A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION of VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
* * * * *
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
* * * * *
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. X.
MDCCCXXIV.
CONTENTS OF VOL. X.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK IV. CONTINUED.
CHAP. I--Early Circumnavigations, or Voyages round the World,
Introduction,
CHAP. I.--Voyage of Ferdinand Magellan round the World, in 1519-1522,
SECT. I. Some Account of Magellan, previous to the Commencement of the
Voyage,
II. Proceedings of the Voyage from Seville to Patagonia, and wintering
there,
III. Prosecution of the Voyage, till the Death of Magellan,
IV. Continuation of the Voyage to its Conclusion,
CHAP. II. Voyage by Sir Francis Drake round the World, in 1517-1580,
SECT. I. Introduction, and Preparation for the Voyage,
II. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Straits of Magellan,
III. Incidents of the Voyage, from the Straits of Magellan to New
Albion,
IV. Continuation of the Voyage, from New Albion to England.
V. Reception of Sir Francis Drake in England, and some Notices of his
remaining Actions,
SECT. VI First Supplement to the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake; being an
Account of Part of the foregoing Navigation, by Nuno da Silva,
VII Second Supplement, being the Voyage of Mr John Winter, after parting
from Sir Francis Drake,
CHAP. III--Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish round the World, in 1586-1588,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Pacific,
II. Transactions on the Western Coast of America,
III. Voyage Home to England,
IV. Second Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish, intended for the South Sea, in
1591
§ 1. Incidents in the Voyage, till the Separation of the Ships,
§ 2. Disastrous Result of the Voyage to Sir Thomas Candish,
§ 3. Continuation of the Voyage of the Desire, Captain Davis, after
parting from Sir Thomas Candish,
CHAP. IV. Voyage of Oliver Van Noort round the World, in 1538-1601,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage.
II. Voyage of Sebald de Weert, to the South Sea and Straits of Magellan,
in 1598,
§ 1. Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the Straits of Magellan,
§ 2. The Fleet passes through the Straits of Magellan into the South
Sea, and is forced to return,
§ 3. Incidents daring their second Residence in the Straits of Magellan,
§ 4. Voyage from the Straits to Holland,
CHAP. V--Voyage of George Spilbergen round the World, in 1614-1617,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from Holland to the South Sea,
II. Transactions in the South Sea, along the Western Coast of America,
III. Voyage Home from America, by the East Indies and Cape of Good Hope,
CHAP. VI--Voyage round the World, in 1615-1617, by William Cornelison
Schouten and Jacques Le Maire, going round Cape Horn,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Journal of the Voyage from the Texel to Cape Horn,
II. Continuation of the Voyage, from Cape Horn to the Island of Java,
CHAP. VII--Voyage of the Nassau Fleet round the World, in 1623-1626,
under the Command of Jaques Le Hermite,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the South Sea,
II. Transactions of the Fleet on the Western Coast of America,
III. Voyage Home from the Western Coast of America,
CHAP. VIII--Voyage round the World, in 1683-1691, by Captain John Cooke,
accompanied by Captain Cowley, and Captain William Dampier,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage by Captain Cowley, till he quitted the
Revenge on the Western Coast of America,
II. Continuation of the Narrative of Captain Cowley, from leaving the
Revenge, to his Return to England,
III. Sequel of the Voyage, as far as Dampier is concerned, after the
Separation of the Nicholas from the Revenge,
CHAP. IX--Voyage round the World, by William Funnell, in 1703-1706,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, till the Separation of Funnell from
Dampier,
II. Sequel of the Voyage of William Funnell, after his Separation from
Captain Dampier,
III. Brief Account of Stradling, Clipperton, and Dampier, after their
respective Separations, till their Returns to England,
CHAP. X--Voyage round the World, by Captain Woods Rogers, and Stephen
Courtney, in 1708-1711,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from England to the Island of Juan
Fernandez,
II. Proceedings of the Expedition on the Western Coast of America,
III. Sequel of the Voyage, from California, by Way of the East Indies,
to England,
CHAP. XI--Voyage round the World, by Captain John Clipperton, in
1719-1722,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from England to Juan Fernandez,
II. Proceedings of the Success in the South Seas,
III. Voyage of the Success from the Coast of Mexico to China,
IV. Residence of Captain Clipperton at Macao, and Returns from thence to
England,
CHAP. XII--Voyage round the World, by Captain George Shelvocke, in
1719-1722,
Introduction,
SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea,
II. Proceedings in the South Sea, till Shipwrecked on the Island of Juan
Fernandez,
III. Residence on the Island of Juan Fernandez,
IV. Farther Proceedings in the South Sea, after leaving Juan Fernandez,
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
* * * * *
PART II. (CONTINUED.)
BOOK IV.
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
EARLY CIRCUMNAVIGATIONS, OR VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD.
INTRODUCTION.
In this _fourth_ book of the _second_ part of our arrangement, it is
proposed to give a history of the principal Circumnavigations, or
Voyages Round the World, previous to the reign of our present venerable
sovereign. This book, therefore, comprises a period of 226 years, from
the year 1519, when Magellan sailed from Spain on the first
circumnavigation of the globe, till the year 1744, when Commodore Anson
returned to England from a similar expedition. The more recent
circumnavigations, which have taken place since the year 1760, chiefly
under the munificent and enlightened patronage of GEORGE III. or in
imitation of these, and which have largely contributed to extend, and
almost to render perfect, the geography and hydrography of the
terraqueous globe, are intended to form a separate division, in a
subsequent part of our arrangement.
The accurate knowledge which we now possess of the form and dimensions
of this globe of earth and water which we inhabit, has been entirely
owing to the superior skill of the moderns in the mathematical sciences,
as applicable to the practice of navigation, and to the observation and
calculation of the motions of the heavenly bodies, for the ascertainment
of latitudes and longitudes. It would require more space than can be
conveniently devoted on the present occasion, to give any clear view of
the geographical knowledge possessed by the ancients, together with a
history of the progress of that science, from the earliest times,
neither do the nature and objects of the present Collection of Voyages
and Travels call for any such deduction, of which an excellent epitome
will be found in the History of Geography, prefixed to Playfair's System
of Geography.
The ancients laboured under almost absolute incapacities for making
extensive voyages or discoveries by sea, proceeding from ignorance of
the form and dimensions of the earth, and other causes. They were but
indifferently versed in the practical part of astronomy, without which,
and those instruments which have been invented almost exclusively by the
moderns, for measuring the paths, distances, and relative positions of
the heavenly bodies, it is impossible to launch out with any tolerable
success or safety on the trackless ocean. They were ignorant also of
that wonderful property of the magnet or loadstone, which, pointing
invariably towards the north, enables the modern mariner to know his
precise course, at all times of the day of night, though clouds and
thick mists may hide the luminaries of heaven from his observation,
which were the only means of direction known to the ancients.
Various systems and theories appear to have prevailed among the ancients
respecting the figure and motion of the earth; some justly enough
supposing it to be a ball or sphere, suspended in infinite space, while
others conceived it to be a flat surface, floating upon and surrounded
by an interminable ocean. The just conceptions of some ancient
philosophers, respecting the spherical figure of the earth, and its
diurnal motion around its own axis, were superseded by others of a more
popular nature, and forgotten for many ages. Lactantius and Augustine,
two fathers of the catholic church, unfortunately adopted the idea of
the earth being a flat surface, infinitely extending downwards;
grounding this false notion upon a mistaken interpretation of the holy
scriptures, or rather seeking assistance from them in support of their
own unphilosophical conceptions. So strongly had this false opinion
taken possession of the minds of men, in our European world, even after
the revival of learning in the west, that Galileo was imprisoned by the
holy inquisitors at Rome for asserting the sphericity of the earth, and
the doctrine of _antipodes_, and had to redeem his liberty and life, by
writing a refutation of that heretical doctrine, which satisfied the
inquisitors, yet convinced the world of its truth.
