* * * * *
_Suggestions for future Missions to the Interior of Africa._
A mission to Dagwumba is of the first importance. See Geography, p. 178.
The commercial genius and opulence of its people, their disinclination
and inaptitude to war, their superior civilization, and the numerous
caravans which frequent this emporium, from the most remote parts of the
interior, make a treaty of intercourse most desirable, both for commerce
and science. But it is more imperiously desirable, or rather this
enterprise becomes a duty, from the recollection, that, from this King’s
proverbial repute for sanctity, if he were persuaded by the deliberate
remonstrance of a British Resident, at least to mitigate, if not
ultimately to abolish human sacrifices, his example would naturally be
followed by the several neighbouring monarchs who make him their oracle.
Mr. Hutchison’s courage, his love of enterprise, and his interest in
intellectual pursuit, to say nothing of a feeling towards myself, which
I cannot but be proud of, would, I am sure, lead him to anticipate my
wishes and strengthen my hopes of success, by having him again as a
companion; and his diary must have proved, though very imperfectly,
compared with a personal acquaintance with him, how well he is qualified
for an appointment, so important to the interests of commerce, science,
and humanity, by his discretion, zeal, and benevolence.[140]
A third officer (and a zealous and able successor to Mr. Tedlie has
presented himself) should accompany this mission, to proceed under the
King of Dagwumba’s guarantee and recommendation, which is omnipotent to
the Niger, to Wauwaw (on the banks of that river where Mr. Park was
buried; for no plea could be less suspicious, than the King of England’s
natural anxiety to send an officer to the Sultan of Wauwaw, to learn the
particulars of Mr. Park’s death, and to enquire for his papers,
especially as a Moorish emissary passing through Yahndi, was instructed
to do so, directly we heard of the circumstance in Ashantee. The officer
alluded to (who is a medical man, well acquainted with natural history,
and an accurate draftsman) should be content with a sight of the Niger,
and remain at Wauwaw collecting and observing, until an exchange of
letters with Cape Coast, through the Resident at Yahndi[141]; when it
would be seen how far it might be prudent, (having replaced him at
Wauwaw) to allow him to proceed to Cassina, Houssa, or Timbuctoo; that
is, if the Sultan of Wauwaw would guarantee his safety, under the same
promise of reward previously held out to the King of Dagwumba.
No moment could be more auspicious than the present for this enterprise
to Dagwumba, since the King of Ashantee’s absence and perplexity in the
Gaman war bars his molestation or hindrance; though I have no
expectation that he would offer either, were he at liberty, or aware of
the occasion: see page 342.
If the trade of Dagwumba be so extensive as was invariably reported to
us (and to Mr. Lucas at Mesurata on the Mediterranean) it might then
become desirable to establish a British market up the Volta; but this is
an after consideration. Geographical circumstances are much more in
favour of a mission to Dagwumba than they were in that to Ashantee,
(besides, that there are no irritating political retrospects to be
debated on arrival,) for the Volta or Adirree is navigable from the sea
to within eight days march of Yahndi; (see page 176;) even if we do not
calculate on the reported junction of the river Laka, which would bring
us close to Yahndi.
The presents should all be ingenious novelties, rather than costly
apparel, for they are not only more acceptable and more imposing, but,
which is very important, much more portable; and would require so few
carriers, as to diminish the expense of conveyance as much as the
expense of purchase. The negroes have more than anticipated our
_portable_ displays of splendour, from the pageantry and descriptions of
the Moors; and we have had the advantage of witnessing what kind of
presents made the most auspicious impression on the King of Dagwumba’s
powerful neighbour, which were certainly all of the class of ingenious
novelty. I should recommend, therefore, a few pieces of tissue and rich
silk, with gold thread interwoven, to shew that our manufactures can be
accommodated to their taste; see note page 331.
Pieces of worked muslin.
One piece of ditto, worked with gold thread.
Scotch damask.
Palampours, with gold and silver leaf.
Manchester cottons, of rich pattern.
Red, blue, and yellow broad cloth.
Raw silk, of various colours; see page 331.
Of the foregoing, only small quantities as presents to the King and
principal Moors, by way of samples of our manufactures.
Two pair of richly cut glass decanters.
A small silver bowl embossed.
A handsome lamp.
A military saddle and bridle, with pistols, &c.
Two musical snuff boxes.
A good bird organ.
Two or three common violins, being the instrument of the country.
Pandean pipes.
Cymbals.
Two bugles.
Kaleidescopes.
An inferior gold repeater for the King.
Two or three common silver watches.
A telescope.
Camera obscura.
Magic lantern.
Microscope.
Pocket compasses.
Boxes of phosphorous matches.
Arabic Bibles, and Arabic literature.
Two or three landscapes, in sympathetic ink.
A port-folio of engravings of English costume and public buildings, with
a set of the drawings of this work.
A copying writing apparatus for the chief Moor.
Wax, seals, pencils, Indian rubber.
Two boxes of water colours.
Drawing and writing paper, and vellum.
Razors, scissors, knives.
A handsome double barrelled gun.
Two boxes of carpenters tools.
A small turning lathe.
A small plough.
A made up turban of gold tissue, with a gilt circle for the head, set
with false stones, for the chief Moor.
A silk union flag.
An air gun.
Candles and perfumed soap.
Bark, and other medicines.
The officers of the mission should be provided with Troughton’s pocket
sextant, Dollond’s 32 feet telescope, the new barometers, &c. &c.
The Danes having deserted their fort (Adda) at the mouth of the Volta,
their government, on being solicited, would surely not only not
obstruct, but favour so important a scientific enterprise, and not
compel us to reach the river over land, as we could do, by marching
through Aquapim and Quaoo. The man of war on the station might convey
the mission to the mouth of the Volta, and one of her boats accompany
the canoes (which should be brought from Cape Coast) a day or two up the
river.
It would be well to be prepared with several impressions of a manifesto
(in Arabic,) explanatory and impressive of the legitimate and benevolent
views of the British government, as an introduction to the King of
Dagwumba, preparatory to our negociation, and also to serve the same
purpose at Wauwaw, and to circulate through the interior. Numerous
impressions of the certificates circulated in behalf of Major Peddie,
should also be circulated, Mr. Ritchie’s name being substituted, and the
reward for an act of kindness acknowledged in a letter from that
gentleman, being made payable (after an authority from Cape Coast) at
either of the British Residencies, Coomassie, Yahndi, or Dahomey; for as
there are many officers to spare at Cape Coast, the expressed wish of
the latter monarch should be immediately gratified, and our intercourse
renewed by a Residency. See note, p. 340.
I think all the objects of the Dagwumba mission could be effected in
four months; when I should feel impatient to visit the river Gaboon, for
the purpose of penetrating to the Ogooawai, and going as far up it as I
might with prudence. See p. 436. The discovery of so large a river in
this situation is very important.
