include, as I said before, a sterling author like Gerhart Hauptmann.
They do not know German, are incapable of even observing life, still
more of understanding it; they know nothing, learn nothing, and
experience nothing whatsoever; have nothing to say, have neither a true
sentiment nor a personal thought to express, yet never cease writing;
and their scribbling, in the eyes of a great number, passes as the
sole German literature of the present and future. They plagiarize
the stalest of foreign fashions, and call themselves innovators and
original geniuses. They append on the signboard before their shops,
‘At the Sign of Modernity,’ and nothing is to be found in them but the
discarded breeches of bygone poetasters. If the few lines in which
they mutter about the obscure Socialistic ‘studies’ and ‘works’ of the
hero be excluded from all they have published up to the present time,
there will remain a miserable balderdash, without colour, taste, or
connection with time and space, and which a tolerably conscientious
editor of a newspaper even half a century ago would have thrown into
the waste-paper basket as altogether too musty. They know that very
well, and to be beforehand with those who would reproach them with
their charlatanism, they audaciously attribute it to those respectable
authors whom they cover with their slaver. Thus, Hans Merian dares to
say: ‘Spielhagen makes it appear as though he had drawn the fundamental
ideas and conflicts in his novels from the great questions which are
stirring the present time. But closely examined, all this magnificence
evaporates into a vain phantasmagoria.’ And: ‘To the fabricators of
novels _à la_ Paul Lindau, recently dealing with realism, we address
the reproach of false realism.’[469] And this same Hans Merian finds
that the realism of Max Kretzer and of Karl Bleibtreu is genuine,
and that their Parisian cocotte-stories, transported contraband into
Berlin, and their adventures of mythical waitresses, are ‘drawn from
the great questions of the day’! Is not this the practice of thieves
who scamper away at full speed before a policeman, shouting as they
run louder than anyone else, ‘Stop thief!’ The movement of the Young
German is an incomparable example in literature of that tendency to
form cliques which I described in the first volume of this work. It
began by a foundation in due form. A man arrogated to himself the
rank of captain, and enrolled armed companions in order to repair
with them into the Bohemian forests. The purpose was the same as that
of every other band of criminals--the ‘Maffia,’ the ‘Mala Vita,’ the
‘Mano negra,’ etc., viz., that of living well without working, by
plundering the rich, by blackmailing the poor, by favouring acts of
vengeance by the members on persons whom they envy, hate, or fear, by
satisfying with impunity the leaning to license and crime, kept down
by custom and law. Like the ‘Mala Vita’ and analogous associations,
this band palliates its acts and deeds by stock phrases intended to
secure the favour, or at least the indulgence, of the crowd, incapable
of judgment and easy to move. Brigands always profess that they are
guided by the desire to repair, to the utmost of their power, the
injustice of fate, by relieving the rich of their superfluities, and
by then alleviating the misery of the poor. Thus, this band asserts
that it defends the cause of truth, liberty, and progress, with the
indecent love adventures of tavern-maidservants and prostitutes!
Membership is acquired by formal admission after predetermined tests
have been undergone. He must first publicly bespatter a well-known
and meritorious author with mud. With the predominance of low and bad
emotions in members of the band, they experience more gratification in
maligning a man they envy than in being praised themselves. Next, the
candidate must worship as geniuses one or more members of the band,
and finally give proof, in verse or prose, that he also is able to
express, in the language of a _souteneur_, the ideas of a convict, and
the sensations of a noisome beast. Having undergone these three ordeals
with success, he is received into the band and declared a genius. Just
as the bands of brigands have their haunts, their receivers of stolen
goods, and their secret or affiliated allies among the tradespeople, so
this band possesses its own newspaper, its appointed editors (who, at
first at least, accepted everything from it), and secret understandings
with the critics of respectable papers. Its influence extends even to
foreign countries--a phenomenon frequently observed in the formation of
bands, and expressly confirmed by Lombroso. ‘The Mattoids,’ he says,
‘as opposed to geniuses and fools, are linked together by a sympathy
of interests and hatred; they form a kind of freemasonry so much the
more powerful that it is less regular. It is founded on the need of
resistance to ridicule which is common to all, and inexorably pursues
them everywhere on the necessity of uprooting, or at least combating,
the natural antithesis, which, for them, is the man of genius;
and, in spite of their hating each other, they stand firmly by one
another.’[470]
He who from a height surveys a horizon of a certain extent can easily
observe the labour of the apostles of this international freemasonry.
M. Téodar de Wyzewa, already mentioned, who introduced to the French
the insane Nietzsche as the most remarkable author that Germany has
produced in the second half of this century, speaks in _La Revue bleue_
and in _Le Figaro_ of Conrad Alberti as the ‘poet’ who will dominate
German literature in the twentieth century. The ‘new reviews’ of the
Symbolists and Instrumentists, _La Revue blanche_, _La Plume_, etc.,
translate the ‘Erlebte Gedichte’ of O. J. Bierbaum. On the other
hand, O. E. Hartleben offers the German public the so-called ‘poetry’
of the Belgian Symbolist, Albert Giraud, _Pierrot lunaire_, and H.
Bahr mutters with transport over the Parisian mystics. Ola Hansson is
enthusiastic before German readers over the realists of the North, and
carries into Sweden the good news of Young-German realism, etc.
The actions of the band have not done much good to itself, but they
have caused serious injuries to German literature. It has necessarily
exerted a baneful attraction over the young who have come to the
front in the last seven or eight years. If we consider the enormous
difficulties to which a beginner is exposed, who without protection or
influence, depending wholly on himself, enters into the _Via Crucis_
leading to literary success, we shall find it quite comprehensible that
the tyros should be eager to join themselves to a society possessing
a powerful organization, its own periodicals and publishers, as well
as a definite public, and always ready to take the part of its members
with the unscrupulousness and pugnacity of cut-throats. As members
of the band, they are freed from all the difficulties of beginners.
The most vigorous talents alone--such, for example, as Hermann
Sudermann--disdained to lighten their struggles with the help of such
allies. The others willingly allowed themselves to be affiliated.
The result was, on the one hand, that wholly incompetent lads were
drawn into the profession of authors, who would never have come before
the public if they had not had special depôts to which they could
cart all their rubbish; and, on the other hand, that of procuring for
others, who were perhaps not wholly devoid of talent, periodicals and
publishers for their childish effusions, the appearance of which in
print would have been inconceivable before the formation of the band.
Some threw themselves into the literary profession at an age when
they should have been studying for a long time to come, and thereby
remained ignorant, immature, and superficial; others acquired slipshod
and slovenly habits into which they would never have fallen if, in
the absence of the conveniences which the organization of the band
offered them, they had been obliged to submit to some discipline, and
develop their capacities with care. The existence of this literary
‘Maffia’ assisted the plagiarists against independent minds, the common
herd against the solitary, the scribbler against the artist, and
the obscene against the refined, so powerfully that competition was
almost out of the question. The luxuriant growth of silly, boyish, and
crude book-making is the result of this fostering of incapacity and
immaturity, and this premium granted to vulgarity. I will demonstrate
in one instance only the disastrous effect of the band. The case of
the Darmstadt Gymnasium (public school) boy may be remembered, who
wrote under the pseudonym of Hans G. Ludwigs, and committed suicide in
1892 at the age of seventeen. For two years he had offered incense to
the realist ‘geniuses,’ and published idiotic novels in the official
periodicals of Young Germany, and he committed suicide because, as he
wrote, ‘this cursed boxed-in life,’ _i.e._, the obligation to learn
and work regularly in class, ‘broke down his strength.’ A good many
gymnasium boys write trumpery things and send them to the papers; but
as these are not printed, they gradually recover their reason. Their
heads do not get turned, and they do not come to imagine that they are
much too good to do their lessons, and diligently prepare for their
examinations. Ludwigs would perhaps have been cured of his folly; he
might have lived till the present day, and become a useful man, if the
criminal realist periodicals had not printed his twaddle, and thus
diverted him from his studies, and intensified his unwholesome boyish
vanity into megalomania.
That this invasion by main force, this revolt of slaves into
literature, to use Nietzsche’s expression, was to a certain extent
successful, can be accounted for by the state of Germany. Its
literature after 1870 had, in fact, become stagnant. It could not be
otherwise. The German people had been obliged to exert their whole
strength to conquer their unity in terrible wars. Now, it is not
possible simultaneously to make history on a great scale and lead a
nourishing artistic life; it must be one or the other. In the France
of Napoleon I. the most celebrated authors were Delille, Esménard,
Parseval de Grandmaison, and Fontanes. The Germany of William I., of
Moltke and Bismarck, could not produce a Goethe or a Schiller. This can
be explained without any mysticism. From the mighty events of which
they are witnesses and collaborators the nation obtains a standard of
comparison, by the side of which all works of art shrink together, and
poets and artists, especially those most gifted and conscientious,
feel depressed and discouraged, often even paralyzed, by the double
perception that their compatriots only peruse their works distractedly
and superficially, and that their creations absolutely cannot attain
to the grandeur of the historical events passing before their eyes.
In this critical period of transient mental collapse the Young-German
band made its appearance, and profited greatly by what even honest
and sensible people were obliged to acknowledge as well-founded
attacks--even while they condemned the form of them--on many of the
then reigning literary senators.
But another and weightier ground is the anarchy which reigns at present
in German literature. Our republic of letters is neither governed nor
defended. It has neither authorities nor police, and that is the reason
a small but determined band of evildoers can make a great stir at their
pleasure. Our masters do not concern themselves about their posterity
as used to be the case. They have no sense of the duty which success
and glory impose upon them. Let me not be misunderstood. Nothing
is further from my thoughts than the wish to transform literature
into a closed corporation, and to require the new arrivals to become
apprentices and journeymen (although, in fact, every new generation
unconsciously forms itself on the works of its intellectual ancestors).
But they have not the right to be indifferent to what will come after
them. They are the intellectual leaders of the people. They have their
ear. On them is the task incumbent of facilitating the first steps of
the beginner, and presenting them to the public. By this much would be
obtained--continuity of development, formation of a literary tradition,
respect and gratitude for predecessors, severe and early suppression of
individuals of absolutely unjustifiable pretensions, economy of power,
which in these days a young author must fritter away in order to come
out of his shell. But our literary chiefs have no understanding for
all this. Each one thinks only of himself, and is furiously jealous
of his colleagues and his followers. Not one of them says that in the
intellectual concert of a great people there is room enough for dozens
of different artists, each one of whom plays his own instrument. Not
one takes into consideration that after him new talent will be born,
that this is a fact he cannot prevent, and that he is preparing for
himself a better old age by levelling the paths, instead of viciously
trying to close them to those who, whatever he may do, will still be
his successors in public favour. Who amongst us has ever received
a word of encouragement from one of our literary grandees? To whom
amongst us have they testified their interest and benevolence? Not one
of us owes them anything whatsoever; not one feels obliged to be just
towards them, nor to make himself their champion; and when the band
fell upon them like a lot of brigands, to drive them off with blows,
and put themselves in their place, not a hand was raised to defend
them, and they were cruelly punished for having lived and acted in
isolation and secret mutual hostility, sternly repulsing the young, and
indifferent to the tastes of the people whenever their own works were
not in question.
And as we have no Council of Ancients, so we lack also all critical
police. The reviewer may praise the most wretched production, kill by
silence or drag through the mire the highest masterpiece, state as the
contents of a book things of which there is not the slightest mention,
and no one calls him to account, no one stigmatizes his ineptitude,
his effrontery, or his falsehood. Thus a public that is neither led
nor counselled by its ancients, nor protected by its critical police,
becomes the predestined prey of all charlatans and impostors.
BOOK V.
_THE TWENTIETH CENTURY._
CHAPTER I.
PROGNOSIS.