Columbus assuredly grounded his grand discovery of America upon the
knowledge of the earth being a sphere; and had not the new western world
intervened, his voyage had probably been the first circumnavigation. In
modern times, an idea has been advanced that Columbus only retraced the
steps of some former navigator, having seen certain parts of the grand
division of the world which he discovered, already delineated on a
globe. It were improper to enter upon a refutation of this idle calumny
on the present occasion; yet it is easy to conceive, that the possessor
of that globe, may have rudely added the reported discoveries of
Columbus, to the more ancient delineations. At all events, Columbus was
the first person who conceived the bold idea that it was practicable to
sail round the globe. From the spherical figure of the earth, then
universally believed by astronomers and cosmographers, in spite of the
church, he inferred that the ancient hemisphere or continent then known,
must of necessity be balanced by an equiponderant and opposite
continent. And, as the Portuguese had discovered an extensive track by
sailing to the eastwards, he concluded that the opposite or most
easterly coast of that country might certainly be attained, and by a
nearer path, by crossing the Atlantic to the westwards. The result of
this profound conception, by the discovery of America, has been already
detailed in the _Second_ Book of this collection; and we now proceed in
this _Fourth_ Book to detail the various steps of other navigators, in
prosecution of this grand design of surrounding the globe, in which many
curious and interesting discoveries have been made, and by which
geographical knowledge and practical navigation have been brought to
great degrees of perfection.
Before commencing the narrative appropriated for this division of our
arrangement, it is proper to give the following complete table of all
the circumnavigators, within the period assigned to the present portion
of this collection; with the names of the ports from which they sailed,
and the dates of their respective voyages, and returns.--Ed.
|_Sailed from_| |_Returned_.
1. Ferdinand, | Seville, | Aug. 10, 1519. | Sept. 8, 1522.
Magellan, | in Spain, | |
2. Sir Francis | Plymouth Sound, | Dec. 30, 1577. | Sept. 16, 1580.
Drake, | | |
3. Sir Thomas | Plymouth, | July 25, 1586. | Sept. 9, 1588.
Candish, | | |
4. Oliver van | Goeree, | Sept. 13, 1598. | Aug. 26, 1601.
Noord, | | |
5. George | Texel, | Aug. 8, 1614. | July 1, 1617.
Spilbergeny,| | |
6. Shouten and | Texel, | June 24, 1615. | July 1, 1617.
LeMair, | | |
7. Nassau | Goeree, | April 29, 1623. | Jan. 21, 1626.
fleet, | | |
8. Cowley,[A] | Achamack, in | Aug. 23, 1683. | Oct. 12, 1686.
| Virginia, | |
9. William | Achamack, | Aug. 28, 1683. | Sept. 16, 1691.
Dampier,[A] | | |
10. Dampier and | the Downs, | Aug. 9, 1703. | Aug. 1706.
Funnel, | | |
ll. Wood Rogers,| Bristol, | June 15, 1708. | Oct. 1, 1711.
and Courtney,| | |
12. John | Plymouth, | Feb. 15, 1719. | June, 1722.
Clapperton, | | |
13. George | Plymouth, | Feb. 15, 1719. | Aug. 1, 1722.
Shelvocke | | |
14. Roggewein, | Texel, | July 17, 1721. | July 11, 1723.
15. George | St Helens, | Sept. 18, 1740. | June 15, 1744.
Anson, | | |
[Footnote A: These two are conjoined in Chap. VIII. of this book, for
reasons which will appear there sufficiently obvious.--E.]
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
VOYAGE OF FERDINAND MAGELLAN ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1519--1522.[1]
SECTION I.
_Some Account of Magellan, precious to the Commencement of his Voyage._
Owing to the discoveries made under the authority of the sovereign of
Castile, the Portuguese were excessively jealous of the safety of their
possessions in the East Indies. At length, after various negociations,
the authority of the pope was interposed, then considered as supreme
among the princes of Europe who were in communion with the church of
Rome. By a bull or papal decree, all countries discovered, or to be
discovered, in the East, were declared to belong to the crown of
Portugal, and all that were found in the west were to be the property of
Spain. Yet this measure rather smothered than extinguished the flames of
contention; as both courts readily listened to any proposals that tended
to aggrandise the one at the expence of the other. This spirit of
contention between the courts of Spain and Portugal, gave occasion to
several men of enterprise, who happened to be dissatisfied by the delays
or refusal of either of these courts, in countenancing their projects,
to apply themselves for employment to the other. Among those who took
this method of advancing their fortunes, was Ferdinand Magalhaens, now
generally known by the name of Magellan. He was a gentleman of good
family in Portugal, who had addicted himself from his youth to maritime
affairs, and had acquired great skill both in the theory and practice of
navigation. He seemed formed by nature for the achievement of great
exploits, having all the qualities requisite to compose the character of
a truly great man. With a courage which no danger could appal, he
possessed the utmost calmness of temper and sweetness of disposition, by
which all who conversed with him were engaged to love and esteem his
character. He was naturally eloquent, both in illustrating and proving
the reasonableness of his own opinions, and in converting others from
their erroneous preconceived notions. Above all, he possessed that
steady and persevering resolution, which not only enabled him to
vanquish the greatest difficulties, but gave such appearance of success
to every thing be promised or undertook, as secured the confidence of
all who were under his command. As these extraordinary qualities would
have distinguished him in any station of life, so they were remarkably
useful in the present enterprise, by which he gained immortal
reputation, although he lost his life before its completion.
[Footnote 1: Harris' Collection, I. 6. The utmost pains have been taken
to narrate this expedition in the clearest manner, by comparing all the
different relations of the Spanish and Portuguese writers. We regret
much, however, the loss of a large history of this voyage, by P. Martyr,
which was burnt in the sack of Rome, when taken by the Constable de
Bourbon.--_Harris_.]
Don Ferdinand Magellan had served with much credit in India, under the
famous Albuquerque, and thought that he merited some recompence for his
services; but all his applications were treated with coldness and
contempt by the great, which was intolerable to a person of his spirit.
He associated, therefore, with men of like fortunes, whose merits had
been similarly neglected, and particularly with one Ray Falero, a great
astronomer, whom the Portuguese represented as a conjuror, retiring
along with him to the Spanish court, where be made propositions for new
discoveries to Cardinal Ximenes, who was then prime minister of Spain.
The Portuguese ambassador used all imaginable pains to counteract these
designs, and solicited the court to deliver up Magellan and his
companion as deserters, even representing Magellan as a bold talkative
person, ready to undertake any thing, yet wanting capacity and courage
for the performance of his projects. He even made secret proposals to
Magellan, offering him pardon and great rewards to desist from his
present purpose, and to return to the service of his own sovereign. All
these arts were unavailing, as the Spanish ministry, now competent
judges of these matters, were satisfied of the probability of the
discoveries proposed by Magellan and his coadjutor Falero, who were both
received into favour, made knights of the order of St Jago, and had
their own terms granted to them.
The grounds on which this expedition was founded were as follow. The
opinion advanced by Columbus, of the possibility of reaching the East
Indies by sailing to the west, was assumed as certainly well founded,
though he had not been able to accomplish it; and it was asserted, that
it could not be attended with any insuperable difficulty to sail from
the South Sea, then recently discovered, to the Molucca Islands. The
grand desideratum was to find a passage westwards, from the Atlantic
Ocean into the new-found South Sea, which they expected might be met
with through the Rio de la Plata, or by some other opening on that
eastern coast of South America. Should this succeed, Spain might then
reap the benefit of both the Indies; since, if this discovery were made
by way of the _west_, it would then fall expressly within the grant of
the papal bull to Spain.
