited by two canoes, the people in which began immediately to threaten

them with loud cries, and at the same time seemed preparing to dart

their _assagays_ or spears: but, on a discharge from the ship, they made

off in haste, leaving two of their companions behind them who were

slain, and a shirt they had stolen from the ship. Next day other natives

came to the ship on friendly and peaceable terms, bringing cocoa-nuts,

ubes-roots, and roasted hogs, which they bartered for knives, beads, and

nails.

[Footnote 120: It is almost needless to mention, that if Schouten had

continued his course in the former parallel of between 15° and 16° S. he

must have fallen in with the group of islands now called the New

Hebrides, and afterward with the northern part of New South Wales.--E.]

[Footnote 121: This was only one island, in lat. 15° S. and long. 180°

10' W. which they named Horn Island.--E.]

The natives of this island were all as expert swimmers and divers as

those in Traitor's Island, and as well versed in cheating and stealing,

which they never failed to do when an opportunity offered. Their houses

stood all along the shore, being thatched with leaves, and having each a

kind of penthouse to shed off the rain. They were mostly ten or twelve

feet high, and twenty-five feet in compass, their only furniture within

being a bed of dry leaves, a fishing-rod or two, and a great club, even

the house of their king being no better provided than the rest. At this

island the Dutch found good convenience for watering; and on the 26th

they sent three of their principal people on shore as hostages, or

pledges, of friendship with the islanders, retaining six of them aboard

in the same capacity. The Dutch pledges were treated on shore with great

respect by the king, who presented them with four hogs; and gave strict

orders that none of his people should give the smallest disturbance to

the boat while watering. The natives stood in great awe of their king,

and were very fearful of having any of their crimes made known to him.

One of them having stolen a cutlass, and complaint being made to one of

the king's officers, the thief was pursued and soundly drubbed, besides

being forced to make restitution; on which occasion the officer

signified, that it was well for the culprit that the king knew not of

his crime, otherwise his life would certainly have been forfeited.

These islanders were extremely frightened at the report of a gun, which

would set them all running like so many madmen. Yet on one occasion the

king desired to hear one of the great guns let off, and being set for

that purpose under a canopy, with all his courtiers about him, in great

state, the gun was no sooner fired than he ran off into the woods as

fast as possible, followed by his attendants, and no persuasions of the

Dutch could stop them. The 25th and 26th the Dutch went ashore to

endeavour to procure hogs, but were unable to get any, as the islanders

had now only a few left, and would only part with cocoas, bananas, and

ubes-roots; yet the king continued his wonted kindness and respect, and

he and his lieutenant took the crowns from their own heads, and set them

on the heads of two of the company. These crowns were composed of the

white, red, and green feathers of parrots and doves. The doves of this

island are white on the back, and black every where else except the

breast; and each of the king's counsellors has one of these birds

sitting beside him on a stick.

The ship being completely supplied with fresh water on the 28th,

Schouten and Le Maire went ashore with the trumpets, with which music

the king was highly gratified. He told them of his wars with the

inhabitants of the other island, and shewed several caves and thickets

where they were in use to place ambuscades. It plainly appeared that he

was fearful of the Dutch having some design of seizing his country, as

he would fain have engaged them to go to war with the other island, and

even offered to give them ten hogs and a good quantity of cocoas, if

they would be gone from his island in two days. Yet he made them a visit

aboard, praying when he entered the ship, and praying also at every

cabin he entered. He used always to pray likewise every time the Dutch

came ashore to visit him. His subjects also shewed great submission to

the Dutch, kissing their feet, and laying them on their own necks, with

all the marks of awe and fear they could express.

The 30th of May was a day of great ceremony, in consequence of the king

of the _other island_[122] coming to visit the king of this. This king

was accompanied by a train of 300 naked Indians, having bunches of green

herbs stuck about their waists, of which herb they make their drink. To

make sure of a welcome, this king brought with him a present of sixteen

hogs. When the two kings came in sight of each other, they began to bow

and to mutter certain prayers; on meeting they both fell prostrate on

the ground, and after several strange gestures, they got up and walked

to two seats provided for them, where they uttered a few more prayers,

bowing reverently to each other, and at length sat down under the same

canopy. After this, by way of doing honour to the stranger king, a

messenger was sent aboard, requesting to send the drums and trumpets

ashore, which was done accordingly, and they played a march to the great

entertainment of the two kings. After this a solemn banquet was

prepared, for which they began to make ready their liquor, and in the

following strange and abominable manner. A number of Indians came into

the presence of the two kings and their attendants, bringing a good

quantity of _cana_, the herb of which they make their drink, each of

whom took a large mouthful thereof, and having chewed it a while, put it

from their mouths into a large wooden trough, and poured water on the

chewed herb. After stirring it some time, they squeezed out all the

liquor, which they presented in cups to the two kings.[123] They also

offered of it to the Dutch, who were ready to vomit at the nastiness of

its preparation.

[Footnote 122: No _other island_ is to be found in modern maps near Horn

Island, the nearest being the Feejee Islands, a numerous group, about

thirty leagues S.S.W. It is therefore probable that Horn Island may have

consisted of two peninsulas, united by a low narrow neck, appearing to

Schouten as two distinct islands.--E.]

[Footnote 123: In the Society Islands, as related by modern navigators,

an intoxicating liquor is prepared nearly in a similar manner, by

chewing the _ava_, or pepper-root.--E.]

The eating part of this entertainment consisted of ubes-roots roasted,

and hogs nicely dressed in the following manner: Having ripped open

their bellies and taken out the entrails, they singed off the hair, and

put hot stones into their bellies, by which, without farther cleaning or

dressing, they were made fit for the royal feast.[124] They presented

two hogs dressed in this manner to the Dutch, with all the form and

ceremony used to their kings, laying them first on their heads, then

kneeling with much humility, they left them at their feet. They gave the

Dutch also eleven living hogs; for which they got in return a present of

knives, old nails, and glass beads, with which they were well pleased.

The natives of this island were of a dark yellow colour, so tall, large,

strong, and well-proportioned, that the tallest of the Dutch could only

be compared with the smallest among them. Some wore their hair curled,

frizzled, or tied up in knots, while others had it standing bolt upright

on their heads, like hog's-bristles, a quarter of an ell high. The king

and some of his chief men had long locks of hair, hanging down below

their hips, bound with a few knots. The women were all very ugly

figures, short and ill-shaped, their breasts hanging down to their

bellies like empty satchels, and their hair close cropped. Both sexes

were entirely naked, except a slight covering in front. They seemed

altogether void of any devotion, and free from care, living on what the

earth spontaneously produces, without any art, industry, or cultivation.

They neither sow nor reap, neither buy nor sell, neither do any thing

for a living, but leave all to nature, and must starve if that fail them

at any time. They seem also to have as little regard for the dictates of

decency and modesty, as for those of civil policy and prudence; for they

will use their women openly in the largest assembly, even in presence of

their king, whom, in other respects, they so greatly reverence. To this

island the Dutch gave the name of Horn Island, from the town in Holland

whence they fitted out; and named the haven in which they anchored

_Unity Bay_, after their ship. This bay, resembling a natural dock, is

on the south side of the island, in the latitude of 14° 16' S.[125]

[Footnote 124: Modern voyagers describe this mode of dressing more

minutely. A pit is dug in the earth, which is lined with heated stones,

on which the hog is placed, having hot stones in its belly, and is

covered with other hot stones, when the pit is covered up like a grave.

After remaining a sufficient time in this situation, the _barbacued hog_

is said to be nicely dressed.--E.]

[Footnote 125: The latitude and longitude of Horn Island have been given

in a former note, but its most extreme south point may reach to 15° 16'

S.--E.]

Leaving Horn Island on the 1st of June, they saw no other land till the

21st, when they made towards a very low island bearing S.S.W. by W. from

them, in lat. 4° 47' S. near which were several sands stretching N.W.

from the land, as also three or four small islands very full of trees.