Arrangements could probably be made at Eninga or Okota (p. 429.) for the
guarantee of an after mission to Asheera: also for one from Gaboon to
Kaylee; and, which is most important, for the south-eastern navigation
(from Adjoomba, p. 431) of the branch of the Ogooawai running through
Tanyan into the Congo.
But there is another enterprise which should not be forgotten, the
navigation of the Lagos river to the highest point, (p. 224) and a visit
to Kosie, (p. 225,) a Residency at which court would doubtless lead to a
similar establishment in the powerful and commercial kingdom of Yarriba.
See p. 209.
The Residents at the various courts, who, as I have impressed before,
should be young men of acquirement, patience, and address, should
receive occasional instructions from head quarters, directing their
enquiries and observations to the geographical and scientific
desiderata, more peculiarly belonging to or expected from their
different neighbourhoods, which would be suggested from the closer study
of these subjects by the individual at the head of a department of
discovery at head quarters, and also by the scientific Societies in
England according to their peculiar pursuits.
The Residents should make quarterly reports, accompanied by specimens of
natural history, to be digested into one annual report at head quarters,
(with the various geographical improvements and discoveries, adjusted
and embodied in one large chart) for forwardance to England.
All Residents and Conductors of Missions, should be provided with small
copying apparatuses, so that they might forward their original dispatch,
and one duplicate, to Cape Coast, by two different opportunities, always
retaining the other copy, in case of accident, or until the receipt were
acknowledged.
If it could be afforded, a medical officer should afterwards be added to
the more important Residencies, to attach and relieve the natives.
Botanical and Mineralogical excursions, (taking sextants, telescopes,
and barometers,) into Ahanta, Aowin, Warsaw, Akim, and Aquapim, small
surveys, &c. &c. should be undertaken, ad interim, not only from the
smallness of the expense and the great comparative benefit, (as we know
nothing of these countries beyond their position,) but to qualify the
younger officers (of congenial disposition and acquirement,) for future
missions and residencies.
The young men soliciting appointments in England, should be required to
make themselves acquainted with the grammar of the Arabic language, and
practical astronomy, before they receive their commissions; and one or
two intelligent Moors from the interior, should be invited, by a pay, to
settle at Cape Coast Castle, to perfect these officers in writing and
speaking the language. The Fantee language should also be cultivated, as
it is a dialect of the Ashantee.
The soldiers of the settlements should no longer be enlisted from the
mulattoes and Fantees of the neighbourhood, making the present paltry
force the more inefficient, from local and family attachments,
inseparable from human nature, and preventing their acting cordially, if
at all, on emergencies for the rescue of human victims, or the
punishment of their relatives and townsmen, for insult, or contempt of
the British legislation for the abolition of the slave trade, &c. The
Negroes captured in the illicit Spanish and Portuguese slave ships, of
whom there must be a number unemployed at Sierra Leone, would form the
most desirable military force, even preferable to European, which has
recently been adopted by the Dutch. These rescued Negroes would possess
no attachment, beyond that which the considerate kindness and good
conduct of their officers might induce; the climate would be natural to
them; and they would prove valuable companions, if not intelligent
guides, in future missions to the interior. There should at least be two
hundred and fifty of these soldiers at head quarters, (one company being
trained as artillery by European serjeants) and fifty at each other
settlement, if but two.
The three missions, to Dagwumba, Wauwaw, and Ogooawai, would not cost
above a thousand pounds, judiciously expended in England; which is not
so much as the annual expense of either of the six paltry out-forts
(exclusive of the head quarters, and the vice presidency, which is but 9
miles from Cape Coast, and, since the abolition of the slave trade, an
useless and absurd position;) the mere existence of which, although it
may excite astonishment, and reflect credit on the mercantile ingenuity
and economy of the African Committee, is notoriously a disgraceful
caricature on the British name.
Three respectable establishments, one at Cape Coast Castle, one at
Accra, (a rich and open country,) and one at Succondee, (if we could not
purchase Axim, which commands the navigation of the Ancobra,) with an
allowance of a thousand a year for a progress in the interior,
(beneficial to commerce, science, and humanity,) would be productive of
fame and honour, and probably of wealth, to our nation.
[Footnote 140: This gentleman being already superseded by Mr. Dupuis
(formerly Vice-consul at Mogadore, and now Consul at Coomassie) is of
course at liberty to indulge his disposition for enterprise.]
[Footnote 141: The King of Dagwumba should be promised additional
presents on the receipt at Cape Coast Castle of the first dispatch from
the Niger.]
* * * * *
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
APPENDIX. No. I.
* * * * *
_Extract from Meredith’s Account of the Gold Coast._
_Origin and History of the Ashantee War._
The Assin country lies at the rear of the Fantee, and borders on the
Ashantee country. It was divided into two states: the one governed by
King Cheboo and Quacoe Apoutay; and the other by King Amoo. Apoutay,
although not elevated to the dignity of King, held equal sway with
Cheboo; but they were each subordinate to the King of Ashantee. A man of
opulence died in Amoo’s town; and, as is customary on such occasions,
gold and other valuable articles were deposited with the body in the
grave. On this occasion, one of Cheboo’s people was present, and seeing
what was done, watched an opportunity to rob the grave; which he
effected, and escaped with the treasure. Amoo his neighbour sought
redress of Cheboo and Apoutay, but without success: he then laid the
affair before the King of Ashantee; who summoned all the parties before
him, gave them an impartial hearing, and awarded in favour of Amoo.
Quacoe Apoutay was detained as a hostage until restitution should be
made: but he, in a short time, contrived to make his escape, and, when
at liberty, refused to accede to the award made by the King of Ashantee.
On this Amoo attacked the town in which Cheboo and Apoutay resided, and
routed his opponents: after this, at the instigation of the King of
Ashantee, the parties met to settle the dispute; but Quacoe Apoutay
acting treacherously on the occasion, sent privately to Cheboo for an
armed force to support him: and a battle was the consequence, which
ended in the death of the man who had committed the theft, and the total
defeat of Apoutay and his forces. At this crisis the King of Ashantee,
willing to bring about a peace, again interfered. He sent two gold
manillas, the one to Amoo, the other to his adversary, directing them to
cease all hostilities; to which both parties agreed, and took the
manillas. Amoo obeyed the King; but Quacoe Apoutay attacked Amoo, and
drove him in his turn from his town. Amoo, indignant at the repeated
deceptions of Apoutay, obtained succours, and overthrew his treacherous
opponent. The King of Ashantee still anxious to reconcile his
neighbours, and unwilling to draw his sword, presented two gold swords
and an axe to Amoo, and recommended him to conciliate Quacoe Apoutay,
and terminate their quarrels. Amoo consented to obey the King, but in
the mean time was again attacked by his implacable foe, and totally
defeated, and lost in the contest the golden sword and hatchet. His
opponent committed ravages wherever he came, killing messengers, and
every man who fell into his hands, not sparing even the King of
Ashantee’s messengers! A war with the King of Ashantee followed
hereupon: Quacoe Apoutay and Cheboo dreading his vengeance, fled to the
Fantee country: in consequence of which the King sent a message to
Acoom, the caboceer or mayor of Assecoomah (a small state tributary to
the King of Ashantee,) accompanied by a present of twenty ounces of
gold; stating the necessity of his pursuing his enemies to the Fantee
country, but giving assurance of the King’s pacific disposition towards
the Fantees, and that his only object was to get into his possession
Cheboo and Apoutay: the Fantees would not interfere, nor allow the
Ashantee forces to come into their country. Upon this answer, Appey
Dougah,[142] the King of Ashantee’s general, collected, by command of
his master, a large force, and gave the enemy battle at Buinka in
Fantee; he displayed great gallantry, and defeated the two Kings, in
conjunction with the Fantee forces that had joined them. Next day Cheboo
and Apoutay having rallied their forces, and formed a junction with a
fresh Fantee force, gave Appey Dougah battle; but were totally defeated,
with the loss of many killed and made prisoners: among the latter was
Atia,[143] the caboceer of Abrah, the principal town of Fantee. A large
sum was offered for his ransom, but refused; and he was committed to the
care of Acoom, the caboceer of Assecoomah, in whom the King had great
confidence; but this person betrayed his trust, and liberated the enemy.