In consequence of these proposals, it was agreed that Magellan and the
other adventurers were to be furnished by the crown of Spain with five
ships, manned by 234 men, with provisions for two years; and that the
adventurers should reap a twentieth part of the clear profit, the
government of any islands they might discover to be vested in them and
their heirs for ever, with the title of Adelantado. The agreed, fleet of
five ships was accordingly fitted out for the expedition at Seville,
consisting of the Trinidada, in which Magellan sailed as admiral, and
having a Portuguese pilot named Stephen Gomez; the Santa Vittoria,
commanded by Don Luis de Mendoza; the St Antonio, Don Juan de
Carthagena; the St Jago, Don Juan Serrano; and the Conception, Don
Gaspar de Quixada. According to some authors, the number of men in these
five ships amounted to 237, though by most they are said to have been
250, among whom were thirty Portuguese, upon whom Magellan chiefly
depended for naval skill; as he likewise did greatly upon Serrano, who
had left the service of Portugal in like manner with himself, after
having served for many years in India, and some time in the Moluccas, of
which islands they were now going in search.
SECTION II.
_Proceedings of the Voyage from Seville to Patagonia, and wintering
there_.
Great hopes of success were entertained from this voyage, from the known
experience of the commanders, although its real object was carefully
concealed by Magellan, who merely gave out to the other adventurers that
it was intended for the discovery of new countries, by which they
believed themselves bound to the certain acquisition of gold. They set
sail from Seville, in high expectations of acquiring riches, on the 10th
of August, 1519. The 3d October, the fleet arrived between Cape Verd and
the islands of that name. After being detained by tedious calms on the
coast of Guinea for seventy days, they at last got to the south of the
line, and held on their course to the coast of Brazil, of which they
came in sight in about the latitude of 23° S. They here procured
abundant refreshments of fruits, sugar-canes, and several kinds of
animals.
Proceeding about 2 1/2 degrees farther south, they came into a country
inhabited by a wild sort of people, of prodigious stature, fierce and
barbarous, and making a strange roaring noise, more like the bellowing
of bulls, than human speech. Notwithstanding their prodigious bulk,
these people were so nimble that none of the Spaniards or Portuguese
were swift enough to overtake them. At this place there was a fine river
of fresh water, the mouth of which was fully seventeen leagues wide, in
which there were seven islands, the largest of which they named the
island of St Mary, where they procured some _jewels_.[2] Proceeding
along this coast towards the south, they fell in with two islands so
abounding in seals and penguins, that they might have laden all their
five ships with them in a short time. The penguins are a black, heavy,
unwieldy fowl, extremely fat, covered with a sort of down instead of
feathers, and having a bill like that of a raven; drawing their entire
subsistence from the sea, as fish is their only food.
[Footnote 2: These jewels may possibly have been a few pearls. The
indications in the text are too vague to afford even a guess at the
situation of the river and its seven islands; only it may be mentioned,
that the most northern part of the coast of Patagonia is in lat. 38° S.
and that no river answering the description in the test is to be found
on all that coast--E.]
They next advanced to about the latitude of 49° 30' S. where they were
forced to remain for five months, owing to the severity of the weather,
it being now winter in these southern parts. They here passed their time
very unpleasantly, and for a long time believed the country to be
uninhabited, but at length a savage came to visit them. He was a brisk
jolly fellow, very merrily disposed, and came towards them singing and
dancing. On coming to the shore of the haven in which the ships had
taken refuge, he stood there for some time, throwing dust upon his head.
This being observed, some persons were sent ashore to him in a boat, and
making similar signs of peace; and he came along with them on board,
without any appearance of fear or hesitation. The size and stature of
this person was such as in some measure entitled him to be deemed a
giant, the head of one of the ordinary-sized Spaniards only reaching to
his waist, and he was proportionally large made. His body was painted
all over, having a stag's horn delineated on each cheek, and large
circles round the eyes. The natural colour of his skin was yellow, and
his hair was white. His apparel consisted of the skin of a beast,
clumsily sewed together, covering his whole body and limbs from head to
foot. The beast of which this was the skin, was as strange as the
wearer, being neither mule, horse, nor camel, but partaking of all
three, having the ears of a mule, the tail of a horse, and the body
shaped like a camel. The arms of this savage consisted of a stout bow,
having for a string the gut or sinew of that strange beast; and the
arrows were tipped with sharp stones, instead of iron heads.
The admiral made this man be presented with meat and drink, of which he
readily partook, and seemed to enjoy himself very comfortably, till
happening to see himself in a mirror which was given him among other
toys, he was so frightened that he started back and overturned two of
the men, and did not easily recover his composure. This giant fared so
well, that several others came to visit the ships, and one of them
behaved with so much familiarity and good humour, that the Europeans
were much pleased with him. This person shewed them one of the beasts in
the skins of which they were cloathed, from which the foregoing
description must have been taken.[3] Being desirous to make prisoners of
some of these giants, Magellan gave orders for this purpose to some of
his crew. Accordingly, while amusing them with toys, they put iron
shackles on their legs, which at first they conceived had been fine
ornaments like the rest, and seemed pleased with their jingling sound,
till they found themselves hampered and betrayed. They then fell a
bellowing like bulls, and imploring the aid of _Setebos_ in this
extremity, whom they must therefore have conceived some good and
compassionate being, as it is not to be conceived they would crave
relief from an evil spirit. Yet the voyagers reported strange things, of
horrible forms and appearances frequently seen among these people, such
as horned demons with long shaggy hair, throwing out fire before and
behind: But these seem mere dreams or fables.
[Footnote 3: This must have been a Lama, Paca, or Chilihueque, of the
camel genus, vulgarly called Peruvian sheep.--E.]
Most of the natives of this country were dressed in the skins of beasts,
similarly to the one who first visited them. Their hair was short, yet
tied up by a cotton lace or string. They had no fixed dwellings, but
used certain moveable huts or tents, constructed of skins similar to
those in which they were cloathed, which they carry with them from place
to place, as they roam about the country. What flesh they are able to
procure, they devour quite raw without any kind of cookery, besides
which their chief article of food is a sweet root, which they name
_capar._ The voyagers report that these savages were very jealous of
their women; yet do not mention having seen any. Their practice of
physic consists in bleeding and vomiting: The former being performed by
giving a good chop with some edge tool to the part affected; and the
latter is excited by thrusting an arrow half a yard down the throat of
the patient. These people, to whom Magellan gave the name of _Patagons_,
are so strong, that when one only was attempted to be made prisoner of
by nine Spaniards, he tired them all; and, though they got him down,
and even bound his hands, he freed himself from his bonds, and got away,
in spite of every endeavour to detain him. Besides _capar_, the name of
a root already mentioned, and which likewise they applied to the bread
or ship's biscuit given them by the Spaniards, the only words reported
of their language are _ali_ water, _amel_ black, _cheiche_ red,
_cherecai_ red cloth; and _Setebos_ and _Cheleule_ are the names of two
beings to whom they pay religious respect, _Setebos_ being the supreme,
and _Cheleule_ an inferior deity.
The haven in which they remained there five months, was named by
Magellan, Port St Julian, of which and the surrounding country they took
solemn possession for the crown of Spain, erecting a cross as a signal
of sovereignty. But the principal reason of this long stay was in
consequence of a mutiny which broke out, not only among the common men,
but was even joined or fomented rather by some of the captains,
particularly by Don Luis de Mendoza, on whom Magellan had placed great
reliance. On this occasion Magellan acted with much spirit; for, having
reduced the mutineers to obedience, he brought their ringleaders to
trial for plotting against his life; hanged Don Luis de Mendoza and a
few others of the most culpable; leaving Don Juan de Carthagena and
others, who were not so deeply implicated, among the Patagons. The
weather growing fine, and the people being reduced to obedience,
Magellan set sail from Port St Julian, and pursued his course to the
latitude of 51° 40' S. where finding a convenient port, with abundance
of fuel, water, and fish, he remained for two months longer.