Here a canoe came to the Unity, of the same odd fashion with those

formerly described. The people also were much like those formerly seen,

only blacker, and armed with bows and arrows, being the first they had

seen among the Indians of the South Sea. These people told them, by

signs, that there was more land to the westwards, where their king

dwelt, and where there were good refreshments to be had. On this

information, they sailed on the 22d W. and W. by N. in the lat. of 4°

45' S. and saw that day at least twelve or thirteen islands close

together, lying W.S.W. from them, and reaching S.E. and N.W. about half

a league, but they left these to larboard. The 24th, the wind being S.

they saw three low islands to larboard, S.W. of their course, one of

them very small, the other two being each two miles long, all very full

of trees, to which they gave the name of _Green Islands_.[126] The

shores of these islands were rugged and full of cliffs, presenting no

place for anchoring, wherefore they proceeded on their voyage.

[Footnote 126: These Green Islands of Schouten are laid down in our best

modern maps in lat. 4° S. and long. 205° 20' W. The other two groups

mentioned at this place in the text and without names, seem to have been

the _Four Islands_ and the _Nine Islands_ of Carteret, to the S.E. of

Green Islands.--E.]

On the 25th, being St John the Baptist's day, they sailed past another

island, on which were seven or eight hovels, which they named St John's

Island. [Lat. 3° 40' S. long. 206° 20' W.] At this time they saw some

very high land to the S.W. which they thought to be the western point of

New Guinea.[127] They reached this coast by noon, and sailed along,

sending their boat in search of an anchorage, but no bottom could then

be found. Two or three canoes filled with a barbarous people attacked

the boat with slings, but were soon driven away by the muskets. These

people were very black, entirely naked, and spoke a quite different

language from that of the islanders they had seen hitherto. They kept

fires burning on the coast all night, and some of them came lurking

about the ship in their canoes; but though the Dutch, on discovering

them, did every thing they could to conciliate, they would not

understand any signs made for procuring provisions, but answered all

with horrible noises and outcries.

[Footnote 127: This land was discovered afterwards to be separate from

New Guinea, and is now named New Ireland, having another large island

interposed, called New Britain.--E.]

At night, they anchored in a bay in 40 fathoms on uneven ground. About

this place the country was high and verdant, and afforded a pleasant

prospect, being, as they guessed, 1840 leagues west from the coast of

Peru. In the morning of the 26th, three canoes came to the ship, quite

full of these barbarians, being well armed after their manner, with

clubs, wooden swords, and slings. The Dutch treated them kindly, giving

them several toys to procure their favour; but they were not to be won

by kindness, neither could they be taught good manners except by the

language of the great guns: For they presently assaulted the ship with

all their force, and continued till ten or twelve of them were slain by

cannon-shot. They then threw themselves into the water, endeavouring to

escape by swimming and diving; but they were pursued in the water by the

boat, when several were knocked in the head, and three prisoners taken,

besides four of their canoes, which were cut up as fuel for the use of

the ship. Though these savages would not formerly understand any signs,

they were now more apt, and understood that hogs and bananas were

demanded in ransom for the prisoners. One wounded man was set at

liberty, but the Dutch exacted ten hogs for the others. This island

afforded a sort of birds that are all over bright red. North of it lay

another island, of which they made no other discovery, except its

position in regard to this. The Dutch concluded that these people were

of the _Papuas_ nation, because of their short hair, and because they

chewed betel mixed with chalk.

In the evening of the 28th, they sailed from hence, and next day held a

course to the N.W. and N.W. by N. with a shifting wind till noon, and

then a calm. They had the point of the island in view till evening,

though they sailed along the coast, which was full of bays and turnings,

and trended N.W. and N.W. by W. This day they saw other three high

islands, which lay northwards five or six miles from the greater one,

being then in the latitude of 3° 20' S. The 30th in the morning, several

canoes of these black Papuas came off to the ship, and being allowed to

come aboard, broke certain staves over the Dutch, in sign of peace.

Their canoes were more artificially made and ornamented than the others,

and the people seemed more civilized and more modest, as they had the

pudenda covered, which the others had not. Their hair was rubbed over

with chalk, their black frizly locks appearing as if powdered. They

affected to be poor, and came to beg, not bringing any thing to the

ship, yet the four islands whence they came appeared, to be well stored

with cocoas.

On the 1st June, the Dutch came to anchor between the coast of New

Guinea and an island two miles long. They were soon after surrounded by

twenty-five canoes, full of the same people who had broken staves the

day before in token of peace, and who came now fully armed in guise of

war. They were not long of entering on the work they came about. Two of

them laid hold of two anchors which hung from the bows of the ship, and

endeavoured with their girdles to tug the ship on shore. The rest lay

close to the ship's sides, and gave a brisk onset with slings and other

weapons; but the great guns soon forced them to retire, with twelve or

thirteen killed, and many more wounded. After this, the Dutch sailed

peaceably along the coast, with a good gale of wind, continuing their

course W.N.W. and N.W. by W. The 2d they were in lat. 3° 12' S. and saw

a low land to larboard, and right before them a low island. Continuing

W.N.W. with a slight current at E.N.E. they sailed gently along. The 3d

they saw high land, bearing W. about 14 leagues from the other island,

and in lat. 2° 41' S. The 4th, while passing these four island, they

suddenly came in view of twenty-three other islands, some great, some

small, some high, and others low, most of which they left to starboard,

and only two or three to larboard. Some of these were a league distant

from the others, and some only a cannon-shot. Their latitude was in 2°

30' S. a little more or less.

On the 6th in the morning, the weather being variable and even sometimes

stormy, they had in the morning a very high hill before them, bearing

S.W. which they thought to have been _Geeminassi_ in Banda; but, on a

nearer approach, they discovered three other hills more like it in the

north, some six or seven leagues distant, which they were convinced were

that hill of Banda.[128] Behind these hills lay a large tract of land,

stretching east and west, of very great extent, and very uneven. In the

morning of the 7th, they sailed towards these mighty hills, some of

which they found were volcanoes, for which reason they named this

_Vulcan's Island_. It was well inhabited and fall of cocoa-nut trees,

but had no convenient place for anchorage. The inhabitants were naked,

and extremely fearful of the Dutch, and their language so different from

that of all the neighbouring people, that none of the blacks could

understand them. More islands appeared to the N. and N.W. but they

proceeded to a very low island, bearing N.W. by W. which they reached in

the evening. The water here was observed to be of several colours,

green, white, and yellow, perhaps occasioned by the mixture of some

river, as it was far sweeter than ordinary sea water, and was full of

leaves and boughs of trees, on some of which were birds, and even some

crabs.

[Footnote 128: They still had the north-western end of Papua or New

Guinea between them and Banda, from which they were distant at least

twelve degrees of longitude.--E.]

On the 8th, continuing their course W.N.W. having a high island on the

starboard, and another somewhat lower to larboard, they anchored in the

afternoon in 70 fathoms on a good sandy bottom, about a cannon-shot from

the land, at an island in 3° 40' S. which seemed an unhealthy place,

yielding nothing of any value except a little ginger. It was inhabited

by Papuas or blacks, whose ridiculous mode of dress, and their own

natural deformity, made them appear little short of a kind of monsters.

Hardly any of them but had something odd and strange, either in the

bigness or position of their limbs. They had strings of hog's teeth hung

about their necks; their noses were perforated, in which rings were

fastened; their hair was frizled, and their faces very ugly. Their

houses also were extremely singular, being mounted on stakes, eight or

nine feet above the ground. Before noon of the 9th, they anchored in a

more convenient bay, in 26 fathoms, on a bottom of sand mixed with clay.

There were two villages near the shore, whence some canoes brought off

hogs and cocoas, but the Indians held them at so dear a rate that the

Dutch would not buy any of them.