OUR long and sorrowful wandering through the hospital--for as such
we have recognised, if not all civilized humanity, at all events the
upper stratum of the population of large towns to be--is ended. We
have observed the various embodiments which degeneration and hysteria
have assumed in the art, poetry, and philosophy of our times. We have
seen the mental disorder affecting modern society manifesting itself
chiefly in the following forms: Mysticism, which is the expression of
the inaptitude for attention, for clear thought and control of the
emotions, and has for its cause the weakness of the higher cerebral
centres; Ego-mania, which is an effect of faulty transmission by
the sensory nerves, of obtuseness in the centres of perception,
of aberration of instincts from a craving for sufficiently strong
impressions, and of the great predominance of organic sensations over
representative consciousness; and false Realism, which proceeds from
confused æsthetic theories, and characterizes itself by pessimism and
the irresistible tendency to licentious ideas, and the most vulgar and
unclean modes of expression. In all three tendencies we detect the
same ultimate elements, viz., a brain incapable of normal working,
thence feebleness of will, inattention, predominance of emotion,
lack of knowledge, absence of sympathy or interest in the world and
humanity, atrophy of the notion of duty and morality. From a clinical
point of view somewhat unlike each other, these pathological pictures
are nevertheless only different manifestations of a single and unique
fundamental condition, to wit, exhaustion, and they must be ranked
by the alienist in the genus melancholia, which is the psychiatrical
symptom of an exhausted central nervous system.
Superficial or unfair critics have foisted on me the assertion
that degeneration and hysteria are the products of the present age.
The attentive and candid reader will bear witness that I have never
circulated such an absurdity. Hysteria and degeneration have always
existed; but they formerly showed themselves sporadically, and had no
importance in the life of the whole community. It was only the vast
fatigue which was experienced by the generation on which the multitude
of discoveries and innovations burst abruptly, imposing upon it organic
exigencies greatly surpassing its strength, which created favourable
conditions under which these maladies could gain ground enormously, and
become a danger to civilization. Certain micro-organisms engendering
mortal diseases have always been present also--for example, the
bacillus of cholera; but they only cause epidemics when circumstances
arise intensely favourable for their rapid increase. In the same way
the body constantly harbours parasites which only injure it when
another bacillus has invaded and devastated it. For example, we are
always inhabited by staphylococcus and streptococcus, but the influenza
bacillus must first appear for them to swarm and produce mortal
suppurations. Thus, the vermin of plagiarists in art and literature
becomes dangerous only when the insane, who follow their own original
paths, have previously poisoned the _Zeitgeist_, weakened by fatigue,
and rendered it incapable of resistance.
We stand now in the midst of a severe mental epidemic; of a sort of
black death of degeneration and hysteria, and it is natural that we
should ask anxiously on all sides: ‘What is to come next?’
This question of eventuality presents itself to the physician in
every serious case, and however delicate and rash, above all,
however little scientific any prediction may be, he cannot evade the
necessity of establishing a prognosis. For that matter, this is not
purely arbitrary, not a blind leap into the dark; the most attentive
observation of all the symptoms, assisted by experience, permits a
generally just conclusion on the ulterior evolution of the evil.
It is possible that the disease may not have yet attained its
culminating point. If it should become more violent, gain yet more
in breadth and depth, then certain phenomena which are perceived as
exceptions or in an embryo condition would henceforth increase to a
formidable extent and develop consistently; others, which at present
are only observed among the inmates of lunatic asylums, would pass into
the daily habitual condition of whole classes of the population. Life
would then present somewhat the following picture:
Every city possesses its club of suicides. By the side of this exist
clubs for mutual assassination by strangulation, hanging, or stabbing.
In the place of the present taverns houses would be found devoted to
the service of consumers of ether, chloral, naphtha, and hashish. The
number of persons suffering from aberrations of taste and smell has
become so considerable that it is a lucrative trade to open shops for
them where they can swallow in rich vessels all sorts of dirt, and
breathe amidst surroundings which do not offend their sense of beauty
nor their habits of comfort the odour of decay and filth. A number of
new professions are being formed--that of injectors of morphia and
cocaine; of commissioners who, posted at the corners of the streets,
offer their arms to persons attacked by agoraphobia, in order to
enable them to cross the roads and squares; of companies of men who by
vigorous affirmations are charged to tranquillize persons afflicted
with the mania of doubt when taken by a fit of nervousness, etc.
The increase of nervous irritability, far beyond the present standard,
has made it necessary to institute certain measures of protection.
After it has frequently come to pass that overexcited persons, being
unable to resist a sudden impulsion, have killed from their windows
with air-guns, or have even openly attacked, the street boys who have
uttered shrill whistles or piercingly sharp screams without rhyme or
reason; that they have forced their way into strange houses where
beginners are practising the piano or singing, and there committed
murder; that they have made attempts with dynamite against tramways
where the conductor rings a bell (as in Berlin) or whistles--it has
been forbidden by law to whistle and bawl in the street; special
buildings, managed in such a way that no sound penetrates to the
outside, have been established for the practice of the piano and
singing exercises; public conveyances have no right to make a noise,
and the severest penalty is at the same time attached to the possession
of air-guns. The barking of dogs having driven many people in the
neighbourhood to madness and suicide, these animals cannot be kept in a
town until after they have been made mute by severing the ‘recurrent’
nerve. A new legislation on subjects connected with the press forbids
journalists, under severe penalties, to give detailed accounts of
violence, or suicides under peculiar circumstances. Editors are
responsible for all punishable actions committed in imitation of their
reports.
Sexual psychopathy of every nature has become so general and so
imperious that manners and laws have adapted themselves accordingly.
They appear already in the fashions. Masochists or passivists, who form
the majority of men, clothe themselves in a costume which recalls, by
colour and cut, feminine apparel. Women who wish to please men of this
kind wear men’s dress, an eye-glass, boots with spurs and riding-whip,
and only show themselves in the street with a large cigar in their
mouths. The demand of persons with the ‘contrary’ sexual sentiment that
persons of the same sex can conclude a legal marriage has obtained
satisfaction, seeing they have been numerous enough to elect a majority
of deputies having the same tendency.[471] Sadists, ‘bestials,’
nosophiles, and necrophiles, etc., find legal opportunities to gratify
their inclinations. Modesty and restraint are dead superstitions of the
past, and appear only as atavism and among the inhabitants of remote
villages. The lust of murder is confronted as a disease, and treated by
surgical intervention, etc.
The capacity for attention and contemplation has diminished so greatly
that instruction at school is at most but two hours a day, and no
public amusements, such as theatres, concerts, lectures, etc., last
more than half an hour. For that matter, in the curriculum of studies,
mental education is almost wholly suppressed, and by far the greater
part of the time is reserved for bodily exercises; on the stage only
representations of unveiled eroticism and bloody homicides, and to
this, flock voluntary victims from all the parts, who aspire to the
voluptuousness of dying amid the plaudits of delirious spectators.
The old religions have not many adherents. On the other hand, there are
a great number of spiritualist communities who, instead of priests,
maintain soothsayers, evokers of the dead, sorcerers, astrologers, and
chiromancers, etc.
Books such as those of the present day have not been in fashion for
a very long time. Printing is now only on black, blue, or golden
paper; on another colour are single incoherent words, often nothing
but syllables, nay, even letters or numbers only, but which have a
symbolical significance which is meant to be guessed by the colour and
print of the paper and form of the book, the size and nature of the
characters. Authors soliciting popularity make comprehension easy by
adding to the text symbolical arabesques, and impregnating the paper
with a definite perfume. But this is considered vulgar by the refined
and connoisseurs, and is but little esteemed. Some poets who publish no
more than isolated letters of the alphabet, or whose works are coloured
pages on which is absolutely nothing, elicit the greatest admiration.
There are societies whose object it is to interpret them, and their
enthusiasm is so fanatical that they frequently have fights against
each other ending in murder.
It would be easy to augment this picture still further, no feature of
which is invented, every detail being borrowed from special literature
on criminal law and psychiatria, and observations of the peculiarities
of neurasthenics, hysterics, and mattoids. This will be, in the near
future, the condition of civilized humanity, if fatigue, nervous
exhaustion, and the diseases and degeneration conditioned by them, make
much greater progress.
Will it come to this? Well, no; I think not. And this, for a reason
which scarcely perhaps permits of an objection: because humanity has
not yet reached the term of its evolution; because the over-exertion
of two or three generations cannot yet have exhausted all its vital
powers. Humanity is not senile. It is still young, and a moment of
over-exertion is not fatal for youth; it can recover itself. Humanity
resembles a vast torrent of lava, which rushes, broad and deep, from
the crater of a volcano in constant activity. The outer crust cracks
into cold, vitrified scoriæ, but under this dead shell the mass flows,
rapidly and evenly, in living incandescence.
As long as the vital powers of an individual, as of a race, are not
wholly consumed, the organism makes efforts actively or passively
to adapt itself, by seeking to modify injurious conditions, or by
adjusting itself in some way so that conditions impossible to modify
should be as little noxious as possible. Degenerates, hysterics, and
neurasthenics are not capable of adaptation. Therefore they are fated
to disappear. That which inexorably destroys them is that they do not
know how to come to terms with reality. They are lost, whether they are
alone in the world, or whether there are people with them who are still
sane, or more sane than they, or at least curable.
They are lost if they are alone: for anti-social, inattentive, without
judgment or prevision, they are capable of no useful individual effort,
and still less of a common labour which demands obedience, discipline,
and the regular performance of duty. They fritter away their life in
solitary, unprofitable, æsthetic debauch, and all that their organs,
which are in full regression, are still good for is enervating
enjoyment. Like bats in old towers, they are niched in the proud
monument of civilization, which they have found ready-made, but they
themselves can construct nothing more, nor prevent any deterioration.
They live, like parasites, on labour which past generations have
accumulated for them; and when the heritage is once consumed, they are
condemned to die of hunger.
But they are still more surely and rapidly lost if, instead of being
alone in the world, healthy beings yet live at their side. For in that
case they have to fight in the struggle for existence, and there is no
leisure for them to perish in a slow decay by their own incapacity
for work. The normal man, with his clear mind, logical thought, sound
judgment, and strong will, sees, where the degenerate only gropes;
he plans and acts where the latter dozes and dreams; he drives him
without effort from all the places where the life-springs of Nature
bubble up, and, in possession of all the good things of this earth, he
leaves to the impotent degenerate at most the shelter of the hospital,
lunatic asylum, and prison, in contemptuous pity. Let us imagine the
drivelling Zoroaster of Nietzsche, with his cardboard lions, eagles,
and serpents, from a toyshop, or the noctambulist Des Esseintes of
the Decadents, sniffing and licking his lips, or Ibsen’s “solitary
powerful” Stockmann, and his Rosmer lusting for suicide--let us imagine
these beings in competition with men who rise early, and are not weary
before sunset, who have clear heads, solid stomachs and hard muscles:
the comparison will provoke our laughter.
Degenerates must succumb, therefore. They can neither adapt themselves
to the conditions of Nature and civilization, nor maintain themselves
in the struggle for existence against the healthy. But the latter--and
the vast masses of the people still include unnumbered millions of
them--will rapidly and easily adapt themselves to the conditions
which new inventions have created in humanity. Those who, by marked
deficiency of organization, are unable to do so, among the generation
taken unawares by these inventions, fall out of the ranks; they become
hysterical and neurasthenical, engender degenerates, and in these end
their race;[472] but the more vigorous, although they at first also
have become bewildered and fatigued, recover themselves little by
little, their descendants accustom themselves to the rapid progress
which humanity must make, and soon their slow respiration and their
quieter pulsations of the heart will prove that it no longer costs them
any effort to keep pace and keep up with the others. The end of the
twentieth century, therefore, will probably see a generation to whom it
will not be injurious to read a dozen square yards of newspapers daily,
to be constantly called to the telephone, to be thinking simultaneously
of the five continents of the world, to live half their time in a
railway carriage or in a flying machine, and to satisfy the demands
of a circle of ten thousand acquaintances, associates, and friends.