SECTION III.
_Prosecution of the Voyage, till the Death of Magellan_.
Again resuming the voyage, they proceeded along the eastern shore of
Patagonia to the latitude of 52° S. when the entrance into the famous
straits still known under the name of Magellan were discovered, through
which the squadron continued its voyage, finding these straits about 110
leagues in length, from east to west, with varying breadths, in some
places very wide, and in others not more than half a league across; the
land on both sides being high, rugged, and uneven, and the mountains
covered with snow. On reaching the western end of these straits, an open
passage was found into the great South Sea, which sight gave Magellan
the most unbounded joy, as having discovered that for which he had gone
in quest, and that he was now able practicably to demonstrate what he
had advanced, that it was possible to sail to the East Indies by way of
the West. To the point of land from which he first saw this
so-long-desired prospect, he gave the name of _Cape Desiderato._ This
prospect was not, however, so desirable to some of his followers; for
here one of his ships stole away, and sailed homewards alone.
Magellan entered the great South Sea on the 28th November, 1620, and
proceeded through that vast expanse, to which he gave the name of the
Pacific Ocean, for three months and twenty days, without once having
sight of land. During a considerable part of this period they suffered
extreme misery from want of provisions, such as have been seldom heard
of. All their bread and other provisions were consumed, and they were
reduced to the necessity of subsisting upon dry skins and leather that
covered some of the rigging of the ships, which they had to steep for
some days in salt water, to render it soft enough to be chewed. What
water remained in the ships was become putrid, and so nauseous that
necessity alone compelled them to use it. Owing to these impure and
scanty means of subsistence, their numbers daily diminished, and those
who remained alive became exceedingly weak, low-spirited, and sickly. In
some, the gums grew quite over their teeth on both sides; so that they
were unable to chew the tough leathern viands which formed their only
food, and they were miserably starved to death. Their only comfort under
this dreadful state of famine was, that the winds blew them steadily and
gently along, while the sea remained calm and almost unruffled, whence
it got the name of Pacific, which it has ever since retained.
In all this length of time, they only saw two uninhabited islands, which
shewed no signs of affording them any relief Sometimes the needle varied
extremely, and at other times was so irregular in its motions, as to
require frequent touches of the loadstone to revive its energy. No
remarkable star was found near the south pole, by which to ascertain the
southern ordinal point, or to estimate the latitude. Instead of an
antarctic polar star, two clusters of small stars were observed, having
a small space between them, in which were two stars of inconsiderable
size and lustre, which seemed to be at no great distance from the pole,
by the smallness of the circle they described in their diurnal course.
When at the distance of 20° from the south pole, they saw a high island
to which they gave the name of _Cipangue_; and at 15° another equally
high, which they named _Sinnodit_.[4] They sailed in one gulf; or
stretch of sea, at least 4000 leagues, and made their longitude, by
estimation or reckoning, 120° W. from the place of their original
departure. By this time they drew near the equinoctial line, and having
got beyond that into 13° N. latitude, they made for the cape called
_Cottigare_ by old geographers; but missing it in that old account of
its latitude, they understood afterwards that it is in the latitude of
12° N.[5]
[Footnote 4: The text is evidently here erroneous, as Magellan entered
the Pacific Ocean in lat. 47° S. and there is not the smallest reason to
suspect he had been forced into the latitudes of 70° and 75° S. Instead
therefore of the south pole, we ought probably to understand the
equator. As these two islands were uninhabited, the names given them
must have been imposed by Magellan or his associates. Cipangue is the
name given to Japan by Marco Polo, and is of course a singular blunder.
The other is unintelligible, and the voyage is so vaguely expressed, as
even to defy conjecture.--E.]
[Footnote 5: This cape Cottigare in the South Sea, in lat. 12° or 13° N.
is utterly unintelligible, unless it refer to the southern part of Guam,
Guaham, or Goad, one of the Ladronea, which they soon discovered, and
which is actually in 13° N.--E.]
On the 6th March, 1521, they fell in with a cluster of islands, being
then in lat. 12° N. and 146° of west longitude from the place of their
first setting out.[6] These islands were called by Magellan _Islas de
los Ladrones_, or the islands of robbers, and are called in modern
geography the Ladrones or Marian islands. They here went on shore to
refresh themselves, after all the fatigues and privations of their
tedious voyage through the Pacific Ocean; but the thievish disposition
of the islanders would not allow them any quiet repose, as they were
continually stealing things from the ships, while the sick and worn-out
mariners were endeavouring to refresh themselves on shore. Resolving
therefore to deliver themselves from the disturbance of these pilferers,
they marched a small party of armed men into the interior of one of
these islands, where they burnt some houses, and slew some of the
natives. But, though this correction awed them a little for the present,
it did not mend their thievish disposition; for which reason they
resolved to seek out some other place, where they might enjoy some
repose in safety.
[Footnote 6: By the reckoning in the text, the longitude of the Ladrone
islands, which they now discovered, would be 151° 25' W. from
Greenwich. But their true longitude is 216° 30' W. Their latitude is
between 13° and 20° 50' N.--E.]
No order or form of government was observed to subsist among these
natives of the Ladrones, but every one seemed to live according to his
own humour or inclination. The men were entirely naked, the hair both of
their heads and beards being black, that on their heads so long as to
reach down to their waists. Their natural complexion is olive, and they
anoint themselves all over with cocoa-nut oil. Their teeth seemed
coloured artificially black or red, and some of them wore a kind of
bonnet made of palm leaves. The women are better favoured and more
modest than the men, and all of them wore some decent coverings made of
palm leaves. Their hair was black, thick, and so very long as nearly to
trail on the ground. They seemed careful industrious housewives,
spending their time at home in fabricating mats and nets of palm leaves,
while the men were occupied abroad in stealing. Their houses are of
timber, covered with boards and great leaves, and divided within into
several apartments. Their beds are of mats laid above each other, and
they use palm leaves by way of sheets. Their only weapons are clubs, and
long poles headed with bone. Their food consists of cocoa-nuts, bananas,
figs, sugar-canes, fowls, and flying-fishes. Their canoes are oddly
contrived and patched up, yet sail with wonderful rapidity, the sails
being made of broad leaves sewed together. Instead of a rudder they use
a large board, with a staff or pole at one end, and in sailing, either
end of their canoes is indifferently used as head or stern. They paint
their canoes all over, either red, white, or black, as hits their fancy.
These people are so taken with any thing that is new, that when the
Spaniards wounded several of them with their arrows, and even pierced
some quite through, they would pluck out the arrows from their wounds,
and stare at them till they died. Yet would they still continue to
follow after the ships, to gaze upon them as they were going away, so
that at one time they were closely surrounded by at least two hundred
canoes filled with natives, admiring those wonderful contrivances.
The 10th of March, the Spaniards landed on the island of _Zamul_, about
30 leagues from the Ladrones.[7] Next day they landed on _Humuna_, an
island not inhabited, yet well deserving of being so, where they found
springs of excellent water, with abundance of fruit-trees, gold, and
white coral. Magellan named this _the island of good signs_. The natives
from some of the neighbouring islands, a people of much humanity, came
here to them shortly after, very fair and of friendly dispositions, who
seemed well pleased at the arrival of the Spaniards among them, and came
loaded with presents of fish, and wine made from the cocoa-tree,
promising speedily to bring other provisions. This tree somewhat
resembles the date palm, and supplies the natives with bread, oil, wine,
vinegar, and even physic. The wine being drawn from the tree itself, and
all the rest from the fruit or nut. To procure the wine, they eat off
part of a branch, and fasten to the remaining part a large reed or
hollow cane, into which the liquor drops, being like white-wine in
colour, and of a grateful tartish taste. When a good quantity of this is
drawn off, it is put into a vessel, and is their cocoa-wine without
farther preparation.