Though they had now sailed so long upon this new land, yet were they

unable to determine with any certainty if it actually were the coast of

New Guinea, as their charts neither agreed with each other, nor with the

coast in view. This coast for the most part ran N.W. by W. sometimes

more westerly, and at other times more northerly. Yet they held on their

course W.N.W. along the coast, having quiet weather though dull winds,

but assisted by a stream or current setting along the coast to the

westwards. Proceeding in this manner, they came into the lat. of 2° 58'

S. at noon of the 12th. Continuing their course on the 13th and 14th,

the coast in sight was sometimes high and at other times low. The 15th,

still pursuing the same course, they reached two low islands about half

a league from the main, about the latitude of 2° 54' S. where they had

good anchorage in 45 and 46 fathoms. Seeing the country well stored with

cocoas, two boats well armed were sent with orders to land and procure

some cocoa-nuts. But they were forced to retire by the Indians, in spite

of their muskets, at least sixteen of the Dutch, being wounded by arrows

and stones thrown from slings.

In the morning of the 16th, they sailed in between the two low islands,

and anchored in a safe place in nine fathoms. They landed that day on

the smaller island, where they burnt some huts of the natives, and

brought away as many cocoa-nuts as gave three to each man of the

company. The barbarous natives became now more tractable; as on the 17th

they came to make their peace-offerings of cocoas, bananas, ginger, and

certain yellow roots [turmeric] used instead of saffron. They even

trusted the Dutch so far as to come on board, when peace was entirely

restored, and their hearts won by a few nails and beads. They continued

bartering on the 18th, for cocoas and bananas, procuring fifty nuts and

two bunches of bananas for each man of the company, with a smaller

quantity of cassava and _papade_. These cassavas and papades are East

India commodities, the former being also to be had particularly good in

the West Indies, and far preferable to what they got here. The people

make all their bread of this substance, baking it in large round cakes.

This smaller island, which is the more easterly, the natives named

_Mosa_; the other over against it they call _Jusan_, and the farthest

off _Arimea_, which, is very high, and about five or six leagues from

the coast of New Guinea.[129] These places had probably been visited

before by Europeans, as they had among them some Spanish pots and jars.

They were not nearly so much surprised at the report of the great guns

as the others had been, neither were they so curious in looking at the

ship.

[Footnote 129: These names are not to be found in our modern general

maps, though certainly infinitely better for all the uses of geography

than the absurd appellations so much in use among voyagers.--E.]

On the 21st at noon, sailing along the land as before N.W. they were in

lat. 1° 13' S. The current drove them to a cluster of islands, where

they anchored in thirteen fathoms, and were detained all day of the 22d

by storms of thunder and rain. Setting sail in the morning of the 23d,

six large canoes overtook them, bringing dried fish, cocoas, bananas,

tobacco, and a small sort of fruit resembling plums. Some Indians also

from another island brought provisions to barter, and some vessels of

China porcelain. Like other Savages, they were excessively fond of beads

and iron; but they were remarkably distinguished from the natives in the

last islands, by their larger size, and more orange-coloured

complexions. Their arms were bows and arrows, and they wore glass

earrings of several colours, by which latter circumstance it appeared

that they had been previously visited by other Europeans, and

consequently that this was not to be considered as a discovery.

The 24th, steering N.W. and W.N.W. and being in lat. 0° 30' S. they

sailed along a very pleasant island, which they named Schouten's Island,

after their master,[130] and called its western point Cape of Good Hope.

The 25th they passed an extensive tract of uneven land on their larboard

hand, stretching from E.S.E. to W.N.W. The 26th they saw three other

islands, the coast stretching N.W. by W. The 27th they were in lat. 0°

29' S. still seeing much land to the south, some of which were very high

and some low, which they passed, continuing their course to the north of

west. The 29th they felt the shock of an earthquake, which shook the

ship to that degree that the men ran terrified out of their births,

believing the ship had run a-ground, or had bilged against some rock. On

heaving the lead they found the sea unfathomable, and their ship clear

from all danger of rocks or shoals. The 30th they put into a great bay,

out of which they could find no opening to the west, and resumed

therefore a northern course. Here the ship trembled again with loud

claps of thunder, and was almost set on fire by the lightning, had it

not been prevented by prodigious rain.

[Footnote 130: The centre of Schouten Island is in lat. 0° 30' S. and

long. 223° W. It is nearly 24 leagues long from E. to W. and about eight

leagues from N. to S. In some maps this island is named _Mysory_,

probably the native appellation, and it lies off the mouth of a great

bay, having within it another island of considerable size, called

_Jobie_, or Traitor's Island.--E.]

The 31st, continuing a northern course, they passed to the north of the

equator, and being encompassed almost all round by land, they anchored

in twelve fathoms on good ground, near a desolate island which lay close

by the main land. The 1st of August they were in lat. 0° 15' N. The 2d

and 3d being calm, they were carried by the current W. and W. by N. This

day at noon their latitude was 0° 35' N. when they saw several whales

and sea-tortoises, with two islands to the westwards. They now reckoned

themselves at the western extremity of the land of New Guinea, along

which they had sailed 280 leagues. Several canoes came off to them in

the morning of the 5th, bringing Indian beans, rice, tobacco, and two

beautiful birds of paradise, all white and yellow. These Indians spoke

the language of Ternate, and some of them could speak a little Spanish

and Malayan, in which last language Clawson the merchant was well

skilled. All the people in these canoes were finely clothed from the

waist downwards, some with loose silken robes, and others with breeches,

and several had silken turbans on their head, being Mahometans. All of

them had jet black hair, and wore many gold and silver rings on their

fingers. They bartered their provisions with the Dutch for beads and

other toys, but seemed more desirous of having linen. They appeared so

fearful and suspicious of the Dutch, that they would not tell the name

of their country, which however was suspected to be one of the three

eastern points of Gilolo, and that the people were natives of Tidore,

which was afterwards found to be the case.

In the morning of the 6th they set sail, holding a northern, course,

intending to go round the north point of Gilolo. The 7th they saw the

north point of Morty, or Moraty, N.E. of Gilolo. Contending with

variable winds and adverse currents it was the 19th before they could

get into the bay of _Soppy_ in Gilolo, where they anchored in ten

fathoms on sandy ground, about a cannon-shot from shore. Here they

procured poultry, tortoises, sago, and rice, which was a great relief

for the company, still consisting of eighty-five men in health and

vigour. Leaving Soppy on the 25th August they came to the desert island

of Moro on the 1st September, and, on closer examination, found it

composed of several islands close together. They saw here a worm, or

serpent, as thick as a man's leg and of great length. On the 5th they

anchored off the coast of Gilolo. At this place some of the seamen went

ashore unarmed to catch fish, when four Ternatese soldiers rushed

suddenly out of the wood sword-in-hand while the Dutchmen were drawing

their net, intending to have slain them; but the surgeon called out to

them _Oran Hollanda_, that is, _Holland men_, on which the soldiers

instantly stopped, throwing water on their heads in token of peace, and

approaching in a friendly manner, said they had mistaken the Dutchmen

for Spaniards. At the request of the seamen they went on board, where,

being well treated, they promised to bring provisions and refreshment to

the ship, which they afterwards did.

Sailing thence on the 14th they got sight of Ternate and Tidore on the

16th, and anchored on the 17th in the evening before Malaya in Ternate,

in eleven fathoms sandy ground. Here captain Schouten and Jaques Le

Maire went ashore, and were kindly entertained by the general Laurence

Real, admiral Stephen Verhagen, and Jasper Janson, governor of Amboina.

On the 18th they sold two of their pinnaces, with most of what had been

saved out of the unfortunate Horn, receiving for the same 1350 reals,

with part of which they purchased two lasts of rice, a ton of vinegar, a

ton of Spanish wine, and three tons of biscuit. On the 27th they sailed

for Bantam, and on the 28th of October anchored at Jacatra, now Batavia.

John Peterson Koen, president for the Dutch East India Company at

Bantam, arrived there on the 31st of October, and next day sequestered

the Unity and her cargo, as forfeited to the India company for illegally

sailing within the boundaries of their charter.