Quacoe Apoutay, baffled at all points, sent to the King of Ashantee to
accept his conditions, provided he would discharge his debts on his
return home. To this proposal the King agreed, and, in token of his
friendship, sent various presents to Cheboo and Apoutay; who, instead of
receiving them with gratitude, beheaded the messengers. This wicked and
unprovoked act roused the indignation of the King of Ashantee, and he
vowed eternal war against the aggressors. Acoom (who had been forgiven
by the King for his treachery in suffering Atia to escape,) being in
possession of a large quantity of provisions, was applied to by the King
of Ashantee for a supply, which he with seeming cheerfulness granted:
six times he delivered faithfully those that were contracted for, but,
the seventh time, he betrayed about one thousand men who had been sent
for them, and sold them in March or April, 1806. In consequence of this
conduct Acoom became involved in the war: very shortly afterwards the
King of Ashantee defeated him, and made rapid progress with his army
towards the coast in search of Cheboo and Apoutay. The Fantees opposed
his march, but were defeated in every onset, and the Braffoes were
nearly extirpated by the Ashantees in their march. The Annamaboes,
instigated by the remaining Braffoes, were impudent enough to receive
and protect Cheboo and Apoutay; which proved fatal to them. At this
period the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, being under some apprehension
for the safety of the British settlements, was inclined to send a flag
of truce with a message to the King of Ashantee, who was now (May, 1806)
at Abrah, and only fifteen or twenty miles from the coast. The
Annamaboes (who were consulted on the measure) objected to it, and the
design was consequently suspended. The Governor was anxious to know upon
what terms the King would consider the British, and wished to become a
mediator; but the Annamaboes, who placed a vain dependence on their name
and strength, fully expected that the King and his army would be
conquered; and that if not the whole, the greater part of the army would
fall into their hands; and hence were not disposed to pacific measures,
nor would they permit the Governor’s messenger to proceed inland.
Shortly after this, a division of the Ashantee army made its appearance
at Cormantine, and routing the inhabitants from the town, completely
destroyed it. The captain of this division contrived to get into the
Dutch fort, and having pillaged it of a number of articles, took up his
residence there. It was now time to become acquainted with the King’s
intentions; and for that purpose the Governor of Annamaboe fort sent a
messenger with a flag of truce to the commander of this division,
intimating a wish to be acquainted with the King’s motives for marching
an army to the coast, and proposing himself as a mediator. This message,
we may suppose, was conveyed to the King; and on the following day three
men were observed coming from Cormantine with a white flag displayed,
and (Mr. White) the Governor, expected they were the bearers of some
agreeable and satisfactory intelligence: in this however he was much
disappointed; for the commander of that division of the Ashantee army
being in possession of fort Amsterdam, was elated with his success,
particularly in getting to the sea side; (a circumstance which inspired
him with such joy, that he went to the beach and dipped his sword three
times in the sea, some of which he had conveyed to the King as a proof
of his success:)—whether those circumstances stimulated him to try the
disposition of the English chief, we know not; but the message he sent,
imported a degree of haughtiness by no means agreeable to Mr. White, and
was to this effect: that when the Governor would send him twenty barrels
of gunpowder, and one hundred muskets, he would be told what the King’s
designs were. To comply with this demand would be acknowledging too much
submission, and would doubtless give the King a very indifferent opinion
of the British character. Mr. White behaved politely to the people, gave
them some refreshment, and told them that he regretted that the King, or
their master, did not appear inclined to come to an explanation, or to
conciliate matters: that if the King would point out in what manner the
Annamaboes had offended, he would use his authority to have satisfaction
given: that until he was assured of their having transgressed, or having
injured his Majesty, they were entitled to the protection of the fort,
if they sought for it: and that, finally, if the King’s army should come
with any hostile intentions near the fort, it would be fired upon.
After this two or three of the heavy guns were fired with shot, for the
purpose of giving them an idea of the destructive power of artillery;
and they were preparing to depart, when private information was
received, that the flag of truce would be violated in its return, and
the men murdered. Whereupon Mr. White and Mr. Wilson (a gentleman not in
the service,) escorted them, and left them in safety within a short
distance from their quarters. The Governor now anxiously looked for a
definitive reply from the King, and every assiduity was used to place
things in a defensive position; and the towns-people having heretofore
placed a firm reliance on their strength, became alarmed, and were
solicitous to be assured of the Governor’s protection. Mr. White
informed them, that if the King of Ashantee intended to attack the town,
he would give them all the assistance and protection in his power; at
the same time advised them of the most prudent measures to be employed
for their safety and defence. He instructed them, in the first instance,
to have strong parties on the look-out, and to guard every avenue
leading into the town; and, on the first alarm, or approach of the
enemy, to send the old men, women, and children to the fort, where they
would be received; and as many as the fort would not accommodate, to
come close to the walls, where they would be under the protection of the
guns.
At this crisis Mr. White and the inhabitants of the town were ignorant
as to the strength of the Ashantee forces, and had but an imperfect idea
of the bravery and intrepidity of the men who composed the King’s army.
It was supposed that the Ashantees partook of the dispositions of the
natives on the coast, who in general cannot stand against a regular and
determined fire, and often creep into some concealed hole, when cannon
or musket shot are heard to whiz among them; or, if the Ashantees were
superior, it was little imagined that their courage, or ardour for
conquest, would carry them to the very muzzles of the guns, and
consequently expose them to inevitable destruction.