It will know how to find its ease in the midst of a city inhabited
by millions, and will be able, with nerves of gigantic vigour, to
respond without haste or agitation to the almost innumerable claims of
existence.
If, however, the new civilization should decidedly outstrip the powers
of humanity, if even the most robust of the species should not in the
long-run grow up to it, then ulterior generations will settle with
it in another way. They will simply give it up. For humanity has a
sure means of defence against innovations which impose a destructive
effort on its nervous system, namely, ‘misoneism,’ that instinctive,
invincible aversion to progress and its difficulties that Lombroso has
studied so much, and to which he has given this name.[473] Misoneism
protects man from changes of which the suddenness or the extent would
be baneful to him. But it does not only appear as resistance to the
acceptation of the new; it has another aspect, to wit, the abandonment
and gradual elimination of inventions imposing claims too hard on man.
We see savage races who die out when the power of the white man makes
it impossible for them to shut out civilization; but we see also some
who hasten with joy to tear off and throw away the stiff collar imposed
by civilization, as soon as constraint is removed. I need only recall
the anecdote, related in detail by Darwin, of the Fuegian Jemmy Button,
who, taken as a child to England and brought up in that country,
returned to his own land in the patent-leather shoes and gloves and
what not of fashionable attire, but who, when scarcely landed, threw
off the spell of all this foreign lumber for which he was not ripe,
and became again a savage among savages.[474] During the period of the
great migrations, the barbarians constructed block-houses in the shadow
of the marble palaces of the Romans they had conquered, and preserved
of Roman institutions, inventions, arts and sciences, only those
which were easy and pleasant to bear. Humanity has, to-day as much
as ever, the tendency to reject all that it cannot digest. If future
generations come to find that the march of progress is too rapid for
them, they will after a time composedly give it up. They will saunter
along at their own pace or stop as they choose. They will suppress the
distribution of letters, allow railways to disappear, banish telephones
from dwelling-houses, preserving them only, perhaps, for the service
of the State, will prefer weekly papers to daily journals, will quit
cities to return to the country, will slacken the changes of fashion,
will simplify the occupations of the day and year, and will grant the
nerves some rest again. Thus, adaptation will be effected in any case,
either by the increase of nervous power or by the renunciation of
acquisitions which exact too much from the nervous system.
As to the future of art and literature, with which these inquiries are
chiefly concerned, that can be predicted with tolerable clearness. I
resist the temptation of looking into too remote a future. Otherwise
I should perhaps prove, or at least show as very probable, that in
the mental life of centuries far ahead of us art and poetry will
occupy but a very insignificant place. Psychology teaches us that the
course of development is from instinct to knowledge, from emotion to
judgment, from rambling to regulated association of ideas. Attention
replaces fugitive ideation; will, guided by reason, replaces caprice.
Observation, then, triumphs ever more and more over imagination and
artistic symbolism--_i.e._, the introduction of erroneous personal
interpretations of the universe is more and more driven back by an
understanding of the laws of Nature. On the other hand, the march
followed hitherto by civilization gives us an idea of the fate which
may be reserved for art and poetry in a very distant future. That which
originally was the most important occupation of men of full mental
development, of the maturest, best, and wisest members of society,
becomes little by little a subordinate pastime, and finally a child’s
amusement. Dancing was formerly an extremely important affair. It was
performed on certain grand occasions, as a State function of the first
order, with solemn ceremonies, after sacrifices and invocations to
the gods, by the leading warriors of the tribe. To-day it is no more
than a fleeting pastime for women and youths, and later on its last
atavistic survival will be the dancing of children. The fable and the
fairy-tale were once the highest productions of the human mind. In them
the most hidden wisdom of the tribe and its most precious traditions
were expressed. To-day they represent a species of literature only
cultivated for the nursery. The verse which by rhythm, figurative
expression, and rhyme trebly betrays its origin in the stimulations
of rhythmically functioning subordinate organs, in association of
ideas working according to external similitudes, and in that working
according to consonance, was originally the only form of literature.
To-day it is only employed for purely emotional portrayal; for all
other purposes it has been conquered by prose, and, indeed, has almost
passed into the condition of an atavistic language. Under our very eyes
the novel is being increasingly degraded, serious and highly cultivated
men scarcely deeming it worthy of attention, and it appeals more and
more exclusively to the young and to women. From all these examples,
it is fair to conclude that after some centuries art and poetry will
have become pure atavisms, and will no longer be cultivated except by
the most emotional portion of humanity--by women, by the young, perhaps
even by children.
But, as I have said, I merely venture on these passing hints as to
their yet remote destinies, and will confine myself to the immediate
future, which is far more certain.
In all countries æsthetic theorists and critics repeat the phrase that
the forms hitherto employed by art are henceforth effete and useless,
and that it is preparing something perfectly new, absolutely different
from all that is yet known. Richard Wagner first spoke of ‘the art-work
of the future,’ and hundreds of incapable imitators lisp the term after
him. Some among them go so far as to try to impose upon themselves and
the world that some inexpressive banality, or some pretentious inanity
which they have patched up, is this art-work of the future. But all
these talks about sunrise, the dawn, new land, etc., are only the
twaddle of degenerates incapable of thought. The idea that to-morrow
morning at half-past seven o’clock a monstrous, unsuspected event will
suddenly take place; that on Thursday next a complete revolution will
be accomplished at a single blow, that a revelation, a redemption, the
advent of a new age, is imminent--this is frequently observed among
the insane; it is a mystic delirium. Reality knows not these sudden
changes. Even the great revolution in France, although it was directly
the work of a few ill-regulated minds like Marat and Robespierre, did
not penetrate far into the depths, as has been shown by H. Taine and
proved by the ulterior progress of history; it changed the outer more
than the inner relations of the French social organism. All development
is carried on slowly; the day after is the continuation of the day
before; every new phenomenon is the outcome of a more ancient one,
and preserves a family resemblance to it. ‘One would say,’ observes
Renan with quiet irony, ‘that the young have neither read the history
of philosophy nor Ecclesiastes: “the thing that hath been, it is
that which shall be.”’[475] The art and poetry of to-morrow, in all
essential points, will be the art and poetry of to-day and yesterday,
and the spasmodic seeking for new forms is nothing more than hysterical
vanity, the freaks of strolling players and charlatanism. Its sole
result has hitherto been childish declamation, with coloured lights and
changing perfumes as accompaniments, and atavistic games of shadows and
pantomimes, nor will it produce anything more serious in the future.
New forms! Are not the ancient forms flexible and ductile enough to
lend expression to every sentiment and every thought? Has a true poet
ever found any difficulty in pouring into known and standard forms
that which surged within him, and demanded an issue? Has form, for
that matter, the dividing, predetermining, and delimitating importance
which dreamers and simpletons attribute to it? The forms of lyric
poetry extend from the birthday-rhyming of the ‘popular poet of the
occasion,’ who works to order and publishes his address in the paper,
to Schiller’s _Lay of the Bell_; dramatic form includes at the same
time the _Geschundener Raub-ritter_ (The Highwayman Fleeced), acted
some time ago at Berlin, and Goethe’s _Faust_; the epic form embraces
Kortum’s _Jobsiade_ and Dante’s _Divina Commedia_, Heinz Tovote’s
_Im Liebesrauche_ and Thackeray’s _Vanity Fair_. And yet there are
bleatings for ‘new forms’? If such there be, they will give no talent
to the incapable, and those who have talent know how to create
something even within the limits of old forms. The most important thing
is the having something to say. Whether it be said under a lyric,
dramatic, or epic form is of no essential consequence, and the author
will not easily feel the necessity of leaving these forms in order to
invent some dazzling novelty in which to clothe his ideas. The history
of art and poetry teaches us, moreover, that new forms have not been
found for three thousand years. The old ones have been given by the
nature of human thought itself. They would only be able to change if
the form of our thought itself became changed. There is, of course,
evolution, but it only affects externals, not our inmost being. The
painter, for example, discovers the picture on the easel after the
picture on the wall; sculpture, after the free figure, discovers high
relief, and still later low relief, which already intrenches in a
way not free from objection on the domain of the painter; the drama
renounces its supernatural character, and learns to unfold itself in
a more compact and condensed exposition; the epos abandons rhythmic
language, and makes use of prose, etc. In these questions of detail
evolution will continue to operate, but there will be no modification
in the fundamental lines of the different modes of expression for human
emotion.
All amplifications of given artistic frames have hitherto consisted in
the introduction of new subjects and figures, not in the invention of
new forms. It was an advance when, instead of the gods and heroes which
till that time alone had peopled the epic poem, Petronius introduced
into narrative poetry (_The Banquet of Trimalchio_) the characters of
contemporary Roman life, or when the Netherlanders of the seventeenth
century discovered for painting--which knew of naught save religious
and mythological events, or great proceedings of state--the world of
fairs, popular festivals, and rustic taverns. Quevedo and Mendoza,
who represent the beggars in the ‘Picaresque’ novel--the model of the
German Grimmelshausen writings--Richardson, Fielding, J. J. Rousseau,
who take as the subject of their novels, instead of extraordinary
adventures, the reflections and emotions of ordinary average beings;
Diderot, who in _Le Fils naturel_ and _Le Père de Famille_ places
his townspeople on the arrogant French stage, which till then had
only known insignificant people as figuring in comedies and farces,
but in serious drama, kings and great lords alone--all these authors
invented, it is true, no new forms, but gave to old forms a different
content from that of tradition. We observe also an advance of this
kind in the poetry and art of our own day. They have given to the
proletariat the rights of citizenship in art and literature. They
show the labourer, not as a coarse or ridiculous figure, not with
the object of producing a comic or coarse effect, but as a serious,
frequently tragic being, worthy of our sympathy. Art is hereby enriched
in the same way as it once was by the introduction of rascals and
adventurers, of a Clarissa, a Tom Jones, a Julie (_Nouvelle Héloïse_),
a Werther, a Constance (_Le Fils naturel_), etc., into the circle of
its representations. Nevertheless, when many people in bewilderment
exclaim hereupon, ‘The art of to-morrow will be socialistic!’ they
utter unfathomable nonsense. Socialism is a conception of the laws
which ought to determine the production and distribution of property.
With this, art has nothing to do. Art cannot take any side in politics,
nor is it its business to find and propose solutions to economic
questions. Its task is to represent the eternally human causes of the
socialist movement, the suffering of the poor, their yearning after
happiness, their struggle against hostile forces in Nature and in
the social mechanism, and their mighty elevation from the abyss into
a higher mental and moral atmosphere. When art fulfils this task,
when it shows the proletariat how it lives and suffers, how it feels
and aspires, it awakens in us an emotion which becomes the mother of
projects for alteration, transformation, and reform. It is in exciting
such fruitful emotions, and by them the desire to heal the hurt, that
art co-operates with progress, and not by socialist declamations, and
perhaps still less by executing pictures of the state and the society
of the future. Bellamy’s patchwork, _Looking Backward_, is outside art,
and the twentieth century will surely not favour books of this quality.
The glorification of the proletariat by a Karl Henckell, who practises
with regard to the fourth estate a more shocking Byzantinism than
was ever displayed by a tail-wagging courtier to a king, is entirely
incapable of awakening interest and sympathy for the working man.