* * * * *

In consequence of the seizure of the Unity, captain Schouten and Jaques

Le Maire, with others of their people, embarked at Bantam in the

Amsterdam and Zealand on the 14th December, 1616, on which they set sail

for Holland. On the 31st of that month Jaques Le Maire died, chiefly of

grief and vexation on account of the disastrous end of an enterprise

which had been so successful till the arrest of the ship and cargo. He

was, however, exceedingly solicitous about his journal, which he had

kept with the utmost care during the voyage, and left a recommendation

that it should be published, that the world might know and judge of the

usage they had received. The Amsterdam arrived in Zealand on the 1st

July, 1617, where her consort had arrived the day before. Thus was this

circumnavigation of the globe completed in two years and eighteen days;

which, considering the difficulties of the course, and other

circumstances of the voyage, was a wonderfully short period.[131]

[Footnote 131: In the Collection of Harris this voyage is succeeded by a

dissertation on the high probability of a southern continent existing,

and that this supposed continent must be another _Indies_. Both of these

fancies being now sufficiently overthrown by the investigations of our

immortal Cook, and other modern navigators, it were useless to encumber

our pages with such irrelevant reveries.--E.]

CHAPTER VII.

VOYAGE OF THE NASSAU FLEET ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1623-1626, UNDER THE

COMMAND OF JAQUES LE HERMITE.[132]

[Footnote 132: Harris I. 66. Callend. II. 286.]

INTRODUCTION.

The government of the United Netherlands, considering it proper to

distress their arch enemy the king of Spain by every means in their

power, determined upon sending a powerful squadron into the South Sea,

to capture the ships of his subjects, to plunder the coasts of his

dominions, and to demolish his fortifications. Accordingly, in autumn

1622, a final resolution for this purpose was entered into by the States

General, with the concurrence of their stadtholder, Prince Maurice of

Orange, who even advanced a considerable sum of money towards it from

his own funds; and a fleet of no less than eleven ships of war, besides

smaller vessels, were ordered to be fitted out for the expedition, by

the several admiralties of the Union and the East India Company. This

fleet was in condition for putting to sea in spring 1623, when the

command was intrusted to Jaques Le Hermite, an able and accomplished

seaman of great experience, who had been long in the service of the East

India Company, and was now appointed admiral of the fleet; Hugo

Schapenham being vice-admiral. The ships fitted out on this occasion by

the admiralty of Amsterdam were,--

1. The Amsterdam of 800 tons, admiral, carrying twenty brass cannon and

twenty-two iron, with 237 men, commanded by Leenders Jacobson Stolk, as

captain, Peter Wely being supercargo, Engelbert Schutte commander of the

soldiers on board, Frederick van Reneygom fiscal or judge-advocate, John

van Walbeck, engineer, and Justin van Vogelair engineer extraordinary.

2. The Delft of 800 tons, vice-admiral, having twenty brass and twenty

iron cannon, with 242 men, commanded by captain Cornelius de Witte.

3. The Eagle of 400 tons, captain Meydert Egbertson, of twelve brass and

sixteen iron cannon, with 144 men.

4. A yacht called the Greyhound, of sixty tons, captain Solomon

Willelmson, carrying four brass cannons and twenty men.

The admiralty of Zealand fitted out only one ship for this expedition.

5. The Orange of 700 tons, captain Laurence John Quirynen, and carrying

likewise the rear-admiral, John William Verschoor. Her complement of men

was 216.[133]

[Footnote 133: Her number of guns is not mentioned, but she could hardly

have less than thirty-six from her size--E.]

The admiralty of the Maes furnished the following ships:

6. The Holland of 600 tons and 152 men, carrying ten pieces of brass and

twenty of iron ordnance. In this ship was Cornelius Jacobson, who was

counsellor to admiral Le Hermite, but the ship was immediately commanded

by captain Adrian Troll.

7. The Maurice of 360 tons and 169 men, having twelve brass and twenty

iron cannon, commanded by captain James Adrianson.

8. The Hope of 260 tons and eighty men, with fourteen iron cannon,

captain Peter Hermanson Slobbe.

The admiralty of North Holland also provided the following ships:

9. The Concord of 600 tons and 170 men, with eighteen brass and fourteen

iron cannon, captain John Ysbrandtz.

10. The King David of 360 tons and seventy-nine men, with sixteen pieces

of brass cannon, captain John Thomason.

11. The Griffin of 320 tons, and seventy-eight men, with fourteen iron

cannon, captain Peter Cornelison Hurdloop.

The whole of this fleet of eleven sail, carrying 294 pieces of cannon,

had 1637 men, of whom 600 were regular soldiers, divided into five

companies of 120 men in each. The East India Company contributed largely

to the expence, but does not appear to have equipped any ships on this

occasion.

SECTION I.

_Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the South Sea_.

This armament, usually called the Nassau fleet, was by far the most

considerable that had hitherto been sent against the Spaniards in the

new world, and none so powerful has since navigated along the western

coast of America in an hostile manner. It sailed on the 29th April,

1622, from Goeree roads, all but the Orange, which joined next day.

On the 7th June, while chasing a Barbary corsair, a Christian slave, who

happened to be at the helm, ran the corsair on board the Dutch

vice-admiral, and immediately he and other slaves took the opportunity

of leaping on board to escape from slavery. The captain of the corsair,

who happened to be a Dutch renegado, followed them, and demanded

restitution of his slaves; but the vice-admiral expostulated so strongly

with him on the folly and infamy of deserting his country and religion,

that he sent for every thing belonging to him out of the corsair, and

agreed to go along with the fleet, to the regret of the Turks, who thus

lost their captain and seventeen good men.

On the 5th July the fleet anchored in the road of St Vincent, which is

extremely safe and commodious, where they procured refreshments of

sea-tortoises, fish, goats, and oranges. The islands of St Vincent and

St Antonio are the most westerly of the Cape Verds, being in from 16°

30' to 18° N. latitude, and about two leagues from each other. The bay

of St Vincent, in which they anchored, is in lat. 16° 56' N. and has a

good firm sandy bottom, with eighteen, twenty, and twenty-five fathoms

water. The island of St Vincent is rocky, barren, and uncultivated,

having very little fresh water, though they found a small spring which

might have served two or three ships. By digging wells they procured

plenty of water, but somewhat brackish, to which they attributed the

bloody flux, which soon after began to prevail in the fleet. The goats

there, of which they caught fifteen or sixteen every day, were very fat

and excellent eating. The sea-tortoises which they took there were from

two to three feet long. They come on shore to lay their eggs, which they

cover with sand, leaving them to be hatched by the heat of the sun.

Their season of laying eggs is from August to February, remaining all

the rest of the year in the sea. They caught every night great numbers

of these animals while ashore to lay their eggs, and the sailors found

them wholesome and pleasant food, eating more like flesh than fish.

This island is altogether uninhabited, but the people of St Lucia come

here once a year to catch tortoises, for the sake of an oil they prepare

from them; and to hunt goats, the skins of which are sent to Portugal,

and their flesh, after being salted and dried at St Jago, is exported to

Brazil. There are no fruit-trees in this island, except a few wild figs

in the interior; besides which, it produces colocinth, or bitter apple

which is a very strong purge.[134] This island has a very dry climate,

except during the rainy season, which begins in August and ends in

February, but is not very regular.

[Footnote 134: Cucumis Colocynthis, a plant of the cucumber family,

producing a fruit about the size of an orange, the medullary part of

which, when ripe, dried, and freed from the seeds, is a very light,

white, spongy substance, composed of membranous leaves, excessively

bitter, nauseous, and acrid.]

The island of St Antonio is inhabited by about 500 negroes, including

men, women, and children, who subsist chiefly on goats, and also

cultivate a small quantity of cotton. On the sea-side they have

extensive plantations of lemons and oranges, whence they gather great

quantities every year. These were very readily supplied to the Dutch by

the negroes in exchange for mercery goods, but they saw neither hogs,

sheep, nor poultry in the island.

Sailing from St Vincent's on the 25th July, they anchored in the road of

Sierra Leona on the 11th August. Here on the 15th some of the crew being

on shore, eat freely of certain nuts resembling nutmegs, which had a

fine taste, but had scarcely got on board when one of them dropt down

dead, and before he was thoroughly cold he was all over purple spots.