About a week had elapsed, and no news from the King; which was no
favourable indication of pacific measures. The commander of the division
at Cormantine, and who proved to be the King of Dinkara, sent forward a
party to ascertain the strength of the town of Annamaboe, and succeeded
in gaining possession of a village called Agah, situated upon a point of
land about one mile eastward from Annamaboe; whence every movement of
the Annamaboes on that side could be observed. This was considered an
annoyance, and on the 14th of June a strong body (indeed almost the
whole of the town’s people) marched out for the purpose of dislodging
the Ashantees. The action was clearly seen from the fort. The Annamaboes
were received in the most gallant and spirited manner by nearly a third
of their force, and for some time the contest was doubtful. The
Ashantees fired with more regularity than could be expected, and their
muskets were well directed; whereas the Fantees kept up a confused fire
without taking aim; they however succeeded, and the Ashantees retreated
in excellent order, keeping possession of part of the village which lay
concealed in a valley, and where the Annamaboes did not think proper to
proceed. The Annamaboes were either too confident of their strong
position, or thought too insignificantly of their opponents, to attend
to the advice given them by Mr. White; for while they were amused by
this small party, the King, with the main body, was vigilant in securing
the different passes leading to the town, and was at this time only
three miles to the rear of it.
Early on the 15th those who were on the look-out observed the Ashantee
army in motion: the alarm was given, and every man who was able to carry
a musket, repaired to meet the enemy. As the town was situated at the
rear of the fort, and extended some distance inland, no prospect of the
contending parties could be obtained; smoke was seen to arise from
different parts of the surrounding country, and heavy discharges of
musketry were distinctly heard. Alarm and confusion now prevailed
throughout the town, and the women, children, and old men, made the best
of their way to the fort, the area of which they soon filled, after
which the gates were closed. The volleys of musketry were advancing very
fast, and the Fantees were retreating in great disorder: one or two
great guns were fired over the town with a view to impel terror on the
assailants, but they were too much elated with hopes of conquest, and
too resolute to be affrighted: about eleven o’clock the musket balls
were heard to whistle in every part of the fort, and the Ashantees
entered the town in every direction, pursuing the vanquished to the
beach, where the slaughter was great.
The Annamaboes conceived, that with the aid of their canoes and their
knowledge of swimming, they should be able to escape, but they were
pursued too closely by the Ashantees, whose fury appeared to be
insatiable; men, women, and children were followed by indiscriminate
destruction. During this work of carnage, the Governor was very active
with his small garrison to repel the assailants; a twenty-four pounder,
that pointed along the beach to the westward, several times discharged
grape-shot among them, whereby vast numbers must have fallen: a three-
pounder likewise, which flanked the gate on the east side was frequently
fired with grape, notwithstanding fresh parties came on much quicker
than they could be repelled; and at length they came under the walls for
the purpose of carrying away the women who could not be received into
the fort. About this period the Governor[144] was wounded in two places;
one ball struck his mouth and carried away four of his teeth, another
ball passed through his left arm; and nearly at the same time an officer
and two men were wounded, and one man killed.
Things assumed now a more serious and dangerous aspect than was
apprehended, and gave the garrison a strong assurance of the disposition
of the enemy, who, it was evident, intended to bend his utmost efforts
against the fort. The Ashantees were confident that by gaining
possession of it, a large booty would be obtained. However, the small
number which composed the garrison of Annamaboe at this period,
consisting of Governor White, Messieurs Meredith, Swanzy, Smith, and
Baines; also four free mulattoes and twenty men, including soldiers,
artificers, and servants, were confident of the severity of their
situation. The walls being high, and accurately flanked, and the gates
sound and well barricadoed; the Governor, from the nature of his wounds,
from great debility in consequence of much effusion of blood, being
constrained to retire, and the command of the fort having devolved on
the senior officer, who perceiving that the cannon in one quarter could
not be used with effect, for the enemy fired with such precision as to
cut off every man who was exposed at an embrasure, depended solely on
the musket; and another man having been killed about noon, and two more
wounded:—the garrison was now reduced to the small number of eight,
including officers, who could be depended upon, and the Ashantees were
using every effort to force the western gate; but were twice repulsed
with no small loss. A third time they attempted it, and endeavoured to
apply fire to the gate; but the man who brought the materials for that
purpose, extinguished the fire by falling a corpse upon it. In all their
attempts they were defeated with musketry alone, and notwithstanding
that their efforts to gain an entrance into the fort proved ineffectual,
the contest was continued till six o’clock. After this cessation, and
before total darkness came on, the garrison used all possible energy in
repairing injuries, and preparing for the defensive, in case of
hostilities being renewed in the night.
On the following day a scene replete with the horrors of war exhibited
itself:—heaps of dead and wounded around the walls, and for a mile along
the eastern shore, tossed about by a violent surf:—houses unroofed, and
others on fire:—the sorrowful countenances of the old men, who sought
refuge in the fort; the mournful lamentations of the women, and the
pitiable cries of the children, presented a picture of exquisite feeling
and of the greatest distress! Of the number the town contained, and
which we will calculate to have been at least fifteen thousand souls, we
may suppose that two-thirds of that number perished. The fort afforded
refuge to about two thousand of every description, and about two hundred
escaped to a rock surrounded by the sea, and at pistol-shot from the
beach, where they remained unmolested, and notwitstanding the vigilance
of the Ashantees, we may suppose that two or three thousand effected
their escape. Without going into further enquiry, we may venture to
state that eight thousand Fantees were destroyed; and although they were
attacked by at least three times their number, yet if they were actuated
by one-third of the bravery of their opponents, they would have
committed some execution, and doubtless would have checked that
intrepidity and ardour which were so pre-eminently conspicuous in their
enemy. Their resistance was very feeble; terror seized them at the
commencement of the attack, and it impressed them so forcibly, that the
sea formed but an indifferent barrier to their precipitate flight.
When the fury of the Ashantees against the Fantees was a little
diminished, they turned part of their force against the fort with great
coolness and resolution, advancing with shouts expressive of their
loyalty and courage, to the very muzzles of the guns. At the east side
of the fort, two three pounders, which were well served, destroyed
numbers of them with every discharge of grape: but at the west side, the
cannon which flanked the gate could not be rendered useful, in
consequence of advantages the enemy possessed, and which were not to be
found on the opposite quarter, where the musket alone was to be
dependended upon: and we have the authority of the gentleman who
commanded (after Mr. White was wounded) of stating, that he and another
officer (Mr. Swanzy) fired nearly three hundred rounds of ball-cartridge
in keeping the gate clear, and protecting those who were under the
walls. Mr. Swanzy was so injured with the recoil of his musket, that he
could not use his right arm for some days without much pain, and the
other officer (Mr. Meredith) was nearly in the same state.
What loss the Ashantees sustained cannot be precisely laid down: the
King, prior to his departure from Annamaboe, said, he lost three
thousand men: but in that number he probably included those who were
carried off by disease. His men however suffered very severely; for
their approach was made with such large bodies, that twenty, thirty, or
perhaps more, fell with every discharge of grape-shot; and the musket
not only killed, but very often wounded at the same time, so close were
the enemy.