[Footnote 7: In this voyage the term Ladrones seems confined to the most
southern islands of this group, as there are no other islands for a very
considerable distance in any direction. The entire group stretches about
6° 10' nearly N. and S. or 125 leagues. In modern geography, Guaham and
Tinian are the largest islands of the group. Urac, Agrigan, Analajam,
and Saypan, are the names of some others of the Ladrones. The names in
the text do not occur in modern maps. Thirty leagues from Guaham, the
southernmost island, would bring them to Tinian.--E.]
The fruit, which is as large as a man's head, has two rinds or coats.
The outermost is green, and two fingers thick, entirely composed of
strings and threads, of which they make all the ropes that are used in
their canoes. Under this there is another rind, or shell rather, of
considerable thickness, and very hard. This they burn and pulverize, and
use it in this state as a remedy for several distempers. The kernel
adheres all round the inside of this shell, being white, and about the
thickness of a finger, having a pleasant taste, almost like an almond:
this, when dried, serves the islanders instead of bread. In the inside
of this kernel there is a considerable hollow space, containing a
quantity of pure limpid liquor, of a very cordial and refreshing nature,
which sometimes congeals into a solid, and then lies like an egg within
the hollow kernel. When they would make oil, they steep the fruit in
water till it putrifies, and then boil it over the fire to separate the
oil, the remaining water becoming vinegar, when exposed some time to the
sun. Lastly, by mixing the kernel with the liquor lodged within its
cavity, and straining it through a cloth, they make a very good milk.
The cocoa-nut tree resembles the date palm, except in not being so
rugged and knotty. They will continue to thrive for an hundred years, or
more, and two of them will maintain a family of ten persons in wine
plentifully, if used by turns, each tree being drawn for seven or eight
days, and then allowed to rest as long.
According to their promise, the islanders returned with a farther supply
of provisions, and entered into much familiar cordiality with the
Spaniards. A number of them having been invited on board the admiral's
ship, a gun was discharged by way of entertaining them, but put them in
such terror, that they were ready to leap over board, yet were soon
reconciled by good usage and presents. The name of their island was
_Zulvan_, of no great compass; yet considerable for its productions.
They had in their barks various kinds of spices, as cinnamon, cloves,
nutmegs, ginger, and mace, with several ornaments made of gold, which
they carried up and down to sell as merchandise. Although without
apparel, these people were dressed, or ornamented rather, in a more
costly manner than Europeans; for they had gold earrings in each ear,
and various jewels fastened by means of gold to their arms; besides
which, their daggers, knives, and lances were richly ornamented with the
same metal.[8] Their only cloathing consisted of a kind of apron, of a
species of cloth made very ingeniously from the rind of a tree. The most
considerable men among them were distinguished from the common people by
a piece of silk ornamented with needle-work, wrapped round their heads.
These islanders were gross, broad; and well set on their limbs, of an
olive complexion, having their bodies constantly rubbed over with
cocoa-nut oil.
[Footnote 8: It is highly probable that the valuable spiceries, gold,
and jewels, of the text, are mere fables, invented by Pigafetta, to
enhance the value of his voyage, as such productions are now unknown to
the Ladrone islands.--E.]
Departing from this place on the 21st March, 1521, and steering between
west and south-west, they passed among the islands named _Cenalo,
Huinanghan, Hibussan,_ and _Abarian._[9] The 28th, they came to the isle
of _Buthuan,_ where they were kindly received by the king and prince,
who gave them considerable quantities of gold and spices; in return for
which, Magellan presented the king with two cloth vests, giving knives,
mirrors, and glass beads to the courtiers. Along with the king and his
nobles, Magellan sent two persons on shore, one of whom was Antonio
Pigafetta, the historian of the voyage. On landing, the king and his
attendants all raised their hands to heaven, and then the two
Christians, who imitated this ceremony, which was afterwards observed in
drinking. The king's palace was like a great hay-loft, mounted so high
upon great posts of timber, that they had to go up by means of ladders,
and was thatched with palm-leaves. Though not Christians, these
islanders always made the sign of the cross at their meals, at which
they sat cross-legged like tailors. At night, instead of candles, they
burnt a certain gum of a tree, wrapped up in palm-leaves. After
entertaining them in their respective palaces, the king and prince of
_Buthuan_ dismissed Pigafetta and his companion with noble presents,
filled with admiration of their guests, whom they believed to be men
above the rank of common mortals, being especially astonished at
Pigafetta's writing, and reading what he had written, which was too
mysterious for their comprehension.
[Footnote 9: Not one of these islands is known to modern geography; and
the whole of this voyage is related so loosely and unsatisfactorily,
that it is impossible to trace its course, except at well-known
places.--E.]
In this island, by sifting the earth of a certain mine, they procured
great lumps of gold, some as large as walnuts, and some even as big as
eggs; all the vessels used by the king at table being made of this
precious metal.[10] The king of this island was a very comely personage,
of an olive complexion, with long black hair, his body being perfumed
with the odoriferous oils of storax and benzoin, and painted with
various colours. He had gold-rings in his ears, and three rings of that
metal on each of his fingers. His head was wrapped round by a silken
veil or turban, and his body was cloathed to the knees in a cotton
wrapper, wrought with silk and gold. He wore at his side a sword or
dagger, with a haft of gold, and a scabbard of carved wood. This country
is so rich, that one of the natives offered a crown of massy gold in
exchange for six strings of glass beads; but Magellan would not allow
such bargains, lest the Spaniards might appear too greedy of gold.
[Footnote 10: These stories of gold in such wonderful abundance, are
obvious falsehoods contrived by Pigafetta, either to excite wonderment,
or to procure the command of an expedition of discovery; a practice we
have formerly had occasion to notice in the early Spanish conquests and
settlements in America.--E.]
The natives were active and sprightly, the common men being quite
naked, except painting their bodies; but the women are cloathed from the
waist downwards, and both sexes wore gold ear-rings. They all
continually chewed _areka_, a fruit like a pear, which they cut in
quarters, rolling it up in a leaf called _betel_, resembling a bay-leaf,
alleging that they could not live without this practice. The only
religious rite observed among them, was looking up to heaven, to which
they raised their joined hands, and calling on their god _Abba_.
Magellan caused a banner of the cross, with the crown of thorns and the
nails, to be exposed and publicly reverenced by all his men in the
king's presence; desiring the king to have it erected on the top of a
high mountain in the island, as a token that Christians might expect
good entertainment in that country, and also as a security for the
nation; since, if they prayed to it devoutly, it would infallibly
protect them against lightning and tempests, and other evils. This the
king promised should be done, knowing no better, and glad to be so
easily defended from thunderbolts.
Leaving this island, and conducted by the king's pilots, the Spaniards
came to the isles of _Zeilon, Zubut, Messana,_ and _Caleghan_, of which
_Zubut_ was the best, and enjoyed the best trade. In _Massana_, they
found dogs, cats, hogs, poultry, goats, rice, ginger, cocoa-nuts,
millet, panic, barley, figs, oranges, wax, and plenty of gold. This
island lies in lat. 9° 40' N. and in long. 162° from their first
meridian.[11] After remaining here eight days, they sailed to the N.W.
passing the islands of _Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai_, and _Caleghan_;
in which last islands there are bats as large as eagles, which they
found to eat, when dressed, like poultry. In this island, among various
other birds, there was one kind resembling our hens, but having small
horns, which bury their eggs in the sand, where they are hatched by the
heat of the sun. _Caleghan_ is about twenty miles W. from _Messana_; and
_Zubut_, to which they now directed their course, fifty leagues W. from
_Caleghan_. In this part of the voyage they were accompanied by the king
of _Messana_, whom Magellan had greatly attached to him by many
services.