The rest recovered by taking proper medicines. Sierra Leona is a

mountain on the continent of Africa, standing on the south side of the

mouth of the river Mitomba, which discharges itself into a great bay of

the sea. The road in which ships usually anchor is in the lat. of 8° 20'

N. This mountain is very high, and thickly covered with trees, by which

it may be easily known, as there is no mountain of such height any where

upon the coast. There grow here a prodigious number of trees, producing

a small kind of lemons called _limasses_, (limes?) resembling those of

Spain in shape and taste, and which are very agreeable and wholesome, if

not eaten to excess. The Dutch fleet arrived here at the season when

this fruit was in perfection, and having full leave from the natives,

the people eat them intemperately; by which, and the bad air, the bloody

flux increased much among them, so that they lost forty men between the

11th of August and the 5th September. Sierra Leona abounds in

palm-trees, and has some ananas, or pine-apples, with plenty of wood of

all sorts, besides having an exceedingly convenient watering-place

opposite to the anchorage.

They sailed from Sierra Leona on the 4th September, on which day the

admiral fell sick. On the 29th they were off the island of St Thomas,

just on the north side of the line, and anchored on the 1st of October

at Cape Lopo Gonzalves, in lat. 0° 50' S. At this place the surgeon of

the Maurice was convicted on his own confession of having poisoned seven

sick men, because they had given him much trouble, for which he was

beheaded. On the 30th of October they anchored in the road of Annobon,

where they obtained hogs and fowls, and were allowed to take in water,

and to gather as many oranges as they thought proper. The east end of

this island, where are the road and village, is in lat. 1° 30' S. and

long. 6° E. from Greenwich. The island is about six leagues in circuit,

consisting of high and tolerably good land, and is inhabited by about

150 families of negroes, who are governed by two or three Portuguese, to

whom they are very submissive. If any of them happen to be refractory,

they are immediately sent away to the island of St Thomas, a punishment

which they greatly dread. The island abounds in ananas, bananas,

cocoa-nuts, tamarinds, and sugar-canes; but the principal inducement for

ships touching here is the great plenty of oranges, of which the Dutch

gathered upwards of 200,000, besides what the seamen eat while on shore.

These oranges were of great size and full of juice, some weighing three

quarters of a pound, and of an excellent taste and flavour, as if

perfumed. They are to be had ripe all the year round, but there is one

season in which they are best and fittest for keeping, which was past

before the Dutch arrived, and the oranges were then mostly over ripe and

beginning to rot. The island also produces lemons, and has plenty of

oxen, cows, goats, and hogs, which the negroes bartered for salt. On the

S.E. part of the island there is a good watering-place, but difficult to

find, which is commanded by a stone breast-work, whence the negroes

might greatly annoy any who attempted to water by force. They grow here

some cotton, which is sent to Portugal. The natives are treacherous, and

require to be cautiously dealt with.

The fleet left Annobon on the 4th November, and on the 6th January,

1624, they were in lat. 44° 40' S. where they saw many sea-gulls, and

much herbage floating on the water, whence they supposed themselves near

the continent of South America. On the 19th the sea appeared as red as

blood, proceeding from an infinite quantity of a small species of

shrimps. On the 28th they lost sight of their bark, in which were

eighteen men, three of them Portuguese. These people, as they afterwards

learnt, having in vain endeavoured to rejoin the fleet, determined to

return to Holland. Being in want of water, they sailed up the Rio de la

Plata till they came into fresh water, after which they continued their

voyage, suffering incredible hardships, and the utmost extremity of

want, till they arrived on the coast of England, where they ran their

vessel on shore to escape a privateer belonging to Dunkirk, and

afterward got back to Holland.

The 1st February the fleet came in sight of land, being Cape de

Pennas.[135] Next day they found themselves at the mouth of the straits.

This is easily distinguished, as the country on the east, called _Saten

Land_, is mountainous, but broken and very uneven; while that on the

west, called _Maurice Land_ by the Dutch, or Terra del Fuego, has

several small round hills close to the shore. The 6th they had sight of

Cape Horn; and on the 11th, being in lat. 58° 30' S. they had

excessively cold weather, which the people were ill able to bear, being

on short allowance. On the 16th they were in lat. 56° 10' S. Cape Horn

being then to the east of them, and anchored on the 17th in a large bay,

which they named _Nassau bay_.[136] Another bay was discovered on the

18th, in which there was good anchorage, with great convenience for

wooding and watering, and which they called Schapenham's bay, after the

name of their vice-admiral.

[Footnote 135: This seems to be what is now called Cape St Vincent, at

the W. side of the entrance into the Straits of Le Maire.--E.]

[Footnote 136: The centre of Nassau bay is in lat. 55° 30' N. long. 68°

20' W. This bay is formed between Terra del Fuego on the north, and

Hermite's island south by east, the south-eastern extreme point of which

is Cape Horn. This island appears to have been named after admiral Le

Hermite.--E.]

On the 23d a storm arose with such violence that nineteen men belonging

to the Eagle were compelled to remain on shore; and next day, when the

boats were able to go for them, only two of these men were left alive,

the savages having come upon them in the dark, and knocked seventeen of

them on the head with their slings and wooden clubs, the poor Dutchmen

being all unarmed, and not having offered the least injury or insult to

the savages. Only five of the dead bodies were found on the shore, which

were strangely mangled, all the rest having been carried away by the

savages, as it was supposed, to eat them. After this, every boat that

went ashore carried eight or ten soldiers for their security; but none

of the savages ever appeared again.

The vice-admiral went on the 25th in the Greyhound to visit the coast.

On his return he reported to the admiral, that he found the Terra del

Fuego divided into several islands, and that it was by no means

necessary to double Cape Horn in order to get into the South Sea, as

they might pass out from Nassau bay to the west into the open sea,

leaving Cape Horn on the south. He apprehended also, that there were

several passages from Nassau bay leading into the Straits of Magellan.

The greatest part of the _Terra del Fuego_ is mountainous, but

interspersed with many fine vallies and meadows, and watered by numerous

streams or rivulets, descending from the hills. Between the islands

there are many good roads, where large fleets may anchor in safety, and

where there is every desirable convenience for taking in wood, water,

and ballast. The winds, which rage here more than in any other country,

and with inexpressible violence, blow constantly from the west, for

which reason such ships as are bound westerly ought to avoid this coast

as much as possible, keeping as far south as they can, where they are

likely to meet with southerly winds to facilitate their westerly course.

The inhabitants of the Terra del Fuego are as fair as any Europeans, as

was concluded by seeing a young child; but the grown-up people disguise

themselves strangely, painting themselves with a red earth after many

fanciful devices, some having their heads, others their arms, their legs

and thighs red, and other parts of their bodies white. Many of them have

one half of their bodies red, from the forehead to the feet, and the

other side white. They are all strong made and well-proportioned, and

generally about the same stature with Europeans. Their hair is black,

which they wear long, thick, and bushy, to make them the more frightful.

They have good teeth, but very thin, and as sharp as the edge of a

knife. The men go entirely naked, and the women have only a piece of

skin about their waists, which is very surprising, considering the

severity of the climate. Their huts are made of trees, in the form of a

round tent, having a hole at the top to let out the smoke. Within they

are sunk two or three feet under the surface of the ground, and the

earth taken from this hollow is thrown upon the outside. Their

fishing-tackle is very curious, and is furnished with hooks made of

stone, nearly of the same shape with ours. They are variously armed,

some having bows and arrows artificially headed with stone; others long

javelins or spears, headed with bone; some have great wooden clubs, some

have slings, and most have stone knives, or daggers, which are very

sharp. They are never seen without their arms, as they are always at war

among themselves; and it would appear that the several tribes paint

differently, that they may distinguish each other; for the people about

the island of _Torhaltens_, and about _Schapenham bay_, were all painted

black, while those about _Greyhound bay_ were painted red.