At this period (the 16th of June,) the fort was in an awkward
state,—completely blockaded on the land-side, and a very imperfect
communication by sea, and only a few weeks provisions for the number it
contained; add to which, the effluvia from the dead bodies, which were
approaching fast to a putrid state, excited very uneasy apprehensions.
These circumstances demanded some extraordinary effort, which the
garrison, from its weakness, could not attempt. Every person, from great
exertion and constant exposure to a vertical sun on the 15th, and from
solicitude and want of rest, was much fatigued. Nevertheless things wore
a more promising appearance; whenever plunder was attempted, which now
and then was the case, it met with resistance. There was not, however,
any desire manifested by the Ashantees to renew hostilities, and every
motion indicated a wish for peace. The garrison too was very desirous of
such an event, but did not wish to be the first to yield, or to offer
any terms without orders from the chief-governor. The King, from his
late successes, had a high opinion of his power and the bravery of his
army. On the other hand the small garrison, notwithstanding its reduced
state, had no mean opinion of itself, and wished to confirm in his
Majesty an idea of the superior skill of Europeans.
The Governor at Cape Coast was apprised of the state of affairs at
Annamaboe, and lost no time in sending assistance. Two ships were
provided for the purpose, which sailed from the Cape on the morning of
the 16th: but, from unavoidable circumstances, the re-inforcement the
ships brought could not be landed before four o’clock in the afternoon.
This re-inforcement consisted of twelve men and four officers; and their
arrival in the fort afforded much satisfaction. This party was landed
under cover of the smoke of some heavy guns, and was not fired at; but
the canoe, on returning, was fired upon and one man wounded. It was the
Governor’s order that a flag of truce should be sent to the King, to
endeavour to bring about an amicable understanding. A white flag was
accordingly lowered over the wall, accompanied with the national
colours; and when the emblem of peace was observed, it is impossible to
express sufficiently the joy that diffused itself among the people: the
multitude which crowded around the flags was inconceivably great, and it
was with difficulty that the King’s officers, who were known by golden
swords and axes, could clear the way leading to his quarters: the air
resounded with acclamations in praise of their King, and expressive of
their satisfaction at the prospects of peace.
And here we cannot forbear remarking, that although the Ashantees are so
remote from polished or civilized nations, they seem not to be
unacquainted with the customs of a civilized people, as they are
connected with the rules of war; for they paid every respect to the flag
of truce: a few indeed of them were making towards the rock on which
were a number of Fantees, but they well understood the signal of recall,
when a musket or two were fired over their heads. The flag of truce
returned about seven o’clock, with three messengers from the King; and
they, in order to justify the King for his proceedings against the
Fantees, entered into a long detail of the origin of the war, which we
have been attempting to describe. The King was pleased that the flag of
truce was sent, and expressed his satisfaction by giving the two
soldiers who were the bearers of it a fat sheep. After a conference that
continued beyond two hours, the messengers departed.
A communication was thus established with the King and his army; but it
was considered prudent to keep the gates closed until a perfect
understanding was effected. It appeared, however, that this could not be
done, without a meeting between the chief Governor and the King. To
accomplish this Mr. Meredith tried to persuade the King to go to Cape
Coast, but in this he was disappointed; he however gained his Majesty’s
consent to send some of his confidential and chief men to wait upon the
Governor, and to hear his sentiments.
It will, we doubt not, be gratifying to the reader, if we here subjoin
the correspondence between Mr. Meredith and Mr. Torrane, the Governor in
Chief, on this occasion.
_Annamaboe Fort, June 17_, 1807.
SIR,
MR. WHITE directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter to the
Governor of Elmina. The state Mr. White is in, being much weakened with
loss of blood and other causes, prevented him paying that attention to
your letters which they demanded, and my duty was such, that I could not
spare a moment to write you fully. I had a conference with three of the
King’s messengers last night, and at this instant there are two men with
his Majesty; when they return, you shall be acquainted with the result.
I have already mentioned to the King that Cheboo would be given up, and
if it was agreeable for him to send his cane, and one or two of his
gold-headed swords, I would engage their security by going to Cape Coast
with them. The message received from the King was of a favourable
tendency; and I trust he will perceive the expediency of putting an end
to this sanguinary war. Be assured we are all so employed on various
duties, it debars me more particularly of giving you a further detail of
our proceedings. But I trust, by a messenger this evening, to relate
fully every circumstance attending this very severe contest. The party
were landed in safety, viz. twelve privates, one corporal, with Messrs.
Bold, Galloway, and Woolbert. Both ships will remain here until to-
morrow. I am well pleased with the attention and assistance afforded us
by Captain Coley.
I am, &c.
HENRY MEREDITH.
_Colonel Torrane, Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c._
_Cape Coast Castle._
* * * * *
_Annamaboe Fort, June 17_, 1807.
SIR,
I WROTE you this morning, acknowledging the receipt of your letters,
and, agreeably to my intentions then, I take the liberty of stating more
particularly the occurrences in this garrison on the 15th and subsequent
to it. I beg leave to remind you, that we were prepared for any attack
that might be made upon us, by any body of men unaccustomed to the shock
of artillery; and I believe Mr. White assured you of the confidence he
placed in the officers and men under his command, and every soul was
animated with a desire to do his duty.
[Here follows a description of the battle as before related.]
The re-inforcement you was pleased to send, got on shore without any
opposition about four o’clock P.M.; and I assure you we were very glad
to receive them, as, from the severe duty we had undergone the preceding
day, we were much cut up by fatigue. About six P.M. the flag of truce,
with a corporal and private from the detachment you sent, were conveyed
to the King; and as they proceeded, they were warmly greeted by the
Ashantees. The message the King returned was modest; he said, it was not
his intention to commence hostilities with the fort, nor to distress any
of the whites; his enemies were the Assins and Fantees, and he now
conceived his anger against them pretty well assuaged. This morning
(17th) according to agreement, his messengers came, and said, that the
King wished to see the same person that conveyed the flag of truce, that
they might hear from his own lips what he had to deliver. Accordingly I
sent them with Dutton, a man of quick understanding, to hear more
particularly the sentiments of his Majesty. After remaining some time
hearing the opinion of his counsellors they returned, and after some
preliminary discourse, they informed me that the King had deputed six of
his principal men, with six deputed by the men of power in his train, to
repair to Cape Coast to hear what you have to say, and to negotiate. In
course of their communication the King deplored the number of lives that
were lost in consequence of the fire from the fort.