[Footnote 11: This is 16° of longitude beyond the Ladrones, which are in
216° 30' W. and would consequently give the longitude of Zubut as 232°
30' W. or 107° 30' E. from Greenwich. Yet from what appears afterwards,
they seem to have been now among the Philippine islands, the most
easterly of which are in long. 126° E. from Greenwich.--E.]
They entered the port of _Zubut_ on the 7th April, and on coming near
the city all the great guns were fired, which put the inhabitants into
great consternation. This, however, was soon quieted, by the arrival of
a messenger at the city from the ships, who assured the king of _Zubut_
that this was an ordinary piece of respect to his dignity, whom they had
come to visit on their way to the Moluccas, hearing of his fame from the
king of _Messana_. The messenger also desired that the Spaniards might
be furnished with provisions, in exchange for their commodities. The
king then observed, that it was customary for all ships that came to his
port to pay tribute, which custom he expected they would comply with as
well as others. To this the messenger replied, that the Spanish admiral
was the servant of so powerful a sovereign, that he could make no such
acknowledgment to any prince whatever. That the admiral was willing to
be at peace with him, if he thought proper to accept his friendship: but
if otherwise, he should soon have his fill of war. A certain Moor, who
happened to be present, told the king that these people were certainly
the Portuguese, who had conquered Calicut and Malacca, and advised him
therefore to beware of provoking them to hostilities; whereupon the king
referred the matter to his council, promising to give an answer next
day, and in the meantime sent victuals and wine aboard the ships.
The king of Messana, who was a potent prince, went ashore to confer with
the king of Zubut, who in the end became almost ready to pay tribute
instead of demanding it; but Magellan only asked liberty to trade, which
was readily granted. Magellan persuaded the king and his principal
people to become Christians, which they did after some religious
conferences, and were all afterwards baptised. This example spread over
the whole island, so that in eight days the whole inhabitants became
Christians, except those of one village of idolaters, who absolutely
refused. The Spaniards therefore burnt this village, and erected a cross
on its ruins.[12]
[Footnote 12: This incredible story has been considerably abridged on
the present occasion, and is too absurd to merit any commentary.--E.]
The people of this island deal justly with each other, having the use of
weights and measures. Their houses are of timber, raised high in the air
on posts, so that they ascend to them by ladders. They told us of a
certain sea-fowl in this country, called _Lughan_, about the size of a
crow, which the whales sometimes swallow alive, in consequence of which
their hearts are eaten by this bird; and many whales are killed in this
manner, the bird being afterwards found alive in the carcase of the
whale. The Spaniards drove a most advantageous trade at this place,
receiving from the natives ten pesos of gold, of a ducat and a half
each, in exchange for fourteen pounds of iron; and procured abundance of
provisions for mere trifles.
Not far from Zabut is the isle of _Mathan_, the inhabitants of which go
quite naked, except a slight covering in front, all the males wearing
gold-rings hanging to the preputium. This island was governed by two
kings, one of whom refused to pay tribute to the king of Spain, on which
Magellan determined to reduce him by force of arms. The Indian had an
army of between six and seven thousand men, armed with bows and arrows,
darts and javelins, which Magellan attacked with sixty men, armed with
coats of mail and helmets. The battle was for a long time doubtful, when
at last Magellan advanced too far among the barbarians, by whom he was
at first wounded by a poisoned arrow, and afterwards thrust into the
head by a lance; which at once closed the life and actions of this noble
commander. About eight or nine of the Christians were slain in this
engagement, besides many wounded. After this disaster the Spaniards
ineffectually attempted to redeem the body of their unfortunate admiral;
and the other king, who had embraced the Christian religion without
understanding its tenets, abandoned it upon this reverse of fortune to
the Spaniards, and made peace with his rival, engaging to put all the
Christians to death. With this view, he invited the Spaniards to a
banquet, when he made them all be cruelly murdered, only reserving Don
Juan Serrano alive, in order to procure a supply of artillery and
ammunition for his ransom. With these conditions the Spaniards would
have willingly complied, but found so much prevarication and treachery
in the conduct of the natives, and were so intimidated by the miserable
fate of their companions, that they put to sea, leaving the unfortunate
Serrano to his miserable fate.
SECTION IV.
_Continuation of the Voyage to its Conclusion_.
A little before the death of Magellan, news were received of the
Moluccas, the great object of this voyage. Leaving Mathan, they sailed
for the island of _Bohol_, where they burnt the Conception, one of their
ships, transferring its men, ammunition, and provisions into the other
two. Directing their course from thence to the S.W. they came to the
island of _Paviloghon_, inhabited by negroes. From thence they came to a
large island named _Chippit_, in lat. 8° N. about 50 leagues W. from
Zabut, and about 170° of longitude from their first departure.[13] This
island abounds in rice, ginger, goats, hogs, hens, &c. and the Spaniards
were kindly received by the king, who, in token of peace, marked his
body, face, and the tip of his tongue, with blood which he drew from his
left arm; in which ceremony he was imitated by the Spaniards. Sailing
about 40 leagues from thence between the W. and S.W. or W.S.W. they came
to a very large island, named _Caghaian_, thinly inhabited. The
inhabitants were Mahometans, exiles from Borneo, rich in gold, and using
poisoned arrows; a common practice in most of these islands. Sailing
W.N.W. from this island 25 leagues, they came to _Puloan_, a fruitful
island in lat. 9° 20' N. and 179° 20' of longitude W. from their first
departure.[14] This island yields much the same productions as Chippit,
together with large figs, battatos, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes; and
they make a kind of wine of rice, which is very intoxicating, yet better
than palm-wine. The natives go entirely naked, use poisoned arrows, and
are greatly addicted to cock-fighting.
[Footnote 13: Bohal is one of the Philippine islands, in lat. 10° N. and
long. 123° 50' E. from Greenwich. Paviloghon and Chippit must
accordingly refer to some islands of the same group farther west.--E.]
[Footnote 14: Pulcan, Pulowan, or Paragua, the westermost of the
Philippines, an island of considerable extent, in lat. 10° N. and long.
119° E. from Greenwich. From the direction of the voyage, the great
island of Chaghaian of the text, was probably that now called
Magindano.--E.]
They came next to the great and rich island of Borneo, in lat. 5° 5' N.
the chief city containing not less than 25,000 houses. The king was a
Mahometan of great power, keeping a magnificent court; and was always
attended by a numerous guard. He sent several presents to the Spanish
captains, and made two elephants be led out with rich silk trappings, to
bring the Spanish messengers and presents to his palace. He has ten
secretaries of state, who write every thing concerning his affairs on
the bark of trees. His household is managed by women, who are the
daughters of his principal courtiers. This country affords camphor,
which is the gum of a tree called _Capar_; as also cinnamon, ginger,
myrabolans, oranges, lemons, sugar, cucumbers, melons, and other
fruits, with abundance of beasts and birds, and all other products of
the equinoctial climate. The natives continually chew betel and areka,
and drink arrack.
Leaving Borneo, they went to the island of _Cimbubon_, in, lat. 8° 7'
N.[15] where they remained forty days, caulking and repairing their
ships, and taking in a supply of fresh water. In the woods of this isle
they found a tree, the leaves of which, when they fall to the ground,
move from place to place as if alive. They resemble the leaves of the
mulberry, having certain fibres produced from their sides resembling
legs, and suddenly spring away when touched. Pigafetta, the author of
this relation, kept one of these leaf-animals in a dish for eight
days.[16] This isle produces ostriches, wild hogs, and crocodiles. They
caught here a fish having a head like a sow, with two horns, its body
consisting of one entire bone, and having a substance on its back
resembling a saddle.
[Footnote 15: Perhaps Balambangan, in 8° 20' N.]