Neither is true and useful emotion to be expected either by such false
nonsense as, for example, Ludwig Fulda’s _Verlorene Paradies_,[476] or
Ernst von Wildenbruch’s _Haubenlerche_.[477] A brave woman like Minna
Wettstein-Adelt,[478] who obtains employment as a daily workwoman in a
factory, and simply relates what she experienced there; a plucky man
of sound sense and a warm heart like Gœhre, who depicts the life of a
factory-hand according to his own experience;[479] a Gerhart Hauptmann,
too, with his closely-observed details in _Die Weber_, do more for the
proletariat than all the Emile Zolas, with their empty theorizing in
_Germinal_ and _L’Argent_, than all the William Morrises, with their
high-flown rhymings on the noble workman, who becomes under their
pen a caricature of the ‘noble savage’ so much laughed at in the old
novel-writers on the primeval forests, and yet more still than all the
scribblers who strew their pottage with socialist phrases by way of
‘modern’ seasoning. Mrs. Beecher-Stowe’s _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_ did not
preach against slavery, nor risk projects in favour of its suppression.
But this book has drawn tears from millions of readers, and caused
negro slavery to be felt as a disgrace to America, and thus contributed
essentially to its abolition. Art and poetry can do for the proletariat
what Mrs. Beecher-Stowe has done for the negroes of the United States.
They cannot and will not do more.
It is not unusual at present to meet this sentence: ‘The art and
poetry of the future will be scientific.’ Those who say this assume
extraordinarily conceited attitudes, and consider themselves
unmistakably as extremely progressive and ‘modern.’ I ask myself in
vain what these words can mean. Do the good people who mean so well by
science imagine that sculptors will in the future chisel microscopes
in marble, that painters will depict the circulation of the blood, and
that poets will display in rich rhymes the principles of Euclid? Even
this would not be science, but merely a mechanical occupation with the
external apparatus of science. But this will surely not occur. In the
past a confusion between art and science was possible; in the future
it is unimaginable. The mental activity of man is too highly developed
for such an amalgamation. Art and poetry have emotion for their object,
science has knowledge. The former are subjective, the latter objective.
The former work with the imagination, _i.e._, with the association of
ideas directed by emotion; the latter works with observation, _i.e._,
with the association of ideas determined by sense-impressions, of which
the acquisition and reinforcement are the work of attention. Province,
object, and method in art and science are so different, and in part
so opposed, that to confuse them would signify a retrogression of
thousands of years. One thing only is correct: the images issuing from
the old anthropomorphic conception, the allusions to obsolete states of
things and ideas which Fritz Mauthner has called ‘dead symbols’--all
this will disappear from art. I think that in the twentieth century
it will no longer occur to any painter to compose pictures like
Guido Reni’s _Aurora_ in the Rospigliosi Palace, and that a poet
would be laughed at who should represent the moon looking amorously
into a pretty girl’s room. The artist is the child of his times, the
conception dominant in the world is his also, and in spite of all
his tendency to atavism his method of expression is that with which
contemporary culture furnishes him. No doubt the art of the future will
avoid more than hitherto the great errors in universally recognised
doctrines of science, but it will never become science.
The feelings of pleasure which a man receives from art result from the
gratification of three different organic inclinations or tendencies. He
needs the incitement which the variety offers him; he takes pleasure
in recognising the originals in the imitations; he represents to
himself the feelings of his fellow-creatures, and shares in them. He
finds variety in works transporting him into wholly different scenes
from those he knows, and which are familiar to him. The pleasurable
feeling of recognition he obtains by the careful imitations of familiar
realities. His sympathy makes him share with lively personal emotions
every strongly and clearly expressed emotion of the artist. There
will always be in the future, as heretofore, amateurs of works of
imagination, which transport the reader or spectator into remote times
and countries, or relate extraordinary adventures; others will prefer
works in which the faithful observation of the known will prevail; the
most refined and the most advanced will find pleasure only in those
in which a soul, with its most secret feelings and thoughts, reveals
itself. The art of the future will not be wholly romantic, wholly
realistic, or wholly individualistic, but will appeal from first to
last as much by its story to curiosity, as by imitation to the pleasure
of recognition, and by the externalism of the artist’s personality to
sympathy.
Two tendencies which have long been rivals will presumably contend
still more violently in the future for supremacy, viz., observation
and the free flight of imagination, or, to speak more briefly, though
more inaccurately, realism and romanticism. Good artists, doubtless,
in consequence of their higher mental development, will always be more
prone and more apt accurately to perceive and accurately to interpret
the phenomena of the world. But the crowd will no less certainly demand
of artists in the future something different from the average reality
of the world. Among creators, the desire for realism will exist, as
among recipients, the need of romanticism. For--and this seems to be
an important point--the task of art in the coming century, will be
to exert over men that charm of variety which reality will no longer
offer, and which the brain cannot relinquish. All that is called
‘picturesque’ will necessarily disappear more and more from the earth.
Civilization ever becomes more uniform. The distinctive is felt as an
inconvenience by those who are marked by it, and got rid of. Ruins
delight a foreigner’s eye, but they inconvenience the native, and he
sweeps them away. The traveller is disgusted at seeing the beauty of
Venice profaned by steamers, but for the Venetian it is a benefit
to cover long distances quickly for ten centesimi. Soon the last
Redskin will wear a frock-coat and tall hat; the regulation railway
buildings will display their prosaic outlines and hues along the great
wall of China and under the palm-trees of Tuggurt in the Sahara; and
Macaulay’s celebrated Maori will no longer contemplate the ruins of
Westminster, but a trashy imitation of the palace at Westminster will
serve as a Maori House of Parliament. The unique Yosemite Park, which
the Americans in their very wise foresight wish to preserve intact in
its prehistoric wildness, will not satisfy the craving for something
new, different, picturesque, romantic, which humanity demands, and
the latter will claim from art what civilization--clean, curled, and
smart--will no longer offer.
I can now sum up in a few words my prognosis. The hysteria of the
present day will not last. People will recover from their present
fatigue. The feeble, the degenerate, will perish; the strong will
adapt themselves to the acquisitions of civilizations, or will
subordinate them to their own organic capacity. The aberrations of
art have no future. They will disappear when civilized humanity shall
have triumphed over its exhausted condition. The art of the twentieth
century will connect itself at every point with the past, but it will
have a new task to accomplish--that of introducing a stimulating
variety into the uniformity of civilized life, an influence which
probably science alone will be in a position to exert, many centuries
later, over the great majority of mankind.
CHAPTER II.
THERAPEUTICS.
IS it possible to accelerate the recovery of the cultivated classes
from the present derangement of their nervous system?
I seriously believe it to be so, and for that reason alone I undertook
this work.
No one, I hope, will think me childish enough to imagine that I can
bring degenerates to reason by incontrovertibly and convincingly
demonstrating to them the derangement of their minds. He whose
profession brings him into frequent contact with the insane knows
the utter hopelessness of attempting by persuasion or argument to
bring them to a recognition of the unreality and morbidness of their
delusions. The only result attained is that they regard the physician
either as an enemy and persecutor, and fiercely hate him, or as a
blockhead devoid of reason on whom they vent their derision.
It is equally vain to preach to fanatics of the insane tendencies
of fashions in art and literature, on their enthusiasm for error
and foolishness. These fanatics, without being actually momentarily
diseased, are yet on the border-line of insanity. They do not and
cannot believe it. For the works, the madness of which is at the
first glance apparent to every rational being, actually afford them
feelings of pleasure. These works are an expression of their own mental
derangement, and of the perversion of their own instincts. In the
perusal, or contemplation of these productions, the half-witted fall
into a state of excitation which they hold to be æsthetic, but which is
really sensual; and this sensation is so genuine and immediate, they
are so sure of it, that they can feel only annoyance at or pity for him
who would make it plain to them that these works evoke no pleasure,
but only disgust and contempt. To an habitual drinker it is possible
to prove that absinthe is pernicious, but it is absolutely impossible
to convince him that it has a disagreeable taste. To him, indeed, it
tastes seductively delicious. It is in vain that the psychiatrical
critic assures the patient that this book, that picture, are horrible
deliriums; the invalid will in good faith reply: ‘Deliriums? That may
be. But abhorrent? That I can never believe. I know better. They move
me deeply and delightfully, and nothing you can say can prevent their
doing so!’ Those whose minds are more unhinged go still further, and
say bluntly: ‘We feel in all our nerves the beauty of these works. You
do not; so much the worse for you. Instead of perceiving that you are a
barbarian, devoid of intelligence, and an obtuse Philistine, you wish
to argue us out of our most positive sensations. The only delirious
person here is yourself.’
The history of civilization teaches to satiety, that delusions awaken
ardent enthusiasm, and during hundreds or thousands of years obtain
an invincible mastery of the thought and feeling of millions, because
they vouchsafe a satisfaction, unhealthy though it be, to an existing
instinct. Against that which procures feelings of pleasure for man, the
objections of reason are unavailing.
Those degenerates, whose mental derangement is too deep-seated, must be
abandoned to their inexorable fate. They are past cure or amelioration.
They will rave for a season, and then perish. This book is obviously
not written for them. It is, however, possible to reduce the disease
of the age ‘to its anatomical necessity’ (to use the excellent
expression of German medical science), and to this end every effort
must be directed. For in addition to those whose organic constitution
irrevocably condemns them to such a fate, the present degenerate
tendencies are pursued by many who are only victims to fashion and
certain cunning impostures, and these misguided ones we may hope to
lead back to right paths. If, on the other hand, they were to be
passively abandoned to the influences of graphomaniacal fools and their
imbecile or unscrupulous bodyguard of critics, the inevitable result of
such a neglect of duty would be a much more rapid and violent outspread
of the mental contagion, and civilized humanity would with much greater
difficulty, and much more slowly, recover from the disease of the age
than it might under a strong and resolute combat with the evil.
Those persons, on whose minds it is above all necessary to impress the
fact that the current tendencies are a result of mental degeneration
and hysteria, are the slightly affected and the healthy, who allow
themselves to be deluded by cunningly-devised catch-words, or who,
through heedless curiosity, flock where they see a crowd. Certain
critics have thought to intimidate me into speechlessness by saying:
‘If the indications cited are a proof of degeneration and mental
disease, then is art and poetry in general the work of fools and
degenerates, even such as has, without reservation, been hitherto
admired, for in this likewise there are to be met the marks of
degeneration.’ To which I reply: If scientific criticism, which tests
works of art according to the principles of psychiatry and psychology,
should result in showing that all artistic activity is diseased, that
would still prove nothing against the correctness of my critical
method. It would only be the acquisition of fresh knowledge. It would,
doubtless, destroy a charming delusion, and prove painful to many;
but science ought not to be checked by the consideration that its
results annihilate agreeable errors, and frighten the easy-going out
of comfortable habits of thought. Faith, again, is another sovereign
besides art; it has rendered quite other services to humanity at a
certain stage of evolution, has otherwise consoled and raised it, given
it other ideals, and advanced it morally in a different way from even
the greatest geniuses of art. Science, nevertheless, has not hesitated
to pronounce faith a subjective error of man, and would, therefore,
suffer far fewer scruples in characterizing art as something morbid
if facts should convince it that such was the case. Moreover, not all
that is morbid is necessarily ugly and pernicious. The expectoration
of a sufferer from lung disease is quite as much a diseased secretion
as the pearl. Is the pearl made more ugly or the expectoration more
beautiful by the fact that they have the same origin? The toxine of
sausage-meat is the excretion of a bacterium, that of ethyl-alcohol the
secretion from a fungus. Is the similarity of genesis the condition
of equal value for enjoyment in a poisoned sausage and a glass of old
Rhine wine? It would prove nothing in regard to Tolstoi’s _Kreutzer
Sonata_ or Ibsen’s _Rosmersholm_ if it were of necessity admitted
that Goethe’s _Werther_ suffers from irrational eroticism, and that
the _Divina Commedia_ and _Faust_ are symbolic poems. The whole
objection, indeed, proceeds from a non-recognition of the simplest
biological facts. The difference between disease and health is not one
of kind, but of quantity. There is only one kind of vital activity
of the cells and of the cell-systems or organs. It is the same in
disease and in health. It is sometimes accelerated, and sometimes
retarded; and when this deviation from the rule is detrimental to
the ends of the whole organism, we call it disease. As it is here a
question of more or less, it is impossible to define their limits
sharply. Extreme cases are naturally easily recognised. But who shall
determine with accuracy the exact point at which deviation from the
normal, _i.e._, from health, begins? The insane brain performs its
functions according to precisely the same laws as the rational brain,
but it obeys these laws either imperfectly or excessively. In every
human being there exists the tendency to interpret sense-impressions
falsely. It is diseased only when exhibited in extraordinary strength.