As the messengers mean to repair to Cape Coast, I will forbear relating
every particular. The King seemed to say that he must have those who
sought protection in the fort: this he only hinted at, and probably the
same may be hinted to you; but in giving them up, we ought to be assured
of their being used kindly. I send a canoe with this, and have agreed
with the messengers, that you will send canoes and a guard for their
protection. Mr. White’s travelling canoe is in good order, therefore be
pleased to send eleven canoe-men for her. This canoe, with three more
from the Cape, will, in my opinion, be fully sufficient to convey the
whole twelve messengers with their guard. The number of persons here are
reducing our provisions very fast, and if not removed soon, some of them
will be most likely starved, or will be the cause of some serious
malady: the sooner we are rid of them the better. But if you can gain
their protection, it will be a humane act. Mr. White, who I am happy to
say is in a fair way, desires his respects.
I am, &c.
(Signed) HENRY MEREDITH.
_Colonel Torrane, Governor in Chief,
&c. &c. &c._
* * * * *
SIR,
BOTH your letters of yesterday’s date I have received; the latter has
given me particular satisfaction, not only as it affords every prospect
that this war will be terminated, but also as it removes great anxiety
from my mind respecting the state of Mr. White’s wounds. The assurances
you now give me that he is in a fair way of recovery, are highly
gratifying. I dispatch eleven canoe-men for Mr. White’s canoe; and I
also send three other canoes. I trust the King will appoint persons of
sufficient consequence to negotiate with me: I have an earnest wish to
see the King: make this desire known to him; tell him I think it may
essentially lead to the arrangement of affairs of much importance; that
I have greatly to deplore with him this war; that although these events
cannot always be guarded against, they may even ultimately bring future
good consequences; and herein I think much depends on our meeting.
Assure the King, that notwithstanding the steps I have taken to give
protection to the Fantees, I have ever held him in the highest respect,
from the many reports I have heard of him, and that, had I seen any
messenger from him antecedent to his attack on Annamaboe, I am of
opinion we should have avoided the blow in that quarter. The King I
understand to be a man of strong mind: it will naturally suggest itself
to him, that a meeting between us may be of vast importance to the
country. Assure him I have too high a consideration for my own
character, as well as his consequence, to suffer the smallest indignity
to be offered to him; that if he will come to the castle I shall be
proud to shew him every honour, and that I will give every possible
security for his personal safety. I have apartments ready for him, and
officers shall be sent to attend him here. On receipt of this, send your
accustomed messenger to the King, saying, that you have a letter from
me, and that an officer will wait personally on him to explain the
contents. This officer with this letter in his hand, you will send (say
Mr. F. L. Swanzy) as early as you shall receive the King’s reply. I know
not whether you have a good flag for the occasion; I therefore send one.
Mr. F. L. Swanzy will have two flag-bearers, one with a white flag, the
other carrying the union; and he will be very particular in explaining
every part of this letter, and do his utmost to persuade the King to
visit the Cape. He may also add, that a ship can be procured, if he (the
King) prefers coming that way, and that an officer of distinction shall
be sent to accompany him. In a few words, Mr. F. L. Swanzy will do his
utmost to persuade the King to visit the castle. An officer should come
here, with the guard you send to protect the messengers. You must let me
know of what consequence the messengers are, that I may treat them
accordingly, and this it will be advisable to acquaint me of before
their arrival.
I am, &c.
(Signed) GEORGE TORRANE.
_To Henry Meredith, Esq._
Although these men proceeded to the Cape, it was found that nothing
important could be transacted without an interview with the King, and
for this purpose Colonel Torrane was obliged to go to Annamaboe, and a
day was fixed for a conference. To give as favourable and as respectable
an opinion as possible of the British, a number of articles as presents
were sent to the King, and as many officers and soldiers as the service
could afford, were assembled to attend the Governor on the day
appointed; but previous to those preparations, and a few days after the
flag of truce was received by the King, Cheboo (one of the men who was
the cause of the war) was secured by the Governor at Cape Coast and sent
to Annamaboe, to be delivered up to the King, in expectation that any
further effusion of blood would be prevented, and that it would be the
means of saving the Fantees from entire destruction. These benevolent
purposes were not realized: the King had proceeded so far in the war,
that he could not recede without displeasing those auxiliaries he had
with him, and who expected a vast deal of plunder; and besides, Apoutay
and Acoom were again in arms, and collecting all the Fantees they could
to oppose the King’s progress. On the day appointed for the interview,
the Governor and his party were put in motion, and although the
procession was not very numerous, it was arranged with taste, and made
no despicable appearance. About twenty of the Company’s artificers,
habited in a neat manner, marched in front; a guard of forty men, and a
band of music followed them; next walked the Governor, followed by ten
officers, two and two, and some gentlemen traders (who were enticed from
the Cape by curiosity), brought up the rear. When the procession had got
a short distance it was met by a principal man, who was sent by the King
to conduct the Governor, and to keep off the multitude, which was
assembling in great numbers, some of whom had never seen a white man.
Notwithstanding the authority of this person, and the exertions of his
attendants, the curiosity of the people was so great that every avenue
was crowded; which, by preventing the circulation of air, augmented the
natural heat of the day, and this inconvenience was farther increased by
the putrid smell from the dead bodies, and the vast swarm of flies. The
Governor was obliged to visit each man of rank, before he could be
received by the King; a ceremony that could not be prudently denied, and
which occupied some time: for those men had their several courts, and
collectively had formed an extensive circle. Every one of them was
seated under a huge umbrella, surrounded by attendants and guards, with
young persons employed in fanning the air and dispersing the flies,
which were numerous and troublesome. One of those men and his attendants
excited some curiosity and attention: his dress and appearance were so
different from those of the others, that it evidently proved he must
have come from countries situated a considerable distance inland. He was
a tall, athletic, and rather corpulent man, of a complexion resembling
an Arab or an Egyptian. His dress was heavy, and by no means adapted to
the climate. He wore a cap that came down below his ears, and being made
of yellow cloth, it did not contribute to diminish his tawny complexion.