Their canoes are very singular, being formed of bark, fortified both on

the inside and outside with several pieces of small wood, and then

covered over by bark, so as to be both tight and strong. These canoes

are from ten to fourteen, and even sixteen feet long, and two feet

broad, and will contain seven or eight men, who navigate them as swiftly

as our boats. In manners, these people resemble beasts more than men,

for they tear human bodies in pieces, and eat the raw and bloody flesh.

They have not the smallest spark of religion, neither any appearance of

polity or civilization, being in all respects utterly brutal, insomuch

that if they have occasion to make water, they let fly upon whoever is

nearest them. They have no knowledge of our arms, and would even lay

their hands on the edges of the Dutchmen's swords; yet are exceedingly

cunning, faithless, and cruel; shewing every appearance of friendship at

one time, and instantly afterwards murdering those with whom they have

been familiar. The Dutch found it impossible to procure any kind of

refreshments from them, though such surely were among them, for

quantities of cow-dung were seen; and their bow-strings were made of ox

sinews: besides, a soldier who went ashore from the Greyhound yacht,

while she lay at anchor, reported to the vice-admiral, that he had seen

a large herd of cattle feeding in a meadow.[137]

[Footnote 137: This is not at all likely to have been true. The cattle,

the dung, and the sinews mentioned in the text, are more likely to have

been of some species of the seal tribe--E.]

On the 27th of February, 1624, the admiral made a signal for sailing,

the wind being then N. so that hopes were entertained of getting from

the bay of Nassau to the west; but a storm came on in the evening at W.

and blew hard all night. March 3d, they had an observation at noon, when

they were in lat, 59° 45' S. with the wind at N.W. Hitherto it had been

the opinion of nautical men, that it was easy to get from the Straits of

Le Maire to Chili, but hardly possible to pass from Chili by that strait

into the Atlantic, as they imagined that the south wind blew constantly

in these seas: but they now found the case quite otherwise, as the

frequent tempests they encountered from W. and N.W. rendered it beyond

comparison easier to have passed through the Straits of Le Maire from

the South Sea than from the Atlantic.

The wind still continuing strong from the west on the 6th, the admiral

held a council to consider of a proper rendezvous for the fleet, in case

of separation, or of being forced to winter, if these west winds should

still continue to oppose their entry into the South Sea. Some proposed

the Terra del Fuego, and others the Straits of Magellan. But the

majority were of opinion, that it was best to wait two months for a fair

wind, and to use their utmost endeavours to get into the South Sea. On

the 8th they were in 61° S. on the 14th in 58°, and on the 18th, 19th

and 20th they had a fair wind at S.E. with warm weather, so that they

were now in hopes of having accomplished their purpose. On the 24th they

lost sight of the Maurice and David, the fleet being now reduced to

seven sail; and the same evening they were in lat. 47° S. The 25th,

having still a fair wind and good weather, they reached 45° S. and were

then in great hopes of overcoming all difficulties. The 28th they got

sight of the coast of Chili, bearing E.S.E. and in the evening were

within a league of the shore, which appeared high and mountainous.

SECTION II:

_Transactions of the Fleet on the Western Coast of America_.

The admiral was at this time confined to bed, and wished to have put

into the port of Chiloe; but his instructions did not allow of this

measure, requiring the performance of some action of importance against

the Spaniards in Peru. It was therefore resolved to proceed for the

island of Juan Fernandez, to make the best preparations in their power

for attacking the Spanish galleons in the port of Arica, if found there,

and to gain possession of that place, after which it was proposed to

extend their conquests by the aid of the Indians. On the 1st April,

being then in lat. 38° 10' S. the vice-admiral took to his bed, quite

worn out with fatigue, so that they expected to lose both the admiral

and him. On the 4th they had sight of Juan Fernandez, in lat. 33° 50' S.

and next day came to anchor in sixty fathoms in a fine bay. The 6th

orders were issued to provide all the ships with as many

cheveaux-de-frize and pallisades as they could. The Griffin joined the

fleet in the evening, not having been seen since the 2d February. She

had been in the lat. of 60° S. and had got into the South Sea without

seeing Cape Horn. The Orange arrived on the 7th, having twice seen the

southern continent on her passage, once in lat. 50°, and the other time

in lat. 41° S.[138] The David came in on the 7th, bringing advice of the

Maurice, both vessels having been five or six days beating about the

island, but hindered from getting in by contrary winds.

[Footnote 138: No land whatever could be seen in these latitudes in the

eastern Pacific, so that they must have been deceived by fog, banks, or

islands of ice.--E.]

The larger and more easterly of the two islands of Juan Fernandez is in

the latitude of 30° 40' S. five degrees west from the coast of Chili;

this island being called by the Spaniards _Isla de Tierra_, and the

smaller or more westerly island _Isla de Fuera_, which is a degree and

a half farther east.[139]

[Footnote 139: Isola de Tierra, the eastermost of these islands of Juan

Fernandez, in lat. 33° 42' S. and long. 79° 5' E. is about 15 English

miles from E. to W. by 5-1/2 miles in its greatest breadth from N. to S.

Besides this and Isola de Fuera, mentioned in the text, there is still a

third, or smallest island, a mile and a half south from the S.W. end of

the Isola de Tierra, called Isola de Cabras or Conejos, Goat or Rabbit

island, three English miles from N.W. to S.E. and a mile in

breadth.--E.]

The more easterly and larger island, at which the Nassau fleet anchored,

is about six leagues in circuit, and is about two leagues and a half

long, from east to west. The road is on the N.E. part of the island,

from whence there is a beautiful prospect of valleys covered with

clover. The ground of this bay is in some places rocky, and in others a

fine black sand, and it affords good anchorage in thirty to thirty-five

fathoms. The island produces excellent water, and fish are to be had in

abundance in the bay, and of various kinds. Many thousand seals and

sea-lions come daily on shore to bask in the sun, of which the seamen

killed great numbers, both for food and amusement. Some of the Dutch

fancied that the flesh of these animals tasted as if twice cooked, while

others thought, after the grease and tallow were carefully taken out,

that it was as good as mutton. There were many goats in the island, but

difficult to be taken, and neither so fat nor so well tasted as those of

St Vincents. There were plenty of palm-trees in the interior, and three

large quince-trees near the bay, the fruit of which was very refreshing.

They found also plenty of timber for all kinds of uses, but none fit for

masts. Formerly, ten or twelve Indians used to reside here, for the sake

of fishing and making oil from the seals and sea-lions, but it was now

quite uninhabited. Three gunners and three soldiers belonging to the

vice-admiral, were so sick of the voyage, that they asked and obtained

leave to remain here.

Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from _Isla de Tierra_

on the 13th April. On the 8th May, being near the coast of Peru, they

took a Spanish bark, in which, besides the captain, there were four

Spaniards, and six or seven Indians and Negroes. From these, they learnt

that the Plate fleet had sailed on the 3d of the month from Calao de

Lima for Panama, consisting of five treasure ships, three rich

merchantmen, and two men of war. They were also informed that the

Spanish admiral was still at Calao, his ship being of 800 tons burden,

and mounting 40 brass cannon; besides which, there were two _pataches_

of 14 guns each, and forty or fifty unarmed merchant vessels. All these

vessels were said to have been hauled on shore, and secured by three

strong batteries and other works, furnished with upwards of fifty pieces

of cannon, all ready prepared for the reception of the Dutch, of whose

motions the Spaniards had received early and certain intelligence. The

viceroy had likewise formed four companies of foot, of eighty men each,

but the two best companies had gone with the ships to Panama; and,

having just learnt the approach of the Dutch fleet, the viceroy had

summoned the whole military force of Peru, so that many thousand men

must soon be expected at Lima for its defence.

After several consultations, the vice-admiral made an attempt to land at

Calao with the soldiers on the morning of the 10th May, but finding it

impossible with any chance of success, was obliged to return to the

fleet. On the 12th about midnight, three of the Dutch captains, with

twelve armed boats, each provided with a small cannon and a considerable

quantity of fire-works, made an attack on the port, while a false attack

was made at the same time in another part, to draw off the attention of

the Spaniards. The twelve boats entered the port, and distributed their

fire-works plentifully among the Spanish merchant ships, by which thirty

or forty of them were set on fire and consumed, some of them very large.