The traveller in a railway carriage has an illusory perception of
the landscape flying by him while he is sitting still. The sufferer
from the delusion of persecutions imagines that someone is wafting
him evil odours, or hurling currents of electricity at him. Both of
these ideas rest on sense-illusions. Are both for that reason marks
of insanity? The traveller and the paranoist commit the same error
of thought, and, nevertheless, the former is perfectly sane, and the
latter deranged in mind. It may therefore with perfect security be
affirmed that certain peculiarities--such as intense emotionalism,
the tendency to symbolism, the predominance of imagination--are to
be met with in all true artists. That all should be degenerates is
very far from being a necessary consequence of this. It is only the
exaggeration of these peculiarities which constitutes a disease. The
sole conclusion justified by their regular appearance in artists would
be that art, without being properly a disease of the human mind, is yet
an incipient, slight deviation from perfect health; and I should raise
no objection to this conclusion, the less so because it in no way helps
the case of real degenerates and their distinctly diseased works. But
it is not enough to prove that mysticism, ego-mania, and the pessimism
of realism are forms of mental derangement. All the seductive masks
must be torn from these tendencies, and their real aspect be shown in
its grinning nakedness.
In opposition to healthy art, which they deride as musty and
antiquated, they pretend to represent youth. An ill-advised criticism
has actually been caught by their lime, and emphasizes their youth
with constant irony. What clumsiness! As if any effort in the world
could deprive of its charm the word ‘young,’ this essential notion
of all that is blooming and fresh, this note of the dawn and the
spring, and transform it into a term of reproach and insult! The truth
is, however, that degenerates are not only not young, but that they
are weirdly senile. Senile is their splenetic calumniation of the
world and life; senile are their babblings, drivellings, ravings and
divagations; senile their impotent appetites, and their cravings for
all the stimulants of exhaustion. To be young is to hope; to be young
is to love simply and naturally; to be young is to rejoice in one’s
own health and strength, and in that of all human beings, and of the
birds of the air and the beetles in the grass; and of these qualities
there is not one to be met with among the youth-simulating, decayed
degenerates.
They have the name of liberty on their lips when they proclaim as their
god their corrupt self, and call it progress when they extol crime,
deny morality, raise altars to instinct, scoff at science, and hold
up loafing æstheticism as the sole aim of life. But their invocation
of liberty is shameless blasphemy. How can there be a question of
liberty when instinct is to be almighty? Let us remember Count Muffat
in Zola’s _Nana_ (p. 491): ‘At other times he was a dog. She threw her
scented handkerchief to the end of the room for him, and he had to run
on all fours to pick it up with his teeth. “Fetch it, Cæsar!... Look
out; I’ll give it to you if you’re lazy!... Very good, Cæsar! mind!
nicely!... Sit up!” And as for him, he loved his abasement, revelled
in the joy of being a brute. He wanted to sink still lower; he cried:
“Hit harder.... Bow wow! I am mad; hit me then!”’ That is the liberty
of one who is ‘emancipated’ in the sense of the degenerates! He may
be a dog, if his crazed instinct commands him to be a dog! And if the
‘emancipated’ one is named Ravachol, and his instinct commands him to
perpetrate the crime of blowing up a house with dynamite, the peaceable
citizen sleeping in this house is free to fly into the air, and fall
again to the ground in a bloody rain of shreds of flesh and splinters
of bone. Progress is possible only by the growth of knowledge; but this
is the task of consciousness and judgment, not of instinct. The march
of progress is characterized by the expansion of consciousness and
the contraction of the unconscious; the strengthening of will and the
weakening of impulsions; the increase of self-responsibility and the
repression of reckless egoism. He who makes instinct man’s master does
not wish for liberty, but for the most infamous and abject slavery,
viz., enslavement of the judgment of the individual by his most
insensate and self-destructive appetites; enslavement of the inflamed
man by the craziest whims of a prostitute; enslavement of the people
by a few stronger and more violent personalities. And he who places
pleasure above discipline, and impulse above self-restraint, wishes not
for progress, but for retrogression to the most primitive animality.
Retrogression, relapse--this is in general the ideal of this band who
dare to speak of liberty and progress. They wish to be the future.
That is one of their chief pretensions. That is one of the means by
which they catch the largest number of simpletons. We have, however,
seen in all individual cases that it is not the future but the most
forgotten, far-away past. Degenerates lisp and stammer, instead of
speaking. They utter monosyllabic cries, instead of constructing
grammatically and syntactically articulated sentences. They draw and
paint like children, who dirty tables and walls with mischievous hands.
They compose music like that of the yellow natives of East Asia. They
confound all the arts, and lead them back to the primitive forms they
had before evolution differentiated them. Every one of their qualities
is atavistic, and we know, moreover, that atavism is one of the most
constant marks of degeneracy. Lombroso has convincingly demonstrated
that many peculiarities of the born criminals described by him are
also atavisms. Over-hasty critics believed that they had discovered a
very subtle objection when, with a smile of self-satisfaction, they
objected: ‘You assert that criminal instinct is at once degeneracy
and atavism. These two dicta are mutually exclusive. Degeneracy is
a pathological state; the most convincing proof of this is, that
the degenerate type does not propagate itself, but becomes extinct.
Atavism is a return to an earlier state, which cannot have been
diseased, because the men who existed under those conditions have
developed themselves and progressed. Return to a healthy, albeit
remote, state cannot possibly be disease.’ All this verbiage has its
source in the stubborn superstition which sees in disease a state
differing essentially from that of health. This is a good example
of the confusion which a word is capable of producing in muddled or
ignorant brains. As a matter of fact there exists no activity and
no state of the living organism which can in itself be designated
as ‘health’ or ‘disease.’ But they become these in respect of the
circumstances and purposes of the organism. According to the time of
its appearance, one and the same state may very well be at one time
disease and at another health. In the human fœtus, at the sixth week,
hare-lip is a regular and healthy phenomenon. In the newly-born child
it is a malformation. In the first year of its life the child cannot
walk. Why? Because its legs are too weak to support it? Decidedly
not. The well-known experiments of Dr. L. Robinson on sixty new born
infants have proved that they are able to hang by their hands from a
stick for thirty seconds, a performance implying muscular strength
quite as considerable, relatively to their respective ages, as is
possessed by the adult. It is not from weakness that they are unable
to walk, but because their nervous system has not yet learned so to
regulate and combine the activity of the different groups of muscles,
as to produce a purposive movement. Infants cannot yet ‘co-ordinate.’
Incapacity of co-ordination of muscular activity is called by medical
science ataxy. Hence in infants this is the natural and healthy
condition. But ataxy precisely is a serious disease when it appears in
adults, as the chief symptom of inflammation of the spinal cord. The
identity of the ataxy of spinal disease with healthy infantine ataxy
is so complete, that Dr. S. Frenkel[480] was able to found upon it a
treatment of spinal ataxy, which consisted, essentially, in teaching
the patients anew, like children, to walk and stand. It is seen,
then, that a state may be at the same time diseased and yet the mere
return to what was primitively a perfectly healthy state of things;
and it was with culpable frivolity that Lombroso was reproached with
contradiction because he saw in criminal instincts at once degeneracy
and atavism. The disease of degeneracy consists precisely in the fact
that the degenerate organism has not the power to mount to the height
of evolution already attained by the species, but stops on the way at
an earlier or later point. The relapse of the degenerate may reach to
the most stupendous depth. As, in reverting to the cleavage of the
superior maxillary peculiar to insects with sextuple lips, he sinks
somatically to the level of fishes, nay to that of the arthropoda, or,
even further, to that of rhizopods not yet sexually differentiated; as
by fistulæ of the neck he reverts to the branchiæ of the lowest fishes,
the selacious; or by excess in the number of fingers (polydactylia)
to the multiple-rayed fins of fishes, perhaps even to the bristles of
worms; or, by hermaphrodism, to the asexuality of rhizopods--so in the
most favourable case, as a higher degenerate, he renews intellectually
the type of the primitive man of the most remote Stone Age; or, in the
worst case, as an idiot, that of an animal far anterior to man.
This is the subject in regard to which it is our duty untiringly and by
every means to enlighten the weak in judgment, and the inexperienced.
The fine names appropriated to themselves by degenerates, their
imitators, and their critical hirelings, are lies and deceit. They are
not the future, but an immeasurably remote past. They are not progress,
but the most appalling reaction. They are not liberty, but the most
disgraceful slavery. They are not youth and the dawn, but the most
exhausted senility, the starless winter night, the grave and corruption.
It is the sacred duty of all healthy and moral men to take part in
the work of protecting and saving those who are not already too deeply
diseased. Only by each individual doing his duty will it be possible
to dam up the invading mental malady. It is not seemly simply to shrug
the shoulders and smile contemptuously. While the easy-going console
themselves by saying, ‘No rational being takes this idiocy seriously,’
madness and crime are doing their work and poisoning a whole generation.
Mystics, but especially ego-maniacs and filthy pseudo-realists, are
enemies to society of the direst kind. Society must unconditionally
defend itself against them. Whoever believes with me that society is
the natural organic form of humanity, in which alone it can exist,
prosper, and continue to develop itself to higher destinies; whoever
looks upon civilization as a good, having value and deserving to be
defended, must mercilessly crush under his thumb the anti-social
vermin. To him who, with Nietzsche, is enthusiastic over the
‘freely-roving, lusting beast of prey,’ we cry, ‘Get you gone from
civilization! Rove far from us! Be a lusting beast of prey in the
desert! Satisfy yourself! Level your roads, build your huts, clothe and
feed yourself as you can! Our streets and our houses are not built for
you; our looms have no stuffs for you; our fields are not tilled for
you. All our labour is performed by men who esteem each other, have
consideration for each other, mutually aid each other, and know how to
curb their selfishness for the general good. There is no place among us
for the lusting beast of prey; and if you dare return to us, we will
pitilessly beat you to death with clubs.’
And still more determined must the resistance be to the filth-loving
herd of swine, the professional pornographists. These have no claim
to the measure of pity which may still be extended to degenerates
properly so called, as invalids; for they have freely chosen their
vile trade, and prosecute it from cupidity, vanity, and hatred of
labour. The systematic incitation to lasciviousness causes the gravest
injury to the bodily and mental health of individuals, and a society
composed of individuals sexually over-stimulated, knowing no longer
any self-control, any discipline, any shame, marches to its certain
ruin, because it is too worn out and flaccid to perform great tasks.
The pornographist poisons the springs whence flows the life of future
generations. No task of civilization has been so painfully laborious as
the subjugation of lasciviousness. The pornographist would take from
us the fruit of this, the hardest struggle of humanity. To him we must
show no mercy.
The police cannot aid us. The public prosecutor and criminal judge
are not the proper protectors of society against crime committed
with pen and crayon. They infuse into their mode of proceeding too
much consideration for interests not always, not necessarily, those
of cultivated and moral men. The policeman is so often compelled to
intervene in the service of a privileged class, of the insupportable
arrogance of administrations, of the assumption of infallibility of
ministers and other government officials of the most unworthy byzantism
and of the most stupid superstition, that he does not dishonour the
man on whose shoulder he lays his heavy hand. Hence it comes to this,
that the pornographist must be branded with infamy. But the punitive
sentence of a judge does not with certainty have this effect.