[Footnote 16: Harris observes, that this account is quite incredible:
Yet it is certainly true that an insect of this description exists,
though not the leaf of a tree, as erroneously supposed by
Pigafetta.--E.]
From hence they sailed to certain islands named _Salo Taghima_, which
produce fine pearls, and from whence the king of Borneo once procured
two large round pearls, nearly as big as eggs. They came next to a
harbour in the island of _Sarangani_, reported to yield both pearls and
gold. At this place they pressed two pilots to conduct them to the
Moluccas; and passing the islands named _Ceana, Canida, Cabiaia, Camuca,
Cabalu, Chiari, Lipan_, and _Nuza_, they came to a fair isle in lat 3°
20' N. named _Sangir_.[17] Passing five other islands, they at last
espied a cluster of five islands, which they were informed by the pilots
were the Moluccas. This was on the 6th November, 1521, twenty-seven
months after their departure from Spain. Trying the depth of the sea in
the neighbourhood of these islands, they found it no less than fifty-one
fathoms; though the Portuguese report that this sea is too shallow for
being navigated, and is besides rendered extremely dangerous by numerous
rocks and shelves, and by continual darkness; doubtless to deter any
other nation from attempting to go there.
[Footnote 17: Sangir is in lat. 8° 35' N. and long. 125° 25 E. from
Greenwich. The other islands enumerated in the text do not occur in
modern maps.--E.]
They came to anchor in the port of _Tiridore_ [Tidore] on the 8th
November, this being one of the chief of the Molucca islands. Although
a Mahometan, the king of this island was so fond of the Spaniards, that
he invited them to come on shore as into their own country, and to use
the houses as their own, calling them his brethren and children; even
changing the name of his island from Tidore to Castile. These Molucca
islands are five in number, _Ternate, Tidore, Mortir, Makian_, and
_Batchian_. Ternate is the chief of these islands, and its king once
ruled over them all; but at this time Mortir and Makian were
commonwealths, but Batchian was a separate monarchy. The clove-tree is
very tall, and as big about as the body of a man, having large boughs,
with leaves resembling those of the bay-tree, and the bark is of an
olive colour. The cloves grow in large clusters at the extremities of
the boughs; being at first white, but growing red when they come to
maturity, and grow black when dried. While green, the flavour of the
wood, bark, and leaves, is almost as strong as that of the cloves. These
are gathered twice each year, in June and December, and if not taken in
time, become very hard. Every man has his own particular trees, on which
they bestow very little care. They have also in this isle a peculiar
sort of tree, the bark of which, being steeped in water, may be drawn
out in small fibres as fine as silk; of which the women make themselves
a sort of aprons, which are their only cloathing.
Near Tidore is the large island of _Gilolo_, which is divided between
the Mahometans and idolaters. The two Mahometan kings have themselves
contributed liberally to the population of the island; one of them
having 600 children, and the other 650. The pagans are more moderate in
their conduct in this respect than the Mahometans, and are even less
superstitious; yet it is said that they worship, for the rest of the
day, whatever they first see every morning. In this island there grows a
peculiar sort of reed, as big as a man's leg, which is full of limpid
wholesome water. On the 12th November, a public warehouse was opened by
the Spaniards in the town of Tidore, for the sale of their merchandise,
which were exchanged at the following rates. For ten yards of good red
cloth, they had one bahar of cloves, containing four cantars or quintals
and six pounds; the cantar being 100 pounds. For fifteen yards of
inferior cloth, they had one bahar. Likewise a bahar for 35 drinking
glasses, or for 17 _cathyls_ of quicksilver. The islanders also brought
all sorts of provisions daily to the ships, together with excellent
water from certain hot springs in the mountains where the cloves grow.
They here received a singular present for the king of Spain, being two
dead birds about the size of turtle-doves, with small legs and heads
and long bills, having two or three long party-coloured, feathers at
each side, instead of wings, all the rest of their plumage being of a
uniform tawny colour. These birds never fly except when favoured by the
wind. The Mahometans allege that these birds come from Paradise, and
therefore call them the birds of God.
Besides cloves, the Molucca islands produce ginger, rice, sago, goats,
sheep, poultry, popinjays, white and red figs, almonds, pomegranates,
oranges and lemons, and a kind of honey which is produced by a species
of fly less than ants. Likewise sugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, melons, gourds,
and a species of fruit, called _camulical_, which is extremely cold. The
isle of Tidore is in lat. 0° 45' N. and long. 127° 10' E.[18] and about
9° 30' W. from the Ladrones,[19] in a direction nearly S.W. Formerly the
natives of these islands were all heathens, the Moors or Mahometans
having only had footing there for about fifty years before the arrival
of the Spaniards. Ternate is the most northerly of these islands, and
Batchian is almost under the line, being the largest of them all.[20]
[Footnote 18: This is the true position, reckoning the longitude from
Greenwich. In the original the longitude is said to be 170° W. from the
first meridian of the voyagers, being Seville in Spain, which would give
174° E. from Greenwich; no great error, considering the imperfect way in
which the longitude was then reckoned at sea.--E.]
[Footnote 19: This is a gross error, perhaps of the press, as the
difference of longitude is 16° 30'.--E.]
[Footnote 20: The northern end of Batchian is in lat. 0° 28', and its
southern extremity in 0° 40', both south.--E.]
Departing from Tidore, the Spaniards were attended by several kings in
their canoes to the isle of _Mare_,[21] where this royal company took
leave of them with much apparent regret. In this isle they left one of
their ships which was leaky, giving orders to have it repaired, for its
return to Spain. Being now reduced to forty-six Spaniards and thirteen
Indians, they directed their course from Mare towards the S.W. passing
the isles named _Chacotian, Lagoma, Sico, Gioghi, Caphi, Sulacho,
Lumatola, Tenetum, Bura_ [Bouro?] _Arubon_ [perhaps Amboina?] _Budia,
Celaruri, Benaia, Ambalao, Bandon_ [perhaps Banda?] _Zorobua, Zolot,
Moceuamor, Galian_, and _Mullua_, besides many others possessed by
Mahometans, heathens, and canibals. They stopped fifteen days at
_Mallua_ to repair their ship, being in 8° N. lat. and 169° long.
according to their reckoning. This island produces much pepper, both
long and of the ordinary round kind. The tree on which it grows climbs
like ivy, and its leaf resembles that of the mulberry. The natives are
canibals; the men wearing their hair and beards; and their only weapons
are bows and arrows.
[Footnote 21: Marhee Foul, a small isle between Tidore and Motir.--E.]
Leaving _Mallua_ [Moa?] on the 25th January, 1522, they arrived at
_Tima_ [Timor?] five leagues to the S.S.W. This island is in lat. 10° S.
and long. 125° E. where they found ginger, white sanders, various kinds
of fruits, and plenty of gold and provisions of all kinds. The people of
the Moluccas, Java, and _Lozen_ [Luzon, or the principal island of the
Philippines], procure their sanders-wood from hence. The natives are
idolaters, and have the _lues venerea_ among them, which is a common
distemper in all the islands of this great archipelago.
Leaving Timor on the 11th February, they got into the great sea called
_Lantchidol_, steering W.S.W. and leaving the coast of a long string of
islands on the right hand, and taking care not to sail too near the
shore, lest the Portuguese of Malacca should chance to discover them;
wherefore they kept on the outside of Java and Sumatra. That they might
pass the Cape of Good Hope the more securely, they continued their
course W.S.W. till they got into the latitude of 42° S. though so sore
pinched by hunger and sickness, that some were for putting in at
Mosambique for refreshments; but the majority concluded that the
Portuguese would prove bad physicians for their distempers, and
determined therefore to continue the voyage homewards. In this course
they lost twenty-one of their men, and were at length constrained to put
in at the island of St Jago, one of the Cape Verds, to throw themselves
on the mercy of the Portuguese. So, venturing ashore, they opened their
miserable case to the Portuguese, who at first relieved their
necessities; but the next time they went on shore, detained all who came
as prisoners.