In this hardy enterprise, the Dutch had seven men killed, and fifteen

wounded, mostly in the vice-admiral's boat, which had attempted to board

one of the _pataches_ and was beaten off. About the dawn of day, nine of

the flaming ships drifted towards the Dutch fleet, which was therefore

obliged to weigh and take shelter behind the island of Lima. On the 13th

this island was taken possession of, and a strong intrenchment thrown up

for its defence, under cover of which the Dutch laid their shallops on

shore to careen them.

On the 14th Cornelius Jacobson sailed with a division of the fleet, to

cruize off La Nasca, Pisco, and other towns to the south of Lima. A rich

prize was taken on the 23d, coming from Guayaquil; and that same day,

the rear-admiral was detached with two ships and two companies of

soldiers to attempt taking Guayaquil, but they found it too strongly

defended. On the 27th an attempt was made to destroy the Spanish

admiral's ship in the port of Calao, by means of a fire-ship containing

2000 pounds of gun-powder, besides fire-works and shells, confined by a

brick arch six feet thick; but after navigating her very near the

galleon, a bank was found on the outside of her which they could not

pass, and they were therefore obliged to retire.

Admiral Jaques Le Hermite, who had been in a declining state of health

from the time they left Sierra Leona, died on the 2d June, and was

buried next day in the island of Lima. The Spanish viceroy having

refused to ransom the prisoners made by the Dutch, and the ships being

straitened for provisions especially water, twenty-one Spaniards were

hung up at the mizen yard-arm of the Dutch admiral's ship on the 15th

June. That same evening, Cornelius Jacobson returned with his

detachment, having made an ineffectual attempt on Pisco, which he found

strongly fortified, and defended by 2000 men, besides a body of 200

horse which scoured the country. In this attempt he had five men killed

and sixteen wounded, and thirteen deserted to the enemy. At this time

the scurvy prevailed to a great height in the fleet, so that some of the

ships had not sufficient men in a sound state to man their boats; but

one day a Swiss, who was very ill of the scurvy, scrambled up to the top

of the highest hill in the island of Lima,[140] where he found plenty of

a kind of herb with which he had been well acquainted in his own

country, and by eating which he soon recovered his health. This becoming

public, his example was universally followed, by which the best part of

the men were saved from death, and in a short time recovered their

health and spirits. On the 5th August, the vice-admiral was installed as

admiral, the rear-admiral succeeding him as vice-admiral, and Cornelius

Jacobson was advanced to be rear-admiral.

[Footnote 140: The island of San Lorenzo, a little to the south of

Calao, is evidently here meant.--E.]

The new vice-admiral soon after returned from his expedition to the road

of Puna and Guayaquil, where he had burnt two ships and captured a

third. He had also taken Guayaquil after considerable loss, and finding

it untenable, and not having boats to carry away the booty, he had set

it on fire, burning a great quantity of rich goods in the warehouses,

after which he reimbarked his men. The Dutch fleet sailed from the

island of Lima on the 14th of August, and anchored that same evening in

a bay behind the Piscadores islands, about twenty-three miles north,

where they watered. Continuing their course on the 16th, they came in

sight of the island of Santa Clara, or Amortajado, on the 24th,

intending once more to visit Guayaquil. The fleet anchored on the 25th

in the road of the island of Puna, whence all the people had fled, both

Spanish and Indians, so that no intelligence could be procured of the

strength and dispositions of the enemy. On the 27th, the guns, ballast,

and stores of all kinds were removed from three of the largest ships,

which were laid ashore to be careened. On the 28th, news came of the

second attempt upon Guayaquil having miscarried, through the fault of

some of the officers, the troops being defeated and obliged to reimbark,

with the loss of twenty-eight men. On the 1st September, the three

largest ships being careened, they began to careen the rest.

It was resolved in a council of war not to prosecute the originally

intended expedition to Chili at this time, but to proceed for Acapulco,

in order to cruize for the Manilla ship; and afterwards, if the

condition of the fleet permitted, to return to the coast of Chili.

Accordingly, having set fire to the town of Puna, they sailed from

thence on the 12th September, and on the 20th October had sight of the

coast of New Spain. On the 28th at day-break they were within half a

league of an island which lies before the port of Acapulco and anchored

in the evening within sight of the fort, which had been rebuilt the year

before, on a point running out to sea, in order to protect the Manilla

ships, which might ride safely at anchor under the cannon of that

fortress. On the 1st November, a strong detachment of the fleet was sent

to anchor twenty leagues west from Acapulco, to look out for the

galleon, the admiral and the Orange remaining before the port, and the

other ships spread along the coast, that they might be sure of

intercepting the galleon. On the 29th, water becoming scarce, and no

appearance of the galleon, it was resolved to proceed with all diligence

for the East Indies.

SECTION III.

_Voyage Home from the Western Coast of America_.

Proceeding therefore across the Great Pacific Ocean, they saw some very

low land towards the west on the 15th January, 1625, over which the sea

broke with great violence, and which they conjectured to be the island

of Galperico.[141] On the 23d the scurvy had made much progress, that

there were hardly men enough to work the ships. In the evening of the

25th, they were off the coast of Guam, one of the Ladrones or Mariane

islands, the inhabitants coming two leagues out to sea to meet them,

with all sorts of refreshments, which they exchanged for old iron, and

next morning 150 canoes came off with fruits and garden stuffs. On the

27th a good watering-place was found, where fifty soldiers were landed

to protect the seamen. In the beginning of February, the natives brought

them considerable quantities of rice, giving 70 or 80 pounds weight in

exchange for an old hatchet. On the 5th, by a general muster, 1260 men

were found to remain in the fleet, including 32 Spanish and Negro

prisoners, so that they had lost 409 since leaving Holland.

[Footnote 141: The relation of the voyage is too vague even to

conjecture what island is here meant, but from the direction of the

course towards Guam or Guaham it may possibly have been that now called

Dawson's island, about 600 leagues nearly east from Guam.--E.]

The island of Guam, Guaham, or Guaci, one of the group named by the

Spaniards _Islas de las Velas, Ladrones_, or _Mariane_ Islands, is in

lat 13° 40' N.[142] The soil is tolerably fertile producing vast

quantities of cocoas, and the natives grow rice in several places. The

Dutch procured here about 2000 fowls, but the natives would not part

with their cattle for any price. The people of this island are larger

than other Indians' strong and well-proportioned, and are mostly painted

red, the men going entirely naked, and the women having a leaf to cover

their nakedness. Their arms are _assagaies_, or javelins and slings,

both of which they use with great dexterity. Their canoes are very

convenient, and go before the wind at a great rate; neither are these

islanders afraid of putting to sea even in a storm; as, in case of their

vessels being overset, they turn them up again immediately, and bale out

the water. They were also very expert in cheating; for when the Dutch

came to examine the bags of rice they had bought so cheap, they found

the insides full of stones and dirt; besides which, they stole every

thing they could lay hold of. Such persons also as land on this island

ought to be very cautious, as the Dutch had several of their people

slain here, through their own folly.

[Footnote 142: Lat. 13° 20' N. long. 143° 20' E. from Greenwich.]

Proceeding on the voyage, they saw an island on the 14th of February, in

the latitude of 10° 30' N. which they took to be the island of

Saavedra.[143] Next day, about nine in the morning, they saw another

island, not laid down in the charts, in lat. 9° 45' N.[144] the natives

of which came out to them in canoes with fruits and other refreshments,

but as the ships were sailing at a great rate, they were not able to get

on board. The people seemed much like those of Guam, and the island

seemed very populous and highly cultivated. It was now resolved to

continue their course to the island of Gilolo, and thence to Ternate.

The 2d March, they had sight of the high mountain of [illegible], on the

coast of Moco, at the west end of the great island of [illegible] or

_Gilolo_, on the west side of which the Molucca islands are situated.