The condemnation of works trading on unchastity must emanate from men
of whose freedom from prejudice and freedom of mind, intelligence
and independence, no one entertains a doubt. The word of such men
would be of great weight among the people. There already exists an
‘Association of Men for the Suppression of Immorality.’ Unfortunately
it allows itself to be guided not only by solicitude for the moral
health and purity of the multitude, and especially of the young
but by considerations which to the majority of the people seem to
be prejudices. The association pursues disbelief almost more than
immorality. An outspoken word against revelation or the Church inspires
this association with as much horror as an act of obscenity. To this
narrow-minded confessionalism is it due that its work is less rich
in blessing than it might be. But in spite of this, we can take
this ‘Association of Men’ as a pattern. Let us do what it does, but
without mummeries. Here is a great and grateful task, _e.g._, for
the new ‘Society for Ethical Culture’ of Berlin: Let it constitute
itself the voluntary guardian of the people’s morality. Doubtless the
pornographists will attempt to turn it into ridicule. But the scorn
will soon enough stick in their own throats. An association composed of
the people’s leaders and instructors, professors, authors, members of
Parliament, judges, high functionaries, has the power to exercise an
irresistible boycott. Let the ‘Society for Ethical Culture’ undertake
to examine into the morality of artistic and literary productions.
Its composition would be a guarantee that the examination would not
be narrow-minded, not prudish, and not canting. Its members have
sufficient culture and taste to distinguish the thoughtlessness of
a morally healthy artist from the vile speculation of a scribbling
ruffian. When such a society, which would be joined by those men from
the people who are the best fitted for this task, should, after serious
investigation and in the consciousness of a heavy responsibility, say
of a man, ‘He is a criminal!’ and of a work, ‘It is a disgrace to our
nation!’ work and man would be annihilated. No respectable bookseller
would keep the condemned book; no respectable paper would mention it,
or give the author access to its columns; no respectable family would
permit the branded work to be in their house; and the wholesome dread
of this fate would very soon prevent the appearance of such books
as Bahr’s _Gute Schule_, and would dishabituate the ‘realists’ from
parading a condemnation based on a crime against morality as a mark of
distinction.
Medical specialists of insanity have likewise failed to understand
their duty. It is time for them to come to the front. ‘It is a
prejudice,’ Bianchi most justly says,[481] ‘to believe that psychiatry
must be enclosed within a sanctuary like that at Mecca.’ It is no
doubt meritorious to indurate sections of the spinal cord in chromic
acid, and tint them in a neutrophyllic solution, but this should not
exhaust the activity of a professor of psychiatry. Neither is it
sufficient that he should in addition give a few lectures to jurists,
and publish observations in technical journals. Let him speak to the
mass of cultivated persons who are neither physicians nor learned in
law. Let him enlighten them in general publications and in accessible
conferences concerning the leading facts in mental therapeutics. Let
him show them the mental derangement of degenerate artists and authors,
and teach them that the works in fashion are written and painted
delirium. In all other branches of medical science it is discerned
that hygiene is of more importance than therapeutics, and that the
public health has much more to expect from prophylactics than from
treatment. With us in Germany the psychiatrist alone fails as yet to
concern himself with the hygiene of the mind. It is time that he should
practise his profession in this direction also. A Maudsley in England,
a Charcot, a Magnan in France, a Lombroso, a Tonnini in Italy, have
brought to vast circles of the people an understanding of the obscure
phenomena in the life of the mind, and disseminated knowledge which
would make it impossible in those countries for pronounced lunatics
with the mania for persecution to gain an influence over hundreds of
thousands of electoral citizens,[482] even if it could not prevent
the coming into fashion of the degenerate art. In Germany alone no
psychiatrist has as yet followed this example. It is time to atone
for this negligence. Popularized expositions from the pens of experts
whose prominent official status would recommend them to the reader
would restrain many healthy spirits from affiliating themselves with
degenerate tendencies.
Such is the treatment of the disease of the age which I hold to be
efficacious: Characterization of the leading degenerates as mentally
diseased; unmasking and stigmatizing of their imitators as enemies to
society; cautioning the public against the lies of these parasites.
We in particular, who have made it our life’s task to combat antiquated
superstition, to spread enlightenment, to demolish historical ruins and
remove their rubbish, to defend the freedom of the individual against
State oppression and the mechanical routine of the Philistine; we must
resolutely set ourselves in opposition to the miserable mongers who
seize upon our dearest watchwords, with which to entrap the innocent.
The ‘freedom’ and ‘modernity,’ the ‘progress’ and ‘truth,’ of these
fellows are not ours. We have nothing in common with them. They wish
for self-indulgence; we wish for work. They wish to drown consciousness
in the unconscious; we wish to strengthen and enrich consciousness.
They wish for evasive ideation and babble; we wish for attention,
observation, and knowledge. The criterion by which true moderns may
be recognised and distinguished from impostors calling themselves
moderns may be this: Whoever preaches absence of discipline is an enemy
of progress; and whoever worships his ‘I’ is an enemy to society.
Society has for its first premise, neighbourly love and capacity for
self-sacrifice; and progress is the effect of an ever more rigorous
subjugation of the beast in man, of an ever tenser self-restraint, an
ever keener sense of duty and responsibility. The emancipation for
which we are striving is of the judgment, not of the appetites. In the
profoundly penetrating words of Scripture (Matt. v. 17), ‘Think not
that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets; I am not come to
destroy, but to fulfil.’
FINIS.
BILLING AND SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD
FOOTNOTES:
[1] This passage has been misunderstood. It has been taken to mean
that all the French nation had degenerated, and their race was
approaching its end. However, from the concluding paragraph of this
chapter, it may be clearly seen that I had in my eye only the upper
ten thousand. The peasant population, and a part of the working
classes and the _bourgeoisie_, are sound. I assert only the decay of
the rich inhabitants of great cities and the leading classes. It is
they who have discovered _fin-de-siècle_, and it is to them also that
_fin-de-race_ applies.
[2] ‘My thought I hasten to fulfil.’
[3] A four-act comedy, by H. Micard and F. de Jouvenot, named
_Fin-de-Siècle_, which was played in Paris in 1890, hardly avails to
determine the sense of the word as the French use it. The authors were
concerned, not to depict a phase of the age or a psychological state,
but only to give an attractive title to their piece.
[4] _Traité des Dégénérescences physiques, intellectuelles et morales
de l’Espèce humaine et des Causes qui produisent ces Variétés
maladives._ Par le Dr. B. A. Morel. Paris, 1857, p. 5.
[5] At the instigation of his mistress Ebergenyi, Count Chorinsky
had poisoned his wife, previously an actress. The murderer was an
epileptic, and a ‘degenerate,’ in the Morelian sense. His family
summoned Morel from Normandy to Munich, for the purpose of proving
to the jury, before whom the case (1868) was tried, that the accused
was irresponsible. The latter was singularly indignant at this; and
the Attorney-General also contradicted, in the most emphatic manner,
the evidence of the French alienist, and supported himself by the
approbation of the most prominent alienists in Munich. Chorinsky
was pronounced guilty. Nevertheless, only a short time after his
conviction, insanity developed itself in him, and a few months later he
died, in the deepest mental darkness, thus justifying all the previous
assertions of the French physician, who had, in the German tongue,
demonstrated to a German jury the incompetence of his professional
confrères in Munich.
[6] Morel, _op. cit._, p. 683.
[7] _L’Uomo delinquente in rapporto all’ Antropologia, Giurisprudenza
e alle Discipline carcerarie._ 3ª edizione. Torino, 1884, p. 147 _et
seq._ See also Dr. Ch. Féré, ‘La Famille nevropathique.’ Paris, 1894,
pp. 176-212.
[8] ‘La Famille nevropathique,’ _Archives de Nevrologie_, 1884, _Nos.
19 et 20_.
[9] See, on this subject, in particular, Krafft Ebing, _Die Lehre
vom moralischen Wahnsinn_, 1871; H. Maudsley, _Responsibility in
Mental Disease_, International Scientific Series; and Ch. Féré,
_Dégénérescence et Criminalité_, Paris, 1888.
[10] J. Roubinovitch, _Hystérie mâle et Dégénérescence_; Paris, 1890,
p. 62: ‘The society which surrounds him (the degenerate) always remains
strange to him. He knows nothing, and takes interest in nothing but
himself.’
Legrain, _Du Délire chez les Dégénérés_; Paris, 1886, p. 10: ‘The
patient is ... the plaything of his passions; he is carried away by
his impulses, and has only one care--to satisfy his appetites.’ P. 27:
‘They are egoistical, arrogant, conceited, self-infatuated,’ etc.
[11] Henry Colin, _Essai sur l’État mental des Hystériques_; Paris,
1890, p. 59: ‘Two great facts control the being of the hereditary
degenerate: obsession [the tyrannical domination of one thought from
which a man cannot free himself; Westphal has created for this the good
term ‘Zwangs-Vorstellung,’ _i.e._, coercive idea] and impulsion--both
irresistible.’
[12] Morel, ‘Du Délire émotif,’ _Archives générales_, 6 série, vol.
vii., pp. 385 and 530. See also Roubinovitch, _op. cit._, p. 53.
[13] Morel, ‘Du Délire panophobique des Aliénés gémisseurs,’ _Annales
médico-psychologiques_, 1871.
[14] Roubinovitch, _op. cit._, p. 28.
[15] _Ibid._, p. 37.
[16] _Ibid._, p. 66.
[17] Charcot, ‘Leçons du Mardi à la Salpétrière,’ _Policlinique_,
Paris, 1890, 2^e partie, p. 392: ‘This person [the invalid mentioned]
is a performer at fairs; he calls himself “artist.” The truth is that
his art consists in personating a “wild man” in fair-booths.’
[18] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 73: ‘The patients are perpetually
tormented by a multitude of questions which invade their minds, and
to which they can give no answer; inexpressible moral sufferings
result from this incapacity. Doubt envelops every possible
subject:--metaphysics, theology, etc.’
[19] Magnan, ‘Considérations sur la Folie des Héréditaires ou
Dégénerés,’ _Progrès médical_, 1886, p. 1110 (in the report of a
medical case): ‘He also thought of seeking for the philosopher’s stone,
and of making gold.’
[20] Lombroso, ‘La Physionomie des Anarchistes,’ _Nouvelle Revue_,
May 15, 1891, p. 227: ‘They [the anarchists] frequently have those
characteristics of degeneracy which are common to criminals and
lunatics, for they are anomalies, and bear hereditary taints.’ See also
the same author’s _Pazzi ed Anomali_. Turin, 1884.
[21] Colin, _op. cit._, p. 154.
[22] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 11.
[23] Roubinovitch, _op. cit._, p. 33.
[24] Lombroso, _Genie und Irrsinn_; German translation by A. Courth.
Reclam’s _Universal Bibliothek_, Bde. 2313-16. See also in particular,
J. F. Nisbet, _The Insanity of Genius_. London, 1891.
[25] Falret, _Annales médico-psychologiques_, 1867, p. 76: ‘From their
childhood they usually display a very unequal development of their
mental faculties, which, weak in their entirety, are remarkable for
certain special aptitudes; they have shown an extraordinary gift for
drawing, arithmetic, music, sculpture, or mechanics ... and, together
with those specially developed aptitudes, obtaining for them the fame
of “infant phenomena,” they for the most part give evidence of very
great deficiencies in their intelligence, and of a radical debility in
the remaining faculties.’
[26] _Nouvelle Revue_, July 15, 1891.
[27] Tarabaud, _Des Rapports de la Dégénérescence mentale et de
l’Hystérie_. Paris, 1888, p. 12.