He was a follower of the Mohammedan religion, possessed much gravity;
but was communicative, condescending, and agreeable. He had about him a
great number of sentences from the Alkoran, which were carefully incased
in gold and silver, and upon which he set a high value. He was a native
of Kassina, a country that appears to be situated to the south of east
from Tombuctou. He said he had been at Tunis and at Mecca; had seen many
white men and ships, and described the method of travelling over the
great desert. This person commanded a body of men who fought with
arrows, as well as muskets: four of the arrows were found in the fort;
they were short and pointed with barbed iron. He had many persons in his
train who were of the same colour, but varied a little as to dress: they
were all habited in the Turkish manner, but did not wear turbans. After
the ceremony of visiting those persons was over, the Governor was
conducted towards the King, who was surrounded by a number of
attendants, whose appearance bore evident signs of riches and authority:
chains, stools, axes, swords, flutes, message-canes, &c. were either of
solid gold, or richly adorned with that metal: those dazzling
appearances, added to damask, taffety, and other rich dresses, gave a
splendour to the scene highly interesting. When the Governor approached
the King, and when an interchange of compliments had passed, the air
resounded with the noise of musical instruments, such as drums, horns,
and flutes. After some conversation, during which much politeness was
observed in the behaviour of the King, the Governor wished this
ceremonial visit to be returned; which was agreed to, and a convenient
place was found to receive the King and his train. The Governor, his
officers, and attendants, were formed in a half-circle, and seated under
the shade of some trees, and a passage of sufficient breadth was formed
by the soldiers for the King and his attendants to pass through. It was
full two hours before his Majesty was announced, so numerous was his
train. Each man of rank, as he advanced, paid the necessary compliments
agreeably to the custom of his country, and then filed off. It was
previously directed, that the King should be received with arms
presented and the grenadiers march when passing the soldiers. This mark
of distinction and respect appeared to give him much satisfaction: he
halted to observe the orderly behaviour and uniform appearance of the
soldiers; and the martial air that was playing, seemed to produce the
most agreeable sensations on his mind. The writer had an opportunity of
seeing this man. He was of the middle size, well formed, and perfectly
black, with regular features and an open and pleasing countenance. His
manner indicated understanding and was adorned with gracefulness; and in
all respects he exceeded the expectations of every person. His dress was
plain: it consisted of a piece of silk wrapt loosely about him; a wreath
of green silk ornamented his head: his sandals were neatly made, and
curiously studded with gold. He was not distinguished by any gold
ornaments, as his attendants were. One man who was dressed in a
grotesque manner, and who appeared to act the buffoon, was, literally,
loaded with gold.
As this was a visit of ceremony, no business of consequence was
transacted. The King politely enquired after Mr. White, and expressed a
hope that he would soon be well of his wounds. He said he would move
from Annamaboe soon, as his army felt ill effects from the water, and
from the dead bodies. After this visit, every confidence was placed in
the King and his army, and as the gates were now opened, a free
admittance was allowed: various conferences of a favourable nature were
carried on between both parties; but peace with the Fantees was
considered impracticable. Apoutay had escaped the King’s vigilance; and
Acoom was at the head of a strong party, and marching towards Annamaboe
to give the King battle. The King assured the Governor, that after he
had subdued his enemies to leeward, he would return to Annamaboe for the
purpose of making arrangements relative to the future welfare of the
country, and the regulations of trade.
It was agreed, that those residing under British forts, provided they
observed a neutrality, should not be molested, and that every respect
should be paid to the British flag. The Governor likewise procured the
release of those who sought refuge in the fort, although the King
contested his right to them; for this reason, that as he destroyed the
town, he had a claim to every person and to every thing belonging to it.
On report of Acoom being in arms and making preparations to attack the
Ashantees, the King ordered his army to collect and march to meet him.
Two days subsequent to the King’s departure (3d July,) Acoom’s party and
the advanced guard of the Ashantee’s met; a battle was the consequence,
which ended in the defeat of Acoom, who, with his party, would have been
cut off, if a river, that was in their rear, had not favoured their
flight; the fordable parts of which were known to them, but not to the
Ashantees. After this defeat, the King’s enemies dared not shew
themselves in the field in any force; they however supported a kind of
predatory warfare, and were sometimes successful in cutting off small
foraging parties. As the Ashantees proceeded to leeward, desolation
accompanied them; almost every town and village were laid in ruins; but
disease, which got among them at Annamaboe, and which spread rapidly,
carried off vast numbers. This unexpected calamity altered the King’s
intentions: he could not return to Annamaboe without risking the loss of
his whole army; prudence therefore directed him to face towards his
kingdom, leaving at Accra a sufficient force to dispose of prisoners,
and to convey them in safety to Ashantee.
Cheboo and Apoutay, who appeared inseparable friends at the commencement
of this war, and throughout it, fled to Cape Coast with about five
hundred followers, as soon as they perceived the Ashantees approaching
towards Annamaboe, on the 15th of June. The Cape Coast people were
willing to afford them protection and assistance, but when the Governor
heard how things were at Annamaboe, he warned them of the danger, and
advised them to be neutral. When an account arrived at Cape Coast of the
desperate attack made on Annamaboe fort, the Governor came to the
resolution of securing, if possible, both these men, and delivering them
up to the King as the most probable means of not only putting an end to
the war, but of securing the King’s friendship. A party was accordingly
selected for that purpose; but Apoutay, after a warm contest, wherein
some were killed on both sides, effected his escape. Cheboo was not so
fortunate; he was secured and sent to the King, as we have already
mentioned; his followers too made a precipitate flight, leaving behind
them some bulky articles, among which were the whole of Cheboo’s
regalia, which were carefully lodged for the King; and it had the effect
on his disposition that was intended; it gave a favourable opinion of
the British, and assured him of the Governor’s friendship, and at the
same time it abated the desire he encouraged, to be revenged for the
loss his army had sustained on the 15th. For he concerted a design to
attempt the fort by storm, and Wednesday the 17th was the day appointed
for this enterprise. The plan was not badly arranged; and was to be
conducted in the following manner. Six thousand men were to be selected;
half of them destined not only to mount the walls, but to apply a
quantity of gunpowder under them; the explosion from which was expected
to shake the fort very much, and likewise to create such a confusion
within as to cause the garrison to be off its guard; the other half were
to keep up a continued firing. The plan was averted by the prudent
policy of the Chief Governor, not only by his securing Cheboo, but by
his alacrity in demanding a truce, whereby the King’s resentment was
cooled, and his inclinations diverted towards pacific measures.
[Footnote 142: This should be Appia Dunqua; he was the elder brother of
Appia Nanu, an account of whose disgrace is in the Diary.]
[Footnote 143: This should be Atta.]
[Footnote 144: Mr. White, who, after an absence of twenty seven years
from his native country, expired a few hours after he landed in it.]
APPENDIX. No. II.
* * * * *
_Translations of a Manuscript descriptive of Mr. Park’s Death._
MR. SALAME’S TRANSLATION.
[The words in italics, so distinguished at that Gentleman’s request, not
being in the original.]
A literal translation of a Declaration, written in a corrupted Arabic,
from the town of Yaúd in the interior of Africa.
In the name of God the Merciful and the Munificent.
This Declaration is issued from the town called[145] Yaúd in the Country
of Kossa[146].—We (the writer,) do witness the _following_ case;
(statement.) We never saw, nor heard of the sea (River) called[148]
Koodd; but we sat to hear (understood) the voice (report) of some
persons _saying_, “We saw a ship, equal to her we never saw before; and
the King of Yaúd had sent plenty of every kind of food, with cows and
sheep; _There_ were two men, one woman, two male slaves and two maids in
the ship;[149] _The_ two white men _were_ derived from the race (_sect_)
of Nassrí; (Christ or Christianity.) The King of Yaúd asked them to come
out to him; (to land[150]; and they refused coming out, (landing,) and
they went to the _King of the_ Country of[151] Bassa, who is greater
than the King of Yaúd; And _while_ they _were_ sitting in the ship and
gaining a position (rounding) over the Cape of Koodd, and _were_ in
society with the people of the King of Bassa, the ship reached (struck)
a-head of Mountain which took (destroyed) _her_ away,[152] and the men
and women of Bassa all together, with every kind of arms; (goods); And
the ship could find no way to avoid the mountain; And the man who _was_
in the ship, killed his wife, and threw all his property into the Sea,
(River), and _then_ they threw themselves _also_ from fear[153]:
Afterwards they took one _out of the_ water till the news reached the
town of Kanji,[154] the country of the King of Wawí, and the King of
Wawí heard of it, he buried him in his earth, (grave), and the other we
have not seen[155]; perhaps he is in the bottom of the water.”—And God
knows best. Authentic from the mouth of Sherif Abrahim.—Finis.