They arrived at _Malaya_, the principal place in Ternate, on the 4th in

the evening. The 5th, or, according to the computation of the

inhabitants, the 6th, Jacob Le Feare, governor of the Moluccas, came to

visit the admiral, from _Taluco_, where he then resided. The fleet

proceeded on the 4th of April to Amboina, and on the 28th sailed for

Batavia, where they arrived on the 29th of August. Here the fleet was

separated, part being sent on an expedition against Malacca, and others

to other places, so that here the voyage of the Nassau fleet may be said

to end, without having completed the circumnavigation, at least in an

unbroken series.

[Footnote 143: The island of Saavedra is in 10° 30'N. Not far from this

is the isle of [illegible] in Lat. 10° 10' N. and Long. [illegible] E.

from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 144: This probably was the isle of [illegible], mentioned in

the previous note.--E.]

* * * * *

After this expedition, there occurs a wide chasm in the history of

circumnavigations, all that was attempted in this way, for many years

afterwards, being more the effect of chance than of design.--_Harris_.

CHAPTER VIII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1683-1691, BY CAPTAIN JOHN COOKE, ACCOMPANIED

BY CAPTAIN COWLEY, AND CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER.[145]

INTRODUCTION.

In the Collection of Voyages and Travels by Harris, this voyage is made

two separate articles, as if two distinct voyages, one under the name of

Captain Cowley, and the other under that of Dampier; though both are

avowedly only separate relations of the same voyage, which was commanded

by Captain Cooke, and ought to have gone under his name. On the present

occasion both relations are retained, for reasons which will appear

sufficiently obvious in the sequel; but we have placed both in one

chapter, because only a single circumnavigation, though somewhat

branched out by the separation of the original adventures. This chapter

is divided into three sections: the _first_ of which contains the

narrative of the principal voyage, so far as related by Captain Cowley;

along with which the observations of Dampier upon many of the places,

visited during the voyage, are introduced. The _second_ continues the

adventures of Cowley on his return from India to Europe, after

separating from his first companions. The _third_ resumes the relation

of the voyage, as written by Dampier, and gives a continuation of the

enterprise, after the separation of Cowley.

[Footnote 145: Dampier's Voyage round the World, and Cowley's do. both

in a Coll. of Voyages in four vols. 8vo, published at London in 1729.

Also Harris, I. 77. and Callender, II. 528.]

In the remainder of this introduction, taken from the Collection by

Harris, an account is given of the origin of this voyage, together with

a sketch of the previous adventures of Dampier, before engaging in this

enterprise, in both of which are contained some notices of the lawless,

yet famous Buccaneers, respecting whom a more detailed account is

proposed to be inserted in a subsequent division of this work. Dampier

published an account of this voyage, to be found in a Collection of

Voyages, in four volumes 8vo, printed at London in 1729, for James and

John Knapton, and which have been used in preparing the present relation

of this voyage for the press.--E.

* * * * *

The adventures of the _Buccaneers of America_, however blameable, will

render these men ever famous by their wonderful exploits. They usually

fitted out small vessels in some of our colonies of America, and cruised

in these till they were able to make prize of some larger ships. As

their designs required the utmost secrecy, they very often took masters

and pilots on board under false pretences, and did not explain to them

the true nature of their expeditions till out to sea, when they were

absolute masters. This was the case with Captain Cowley on the present

occasion, a very intelligent man and able navigator, who happened to be

in Virginia in 1683, and was prevailed upon to go as master of a

privateer, said to be bound for _Petit Goave_, a French port in the

island of St Domingo, where these people used to take commissions. In

reality, however, their purpose was to take what prizes they could,

without the formality of a commission.

It is proper to state, that this voyage, at least in part, is the same

with the _first_ voyage of Captain Dampier round the world. Before

proceeding to the incidents of the voyage, we shall give a concise

account of the grounds on which it was undertaken, and the commanders

who were engaged in it; and this the rather, that the original journal

of Captain Cowley, published by Captain Hacke, gives very little

information on these subjects, probably because Cowley was ashamed of

having engaged in such an expedition.

Among the Buccaneers who did so much mischief in the Spanish West

Indies, was one John Cooke, a native of the island of St Christophers, a

brisk bold man, who so distinguished himself as to be promoted to the

rank of quarter-master in the ship commanded by Captain Yankey. On

taking a Spanish prize, which was converted into a privateer, Cooke

claimed the command of her, according to the custom, of the Buccaneers;

and being extremely popular, soon engaged a sufficient number of men to

serve under him. The great majority of the Buccaneers at this time being

French, and dissatisfied to see an Englishman invested with such a

command, merely by the choice of the crew, without any commission, they

plundered the English of their ships, goods, and arms, and turned them

ashore on the island of _Avache_, on the coast of St Domingo, usually

called _Ash_ by English seamen. On this occasion, an old Buccaneer,

named Captain _Tristian_, having more humanity than the rest, carried

Captain Davis, Captain Cooke, and eight other Englishmen to Petit Goave;

where, while Captain Tristian and many of his men were ashore, these

Englishmen made themselves masters of the ship, sending all the French

in their turn ashore, and sailed to Avache, where, by using Captain

Tristian's name to the governor, they procured all the rest of their

countrymen to be sent on board.

Being now sufficiently strong to set up for themselves, they resolved to

make prize of whatever came in their way, and accordingly took two

French ships, one laden with wine, and the other of considerable force,

in which they embarked, carrying her and their prize goods to Virginia,

where they arrived in April 1683. After selling their wines and other

goods, they purchased provisions, naval stores, and every thing else

that might be wanted during a long voyage, and fitted out their prize

ship as a privateer, naming her the Revenge. According to the narrative

of Cowley, she carried eight guns and 52 men, while Dampier gives her 18

guns and 70 men.[146]

[Footnote 146: This difference, at least in regard to the size and force

of the ship, will be found explained in the sequel, as they took a

larger ship on the coast of Africa, which they used during the voyage,

and named the Revenge after their own ship. The additional number of men

mentioned by Dampier is not accounted for.--E.]

Before proceeding to the narratives of this voyage, it is proper to give

a concise account of Captain William Dampier, extracted from his own

works, being an extraordinary character and an eminent navigator, whose

many discoveries ought to recommend his memory to posterity, as a man of

infinite industry, and of a most laudable public spirit. Captain William

Dampier was descended of a very respectable family in the county of

Somerset, where he was born in 1652. During the life of his father and

mother, he had such education as was thought requisite to fit him for

trade; but losing his parents while very young, and being of a roving

disposition, which strongly incited him to the sea, those who now had

the care of him resolved to comply with his humour, and bound him about

1669 to the master of a ship who lived at Weymouth, in Dorsetshire. With

this master he made a voyage to France that year, and in the next went

to Newfoundland; but was so pinched by the severity of that climate,

that on his return he went home to his friends, almost tired of the sea.

Soon after his return, however, hearing of a ship bound for the East

Indies from London, he went there in 1670, and entered before the mast

in the John and Martha, in which he made a voyage to Bantam.

He returned to England in January, 1672, and retired to the house of his

brother in Somersetshire, where he remained all the ensuing summer. In

1673, he entered on board the Prince Royal, commanded by the famous Sir

Edward Spragge, and was in two engagements that summer against the

Dutch. He afterwards returned to his brother's house, where he met with

one Colonel Hellier, who had a large estate in Jamaica, and who

persuaded him to go over to that island, where he was some time employed

in the management of that gentleman's plantation. Not liking the life of

a planter, which he continued somewhat more than a year, he engaged

among the logwood cutters, and embarked from Jamaica for Campeachy, in

August 1675, but returned to Jamaica in the end of that year. In

February 1676, he went again to Campeachy, where he acquainted himself

thoroughly with the business of logwood cutting, in which he proposed to

advance his fortune; for which purpose he returned to England in 1678.

While in Campeachy, he became acquainted with some Buccaneers, who gave

him an inclination for that kind of life, in which he was afterwards

engaged, but of which in the sequel he became much ashamed.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 10 Arranged in systematic order: Forming a complete history of the origin and progress of navigation, discovery, and commerce, by sea and land, from the earliest ages to the present time. · 第 9 / 15 章