[28] Legrain, _op. cit._, pp. 24 and 26.
[29] Lombroso, _Nouvelles recherches de Psychiatrie et d’Anthropologie
criminelle_. Paris, 1892, p. 74.
[30] Axenfeld, _Des Névroses_. 2 vols., 2^e édition, revue et complétée
par le Dr. Huchard. Paris, 1879.
[31] Paul Richer, _Études cliniques sur l’Hystéro-épilepsie ou Grande
Hystérie_. Paris, 1891.
[32] Gilles de la Tourette, _Traité clinique et thérapeutique de
l’Hystérie_. Paris, 1891.
[33] Paul Michaut, _Contribution à l’Étude des Manifestations de
l’Hystérie chez l’Homme_. Paris, 1890.
[34] Colin, _op. cit._, p. 14.
[35] Gilles de la Tourette, _op. cit._, p. 548 _et passim_.
[36] Colin, _op. cit._, pp. 15 and 16.
[37] Gilles de la Tourette, _op. cit._, p. 493.
[38] _Ibid._, p. 303.
[39] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 39.
[40] Dr. Emile Berger, _Les Maladies des Yeux dans leurs rapports avec
la Pathologie général_. Paris, 1892, p. 129 _et seq._
[41] _Traité clinique et thérapeutique de l’Hystérie_, p. 339. See
also Drs. A. Marie et J. Bonnet, _La Vision chez les Idiots et les
Imbéciles_. Paris, 1892.
[42] Alfred Binet, ‘Recherches sur les Altérations de la Conscience
chez les Hystériques,’ _Revue philosophique_, 1889, vol. xxvii.
[43] _Op. cit._, p. 150.
[44] Ch. Féré, ‘Sensation et Mouvement,’ _Revue philosophique_, 1886.
See also the same author’s _Sensation et Mouvement_, Paris, 1887;
_Dégénérescence et criminalité_, Paris, 1888; and ‘L’Énergie et la
Vitesse des Mouvements volontaires,’ _Revue philosophique_, 1889.
[45] Lombroso, _L’Uomo délinquente_, p. 524.
[46] ‘Les Nerveux se recherchent,’ Charcot, _Leçons du Mardi_, _passim_.
[47] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 173: ‘The true explanation of the
occurrence of _folie à deux_ must be sought for, on the one hand,
in the predisposition to insanity, and, on the other hand, in the
accompanying weakness of mind.’ See also Régis, _La Folie à Deux_.
Paris, 1880.
[48] _Journal des Goncourt._ Dernière série, premier volume, 1870-71.
Paris, 1890, p. 17.
[49] Viennese for ‘fop.’--TRANSLATOR.
[50] _Traité des Dégénérescences_, _passim_.
[51] Personally communicated by the distinguished statistician, Herr
Josef Körösi, Head of the Bureau of Statistics at Budapest.
[52] Speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Goschen, in the
House of Commons, April 11, 1892.
[53] J. Vavasseur in the _Economiste français_ of 1890. See also
_Bulletin de Statistique_ for 1891. The figures are uncertain, for
they have been given differently by every statistician whom I have
consulted. The fact of the increase in the consumption of alcohol alone
stands out with certainty in all the publications consulted. Besides
spirits, fermented drinks are consumed per head of the population,
according to J. Körösi:
GREAT BRITAIN.
Wine. Beer and Cider.
Gall. Gall.
1830-1850 0.2 26
1880-1888 0.4 27
FRANCE.
1840-1842 23 3
1870-1872 25 6
PRUSSIA.
Quarts.
1839 13.48
1871 17.92
GERMAN EMPIRE.
Litres.
1872 81.7
1889-1890 90.3
[54] In France the general mortality was, from 1886 to 1890, 22.21
per 1,000. But in Paris it rose to 23.4; in Marseilles to 34.8; in
all towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants to a mean of 28.31; in
all places with less than 5,000 inhabitants to 21.74. (_La Médecine
moderne_, year 1891.)
[55] _Traité des Dégénérescences_, pp. 614, 615.
[56] Brouardel, _La Semaine médicale_. Paris, 1887, p. 254. In this
very remarkable study by the Parisian Professor, the following
passage appears: ‘What will these [those remaining stationary in
their development] young Parisians become by-and-by? Incapable of
accomplishing a long and conscientious work, they excel, as a rule, in
artistic activities. If they are painters they are stronger in colour
than in drawing. If they are poets, the flow of their verses assures
their success rather than the vigour of the thought.’
[57] The 26 German towns which to-day have more than 100,000
inhabitants, numbered altogether, in 1891, 6,000,000, and in 1835,
1,400,000. The 31 English towns of this category, in 1891, 10,870,000;
in 1841, 4,590,000; the 11 French towns, in 1891, 4,180,000; in 1836,
1,710,000. It should be remarked that about a third of these 68 towns
had not in 1840 as many generally as 100,000 inhabitants. To-day,
in the large towns in Germany, France, and England, there reside
21,050,000 individuals, while in 1840 only 4,800,000 were living under
these conditions. (Communicated by Herr Josef Körösi.)
[58] Féré, _La Semaine médicale_. Paris, 1890, p. 192.
[59] See, besides the lecture by Hofmann, the excellent book: _Eine
deutsche Stadt vor 60 Jahren, Kulturgeschichtliche Skizze_, von Dr.
Otto Bähr, 2 Auflage. Leipzig, 1891.
[60] In order not to make the footnotes too unwieldy, I state here
that the following figures are borrowed in part from communications
made by Herr Josef Körösi, in part from a remarkable study by M.
Charles Richet: ‘Dans Cent Ans,’ _Revue scientifique_, 1891-92; and
in a small degree from private publications (such as _Annuaire de la
Presse_, _Press Directory_, etc.). For some of the figures I have also
used, with profit, Mulhall, and the speech of Herr von Stephan to the
Reichstag, February 4, 1892.
[61] See G. André, _Les nouvelles maladies nerveuses_. Paris, 1892.
[62] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 251: ‘Drinkers are “degenerates”;’ and
p. 258 (after four reports of invalids which serve as a basis to the
following summary): ‘Hence, at the base of all forms of alcoholism we
find mental degeneracy.’
[63] _Revue scientifique_, year 1892; vol. xlix., p. 168 _et seq._
[64] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 266.
[65] Quoted by J. Roubinovitch, _Hystérie mâle et Dégénérescence_, p.
18.
[66] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 200.
[67] The scientific psychologist will perhaps read with impatience
expositions with which he is so familiar; but they are, unfortunately,
not superfluous for a very numerous class of even highly educated
persons, who have never had instruction in the laws of the operations
of the brain.
[68] Mosso’s experiments on, and observations of, the exposed surface
of the brain during trepanning have quite established this fact.
[69] The experiments of Ferrier, it is true, have led him to deny that
a stimulus which touches the cortex of the frontal lobes can result
in movement. The case, nevertheless, is not so simple as Ferrier
sees it to be. A portion of the energy which is set free by the
peripheral stimulus in the cells of the cortex of the frontal lobes
certainly transmutes itself into a motor impulse, even if the immediate
stimulation of the anterior brain releases no muscular contractions.
But this is not the place to defend this point against Ferrier.
[70] A. Herzen is the author of the hypothesis that consciousness
is connected with the destruction of organic connections in the
brain-cells, and the restoration of this connection with rest, sleep,
and unconsciousness. All we know of the chemical composition of the
secretions in sleeping and waking points to the correctness of this
hypothesis.
[71]
‘One tread moves a thousand threads,
The shuttles dart to and fro,
The threads flow on invisible,
One stroke sets up a thousand ties.’
[72] Karl Abel, _Ueber den Gegensinn der Urworte_. Leipzig, 1884.
[73] James Sully, _Illusions_. London, 1881.
[74] Th. Ribot, _Psychologie de l’Attention_. Paris, 1889.
[75] It is possible that an active expansion of the bloodvessels does
not take place, but only a contraction. It has been lately denied that
there are any nerves of vascular dilatation (_inter alia_ by Dr. Morat,
_La Semaine médicale_, 1892, p. 112). But the effect may be the same
in both cases. For through the contraction of the vessels in a single
brain-circuit, the dislodged blood would be driven to other portions of
the brain, and these would experience a greater access of blood, just
as if their vessels were actively dilated.
[76] When I wrote these words I was under the impression that I was
the sole originator of the physiological theory of attention therein
set forth. Since the appearance of this book, however, I have read
Alfred Lehmann’s work, _Die Hypnose und die damit verwandten normalen
Zustände_, Leipzig, 1890, and have there (pp. 27 _et seq._) found
my theory in almost identical words. Lehmann, then, published it
two years before I did, which fact I here duly acknowledge. That we
arrived at this conclusion independently of each other would testify
that the hypothesis of vaso-motor reflex action is really explanatory.
Wundt (_Hypnotismus und Suggestion_, Leipzig, 1892, pp. 27-30), it
is true, criticises Lehmann’s work, but he seems to agree with this
hypothesis--which is also mine--or, at least, raises no objection to it.
[77] _Brain_, January, 1886, quoted by Ribot, _Psychologie de
l’Attention_, p. 68.
[78] Ribot, _op. cit._, pp. 106 and 119.
[79] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 177.
[80] _Ibid._, p. 156.
[81] In the chapter which treats of French Neomystics, I shall give a
cluster of such disconnected and mutually exclusive expressions, which
are quite parallel with the instances cited by Legrain, of the manner
of speech among those acknowledged to be of weak mind. In this place
only one passage may be repeated from the V^{te} E. M. de Vogué, _Le
Roman Russe_, Paris, 1888, in which this mystical author, unconsciously
and involuntarily, characterizes admirably the shadowiness and
emptiness of mystic diction, while praising it as something superior.
‘One trait,’ he says (p. 215), ‘they’ (certain Russian authors) ‘have
in common, viz., the art of awakening series of feelings and thoughts
by a line, a word, by endless re-echoings [_résonnances_].... The words
you read on this paper appear to be written, not in length, but in
depth. They leave behind them a train of faint reverberations, which
are gradually lost, no one knows where.’ And p. 227: ‘They see men
and things in the gray light of earliest dawn. The weakly indicated
outlines end in a confused and clouded “perhaps.” ...’
[82] ‘It is certain that the Beautiful never has such charms for
us as when we read it attentively in a language which we only half
understand. It is the ambiguity, the uncertainty, _i.e._. the
pliability of words, which is one of their greatest advantages, and
renders it possible to make an exact [!] use of them.’--Joubert, quoted
by Charles Morice, _La Littérature de tout-à-l’heure_. Paris, 1889, p.
171.
[83] Gérard de Nerval, _Le Rêve et la Vie_, Paris, 1868, p. 53:
‘Everything in Nature assumed a different aspect. Mysterious voices
issued from plants, trees, animals, the smallest insects, to warn and
to encourage me. I discerned mysterious turns in the utterances of my
companions, and understood their purport. Even formless and inanimate
things ministered to the workings of my mind.’ Here is a perfect
instance of that ‘comprehension of the mysterious’ which is one of the
most common fancies of the insane.
[84] An imbecile degenerate, the history of whose illness is related by
Dr. G. Ballet, said: ‘Il y a mille ans que le monde est monde. Milan,
la cathédrale de Milan’ (_La Semaine médicale_, 1892, p. 133). ‘Mille
ans’ (a thousand years) calls up in his consciousness the like-sounding
word ‘Milan,’ although there is absolutely no rational connection
between the two ideas. A graphomaniac named Jasno, whose case is
cited by Lombroso, says ‘la main se mène’ (the hand guides itself).