Those who still remained in the ship, now reduced to thirteen, having no
mind to join their companions in captivity, made all the haste they
could away, and being favoured by the winds, they arrived in the harbour
of San Lucar, near Seville, on the 7th September, 1522. He who commanded
this vessel, which had the good fortune to return from this remarkable
voyage, was Juan Sebastian Cano, a native of Guetaria in Biscay, a
person of much merit and resolution, who was nobly rewarded by the
emperor Charles V. To perpetuate the memory of this first voyage round
the world, the emperor gave him for his coat of arms the terrestrial
globe, with this motto, _Prima me circumdedisti_. The newly-discovered
straits at the southern extremity of South America, were at first named
the _Straits of Vittori_, after the ship which returned; but they soon
lost that name, to assume another which becomes them much better, in
honour of their discoverer, and have ever since been denominated the
_Straits of Magellan_.
This most celebrated voyage took up three years and twenty-seven days,
having commenced on the 10th August, 1519, and concluded on the 7th
September, 1522. By its success, the skill and penetration of the great
Columbus, who, only twenty-seven years before, had first asserted the
possibility of its performance, were fully established. One circumstance
was discovered in this voyage, which, although reason have taught us to
explain, could hardly have been expected _a priori_. On the return of
the Spaniards to their own country, they found they had lost a day in
their reckoning, owing to the course they had sailed; whereas had they
gone by the east, and returned by the west, they would have gained a day
in their course.
Another circumstance, which served to heighten the reputation of
Magellan, who deserves the sole honour of this voyage, was the
difficulty experienced by other able commanders, who endeavoured to
fellow the course he had pointed out. The first who made the attempt
were two Genoese ships in 1526, but unsuccessfully. In 1528, Cortes, the
conqueror of Mexico, sent two ships with 400 men, to endeavour to find
their way through the straits of Magellan to the Moluccas, but without
effect. Sebastian Cabot tried the same thing, by order of Emanuel king
of Portugal, but was unable to succeed.
CHAPTER II.
VOYAGE BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1577-1580.[22]
* * * * *
SECTION I.
_Introduction, and Preparation for the Voyage_.
In his Annals of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the learned Cambden
informs us, that the father of the celebrated Sir Francis Drake was the
Rev. Edmund Drake, vicar of Upnore on the river Medway, and says he had
this information from Sir Francis himself. Yet the industrious John
Stowe says, that he was the eldest of twelve brethren, the sons of
Edmund Drake, mariner, at Tavistock in Devonshire, and was born in 1540.
Perhaps both accounts may be true; and Mr Edmund Drake, though a mariner
originally, may have had a competent share of learning, and may have
been admitted to orders on the final establishment of the Reformation.
[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, IV. 232. Harris, I. p. 14. Oxford Coll. II. sect.
xvi. Callender's Voy. I. 288. The original account of this voyage was
published at London, in 4to, in 1600, and reprinted in 1618.--E.]
This celebrated naval hero received the Christian name of Francis from
his godfather the earl of Bedford, but does not appear to have derived
any great patronage from that nobleman. He was sent young to sea, as an
apprentice to the master of a small bark, who traded with France and
Zealand; and his master, a bachelor, taking a great affection for him,
left him his bark at his death. At eighteen years of age, he was purser
of a ship on a voyage to the Bay of Biscay, and at twenty made a voyage
to the coast of Guinea. In all these voyages he distinguished himself by
extraordinary courage, and by a sagacity beyond his years. In 1565, his
laudable desire of glory induced him to venture his all in a voyage to
the West Indies, which had no success. In 1567, he served under his
kinsman Sir John Hawkins in the bay of Mexico, but was again
unfortunate, returning from the voyage rich in character and fame, but
with almost ruined circumstances. These disappointments served only to
increase his desire of bettering his fortunes at the expence of the
grand enemy of his country, against whom he made two other voyages into
these parts; the first in 1570 with two ships, the Dragon and Swan and
the second in 1571, in the Swan alone, chiefly for information, that he
might qualify himself for undertaking some enterprize of greater
importance; which he at length carried into execution with great courage
and perseverance.
His character for bravery and seamanship being now established, he soon
found a sufficient number of persons willing to adventure a part of
their fortunes in a privateering voyage which he proposed. He
accordingly sailed from Plymouth on the 24th May, 1572, in the Pasco, a
ship only of seventy tons, having for his consort the Swan of 250 tons,
commanded by his brother John Drake, with seventy-three men and boys,
and provisions for a year. Such were the mighty preparations he had made
for attacking the power of Spain in the West Indies, in which he
considered himself justified, in order to make reprisals for the losses
he had formerly sustained from the Spaniards. In this voyage he
surprised and plundered the famous town of Nombre de Dios; and soon
afterwards had a distant view of the South Sea from the top of a high
tree, which inflamed him with the desire of conducting an English ship
thither, which attempt he had perhaps never thought of but for that
circumstance.
In this expedition he acquired immense riches for his owners, and
considerable wealth for himself; and being of an honourable and generous
disposition, he scorned to avail himself of advantages, which most other
men would have considered as their right. Of this we have the following
remarkable instance. Having presented a cutlass to a captain or caçique
of the free Indians inhabiting the isthmus of Darien, the caçique gave
him in return four large ingots of gold, which he immediately threw into
the common stock, saying, "My owners gave me that cutlass, and it is
just they should receive their share of its produce." His return to
England from this successful expedition was equally fortunate, as he
sailed in twenty-three days from Cape Florida to the Scilly islands.
Arriving at Plymouth on Sunday, the 9th August, 1573, during divine
service, the news of his return was carried to church, on which few
persons remained with the preacher, all the congregation running out to
welcome the adventurous Drake, who had been absent fourteen months and
sixteen days in this voyage.
The wealth he gained in this expedition he generously expended in the
service of his country, equipping no less than three frigates at his own
expence, which he commanded in person, and with which he contributed
materially to the reduction of the rebellion in Ireland, under the
supreme command of the earl of Essex. After the death of that nobleman,
he chose Sir Christopher Hatton for his patron, then vice-chamberlain to
the queen, and afterwards lord high-chancellor of England. By his
interest, not without great opposition, captain Drake obtained a
commission from queen Elizabeth for the voyage of which it is now
proposed to give an account, and which he had long meditated. Being thus
provided with the royal authority, his friends contributed largely
towards the intended expedition, while he applied himself with all
diligence to get every thing in readiness for the important undertaking;
having in view to attack the powerful monarchy of Spain, in its richest
yet most vulnerable possessions on the western coasts of America, with
what would now be considered a trifling squadron of five small barks.
The ships, as they were then called, fitted out for this bold
enterprize, were, the Pelican, afterwards named the Hind, of 100 tons,
admiral-ship of the squadron, under his own immediate command as
captain-general; the Elizabeth, vice-admiral, of 80 tons, commanded by
Captain John Winter, who was lieutenant-general of the expedition; the
Marigold, a bark of 30 tons, Captain John Thomas; the Swan, a fly-boat
of 50 tons, Captain John Chester; and the Christopher, a pinnace of 15
tons, Captain Thomas Moon. These ships were manned with 164 able-bodied
men, including officers, and were provided with an ample supply of
provisions, ammunition and stores, for so long and dangerous a voyage.
Captain Drake likewise provided the frames of four pinnaces, which were
stowed on board in pieces, ready to be set up as occasion might require.
He is also said to have made provision for ornament and delight,
carrying with him a band of musicians, together with rich furniture and
much silverplate, all the vessels for his table, and many of those
belonging to the cook-room, being of that metal. This magnificence is
stated by his biographers, to have been intended as a display for the
honour of his country among foreign nations.