He then begins to speak of ‘semaine’ (week), and continues to play
upon the like-sounding words ‘se mène,’ ‘semaine,’ and ‘main’ (_Genie
und Irsinn_, p. 264). In the book of a German graphomaniac entitled
_Rembrandt als Erzieher_, Leipzig, 1890 (a book which I shall have to
refer to more than once, as an example of the lucubrations of a weak
mind), I find, on the very first pages, the following juxtaposition
of words according to their resemblance in sound: ‘Sie verkünden eine
Rückkehr ... zur Einheit und Feinheit’ (p. 3). ‘Je ungeschliffener
Jemand ist, desto mehr ist an ihm zu schleifen’ (p. 4). ‘Jede rechte
Bildung ist bildend, formend, schöpferisch, und also künstlerisch’ (p.
8). ‘Rembrandt war nicht nur ein protestantischer Künstler, sondern
auch ein künstlerischer Protestant’ (p. 14). ‘Sein Hundert guldenblatt
allein könnte schon als ein Tausendgüldenkraut gegen so mancherlei
Schäden ... dienen’ (p. 23). ‘Christus und Rembrandt haben ... darin
etwas Gemeinsames, dass Jener die religiöse, dieser die künstlerische
Armseligkeit--die Seligkeit der Armen--zu ... Ehren bringt’ (p. 25.),
etc.
[85] Dr. Paul Sollier, _Psychologie de l’Idiot et de l’Imbécile_.
Paris, 1891, p. 153.
[86] _Poems by Dante Gabriel Rossetti._ With a memoir of the author by
Franz Hüffer. Leipzig, 1873, p. viii.
[87] Gustave Freytag, _Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit_, Bd. I.:
‘Aus dem Mittelalter.’ Leipzig, 1872, § 266. H. Taine, _Histoire de la
Littérature anglaise_. Paris, 1866, 2^e édition, vol. i., p. 46.
[88] This is not an arbitrary assertion. One of D. G. Rossetti’s most
famous poems, of which further mention will be made, _Eden Bowers_,
treats of the pre-Adamite Lilith.
[89] J. Ruskin, _Modern Painters_, American edition, vol. i., pp. xxi.
_et seq._
[90] Ruskin, _op. cit._, p. 24.
[91] _Ibid._, p. 26.
[92] ‘BALLADE QUE VILLON FEIT À LA REQUESTE DE SA MÈRE POUR PRIER
NOSTRE DAME.
‘Femme je suis povrette et ancienne.
Que riens ne scay, oncques lettres ne leuz,
Au Monstier voy (dont suis parroissienne)
Paradis painct, ou sont harpes et luz,
Et ung enfer, où damnez sont boulluz,
L’ung me faict paour, l’autre joye et liesse,
La joye avoir faictz moy (haulte deesse)
A qui pecheurs doivent tous recourir
Combley de foy, sans faincte ne paresse,
En ceste foy je vueil vivre et mourir.’
It is significant that the pre-Raphaelite Rossetti has translated this
very poem of Villon, _His Mother’s Service to Our Lady_. _Poems_, p.
180.
[93] Edward Rod, _Études sur le XIX. Siècle_. Paris et Lausanne, 1888,
p. 89.
[94] Rossetti, _Poems_, p. 277.
[95]
‘The springing green, the violet’s scent,
The trill of lark, the blackbird’s note,
Sunshowers soft, and balmy breeze:
If I sing such words as these,
Needs there any grander thing
To praise thee with, O day of spring?’
[96] Rod, _op. cit._, p. 67.
[97] _Poems_, p. 16.
[98] Sollier, _Psychologie de l’Idiot et de l’Imbécile_, p. 184. See
also Lombroso, _The Man of Genius_ (Contemporary Science Series),
London, 1891, p. 216. A special characteristic found in literary
mattoids, and also, as we have already seen, in the insane, is that of
repeating some words or phrases hundreds of times in the same page.
Thus, in one of Passanante’s chapters the word _riprovate_ (blame)
occurs about 143 times.
[99] _Poems_, p. 31.
[100] _Poems_, p. 247.
[101] Algernon Charles Swinburne, _Poems and Ballads_. London: Chatto
and Windus, 1889, p. 247.
[102]
‘The Runic stone stands out in the sea,
There sit I with my dreams,
‘Mid whistling winds and wailing gulls,
And wandering, foaming waves.
I have loved many a lovely child,
And many a good comrade--
Where are they gone? The wind whistles,
The waves wander foaming on.’
[103] William Morris, _Poems_ (Tauchnitz edition), p. 169:
‘And if it hap that ...
My master, Geoffrey Chaucer, thou do meet,
Then speak ... the words:
“O master! O thou great of heart and tongue!”’...
[104] A history of the commencement of this society has been written by
one of the members, Mathias Morhardt. See ‘Les Symboliques,’ _Nouvelle
Revue_ du 15 Février, 1892, p. 765.
[105] Charles Morice, _La Littérature de tout-à-l’heure_. Paris, 1889,
p. 274.
[106] Jules Huret, _Enquête sur l’Évolution littéraire_. Paris, 1891,
p. 65.
[107] Charles Morice, _op. cit._, p. 271.
[108] Huret, _op. cit._, p. 14.
[109] V^{te} E. M. de Vogüé, _op. cit._, p. xix _et seq._
[110] Morice, _op. cit._, pp. 5, 103, 177.
[111] _Rembrandt als Erzieher._ Leipzig, 1890, p. 2.
[112] Edouard Rod, _Les Idées morales du Temps présent_. Paris, 1892,
p. 66.
[113] Paul Desjardins, _Le Devoir présent_. Paris, 1892, pp. 5, 8, 39.
[114] F. Paulhan, _Le nouveau Mysticisme_. Paris, 1891, p. 120.
[115] Pierre Janet, ‘Les Actes inconscients et le Dédoublement
de la Personalité,’ Revue philosophique, December, 1886. Paul
Janet, ‘L’Hystérie et l’Hypnotisme d’après la Théorie de la double
Personnalité,’ Revue scientifique, 1888, 1^{er} vol., p. 616
[116] Morhardt, _op. cit._, p. 769.
[117] See the Catalogue of Scientific Papers compiled and published by
the Royal Society. The first series of this catalogue, covering the
time from 1800 to 1863, comprises six volumes; the second, dealing with
the decade from 1864 to 1873, comprises two volumes, equivalent to at
least three of the first series (1047 and 1310 pages); of the third
series (1874 to 1883) only one volume has been issued as yet, but it
promises to outrun the second by at least one half.
[118] Jules Huret, _Enquête sur l’Évolution littéraire_. Paris, 1891.
[119] Huret, _op. cit._, p. 65.
[120] Paul Verlaine, _Choix de Poësies_. Paris, 1891.
[121] Lombroso, _L’Uomo delinquente_, p. 184.
[122] Lombroso, _op. cit._, p. 276.
[123] Verlaine, _op. cit._, p. 272.
[124] Verlaine, _op. cit._, pp. 72, 315, 317.
[125] Shortly, but not immediately after, the immediate result being a
sense of great relief and satisfaction.
[126] Verlaine, _op. cit._, pp. 175, 178.
[127] Legrain, _Du délire chez les dégénéres_, pp. 135, 140, 164.
[128] Huret, _op. cit._, p. 8.
[129] E. Marandon de Montyel, ‘De la Criminalité et de la
Dégénérescence,’ _Archives de l’Anthropologie criminelle_, Mai, 1892,
p. 287.
[130]
Ah! if these are dream hands,
So much the better, or so much the worse, or so much the better.
[131] Virgil’s ‘lentus,’ when applied to aspects of nature conveys a
very different meaning.
[132] Charles Morice, _La Littérature de tout-à-l’heure_, p. 238.
[133] Huret, _op. cit._, p. 33.
[134] Since these words were written, M. Mallarmé has decided to
publish his poems in one volume. This, far from invalidating what has
been said, is its best justification.
[135] Huret, _op. cit._, p. 55.
[136] Hartmann, _Der Gorilla_. Leipzig, 1881, p. 34.
[137] Dr. L. Frigerio, _L’Oreille externe: Étude d’Anthropologie
criminelle_. Lyon, 1889, pp. 32 and 40.
[138] Lombroso, _L’Uomo delinquente_, p. 255.
[139] Huret, _op. cit._, p. 102.
[140] _Ibid._, p. 106.
[141] _Ibid._, p. 401.
[142] Jean Moréas, _Le Pélerin passionné_. Paris, 1891, p. 3.
[143] Moréas, _op. cit._, pp. 21 and 2.
[144] _Ibid._, p. 43.
[145] Moréas, _op. cit._, p. 311.
[146]
‘O Syrinx! do you see and understand the Earth, and the wonder of this
morning, and the circulation of life!
O thou, there! and I, here! O thou! O me! All is in All!’
[147] Morice, _op. cit._, p. 30.
[148] Morice, _op. cit._, p. 321.
[149] Dr. F. Suarez de Mendoza, _L’Audition colorée: Étude sur les
fausses Sensations secondaires physiologiques_. Paris, 1892.
[150] Alfred Binet, ‘Recherche sur les altérations de la conscience
chez les hystériques,’ _Revue philosophique_, 1889, 27^e vol., p. 165.
[151] Legrain, _op. cit._, p. 162.
[152] Lombroso, _Genie und Irrsinn_. German edition, p. 233.
[153] I may here be allowed to remind my readers that in the year 1885,
and, accordingly, before the promulgation of the professed symbolistic
programme, I laid down in my _Paradoxe_ (popular edition, part ii., p.
253) the principle that the poet must ‘to the majority of his readers
utter the deep saying, “_Tat twam asi!_”--“That art thou!” of the
Indian sage,’ and ‘must be able, with the ancient Romans, to repeat to
the sound and normally developed man, “_Of thee is the fable related_.”
In other words, the poem must be “symbolical” in the sense that it
brings into view characters, destinies, feelings and laws of life which
are universal.’
[154] Hugues Le Roux, _Portraits de Cire_. Paris, 1891, p. 129.
[155] V^{te} E. M. de Vogüé, _Le Roman russe_. Paris, 1888, p. 293 _et
seq._
[156] See, in _War and Peace_ (Leo. N. Tolstoi’s collected works,
published, with the author’s sanction, by Raphael Löwenfeld, Berlin,
1892, vols. v.-viii.), the soldiers’ talk, part i., p. 252; the scene
at the outposts, p. 314 _et seq._, the description of the troops on the
march, p. 332; the death of Count Besuchoi, pp. 142-145; the coursing,
part ii., pp. 383-407, etc.
[157] See, in _War and Peace_, the thoughts of the wounded Prince
Andrej, part i., p. 516; Count Peter’s conversation with the freemason
and Martinief Basdjejeff, part ii., pp. 106-114, etc.
[158] _War and Peace_, the episode of Princess Maria and her suitor,
part i., pp. 420-423; the confinement of the little Princess, part ii.,
pp. 58-65; and all the passages where Count Rostoff sees the Emperor
Alexander, or where the author speaks of the Emperor Napoleon I., etc.
[159] Vogüé, _op. cit._, p. 282.
[160] Count Leo Tolstoi, _A Short Exposition of the Gospel_. From the
Russian, by Paul Lauterbach. Leipzig: Reclam’s Universal-Bibliothek, p.
13.
[161] L. Tolstoi, _Short Exposition of the Gospel_, p. 13.
[162] Tolstoi, _Short Exposition_, etc., p. 172.
[163] More accurately, in Vedântism.--TRANSLATOR.
[164] Tolstoi, _Short Exposition_, etc., p. 128.
[165] _Short Exposition_, p. 60.
[166] De Vogüé, _op. cit._, p. 333.
[167] L. Tolstoi, _Gesammelte Werke_, Berlin, 1891, Band II.: _Novels
and Short Tales_, part i.
[168] Léon Tolstoi, _La Sonate à Kreutzer_. Traduit du Russe par E.
Halpérine-Kaminsky. Paris: Collection des auteurs célèbres, p. 72.