MR. JACKSON’S TRANSLATION.
[Of this Gentleman’s considerate politeness in anticipating my wishes by
a spontaneous offer to translate this MS., I shall have occasion to
repeat my acknowledgments in the Geographical Appendix.]
In the name of God the Merciful and Clement.
This Narrative proceeds from the territory in Housa[146] called[145]
Eeauree. _We observed_ an extraordinary event or circumstance[147], _but
we neither saw nor heard of the River which is called[148] Kude_, and as
we were sitting, we heard the voice of children and _we saw a vessel_
the like to which in size we never saw before; and, _we saw_ the King of
Eeauree send cattle and sheep, and a variety of vegetables in great
abundance: and there were two men and one woman, and two slaves, and
_they tied or fastened them in the vessel_.[149]
There were also in the vessel, two white men of the race called
Christians (N’sarrah) and the Sultan of Eeauree called aloud to them to
come out of the vessel,[150] but they would not.
They proceeded to the country of Busa, which is greater than that of the
Sultan of Eeauree, and as they were setting in the vessel, they hung or
were stopped, by the Cape or Head Land of Kude.[151]
And the people of the Sultan of Busa called to them, and poured their
arms into the vessel, and the vessel reached the head-land or cliff, and
became attached or fixed to the head of the mountain, and could not pass
it. Then the men and women of Busa collected themselves hostilely
together, with arms of all descriptions, when the vessel being unable to
clear or pass the Cape, the man in the vessel killed his wife[153] and
threw the whole of her property into the river: they then threw
themselves into the river, fear seizing them (the news of this
occurrence was then conveyed to the Sultan Wawee) until it reached by
water the territory of Kanjee,[154] in the country of the Sultan Wawee,
and we buried it (a male body) in its earth, and one of them, we saw not
at all in the water,[155] and God knows the truth of this report. From
the mouth of the Shereef Ibrahim.—The end.
* * * * *
I have sent the original MS. to the African Association, the following
is Mr. Jackson’s transcript of it. I regret that Mr. Salamé did not also
furnish a transcript of this MS.
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
هذه الوثيقه خرج من بلد حوسا يقال يَور ونحن راينا الامر لم نري ولانسمع في
البحر الذي يقال كوض انما نحن جلسنا نسمع صاخ صبيان لرايت السفينه لم نري
مثله قط فارسل سلطان يَور لرايته مع البقر والكبس مع انواع الطعام كثيرِ
هما رجلان وامراة واحدة والعبدان وعقدان في السفينة رجلان بيضان خرجوا من
نسب نصري ويدعوهو سلطان يور الي ان خرجوا اليه وابوا خروج ومشوا الي بلد
بسا وهوا كبر من سلطان يور وهم يجلسون ويعلكون ملوك علي راس كُوض ويصاخور
اهل سلطان بُسا لرايته وهم ركوب في السفينة بلغ السفينة راس جبل وياخد
الجبل السفينة ورجال بُسا والنساه بسا يجمعون كلهم مع انواع السلاح
والسفينة لم يجد طريق المنع الجبل ورجل الدي في السفينة قتل امراته ورمي
ماله كله في البحر ورموا نفسهما في البحر لخوف ثم ياخدوا بلغ خبر الي سلطان
واوي حتي بلغ ماه به الي بلد كنجي بلد سلطان وَاوَيَ ودفنه في قرابه وواحد
منهما لم نره اقل في قهر الماه والله اعلم صح في فَم شريف اِبراهيم * تمت *
[Footnote 145: Sir William Ouseley (who very obligingly communicated a
hurried translation from Crickhowel, although the original had been but
two hours in his possession) read this Yaur or Yaôur.]
[Footnote 146: Sir Wm. writes Husa or Haousa: the latter is occasionally
the Moorish pronunciation, but Houssa is invariably the negro. I
certainly never once heard that Houssa included Yawoorie, which has a
distinct Sovereign, who is mentioned in the MS.: Perhaps it may be
accounted for, from Yawoorie being one of the seven kingdoms tributary
to Houssa or Mallowa.]
[Footnote 147: Mr. Jackson has preserved this apparent contradiction in
his fidelity to the original, according to his reading. He considers, it
may be reconciled by presuming that the writer only saw the vessel pass
Yawoorie, and did not witness the ultimate catastrophe at Boussa, where
he imagines the river may first receive the name of Kude, as African
rivers frequently have a different name in every country through which
they flow. This interpretation does not make the writer a mere reporter
as in the other translation, but a witness of all that happened at
Yawoorie, although not afterwards. I never understood the river to have
any other name than Quorra or Quolla, from Shego to Foör, yet of this we
ought not to feel positive.]
[Footnote 148: It is very extraordinary that the name of the Quolla
should always be written Kude, Koad, or Koada, and that Mr. Hutchison,
who was learning Arabic of the Moors, in Ashantee, should be taught to
write and pronounce as Quolla, the same Arabic word which every European
proficient reads as above. I cannot help thinking that, from bad
writing, ignorance, or perhaps some occidental difference, the _d_ is
put for the _l_,[a] and that it should be Kule or Koala, especially as
there appears to be a town called Kula on its banks, (see routes in
Appendix) which comes very close to Kulla, Mr. Brown’s river. The
identity of the Quolla and Kulla, seems confirmed by Mr. Dupuis reading
the name of the kingdom, as written by the Moors, Koora, which seems as
if they had written it for once, according to the negro pronunciation,
(Quorra,) for as I have observed (p. 196) that the negroes always
substitute r for the Moorish _l_ (a defect also characterising a dialect
of the Coptic, the Chayma, the Tamanack, &c. &c., and common, as Baron
Humboldt observes, to every zone) Koora becomes Koola, for the same
reason which the Quorra of the negroes was always pronounced Quolla by
the Moors; and Koola, it will be allowed, is very near to Mr. Brown’s
Kulla.]
[Footnote a: I recollect one, but only one instance of the negroes
substituting _d_ for the Moorish _l_, which was in Toppodo for Toppollo,
a town of Bornoo.]
[Footnote 149: Mr. Jackson writes وعقدان في السفينة Uakkadan fee sfeena,
i.e. and tied or bound them in the vessel or ship, adding, that he is at
a loss to imagine how it can have been converted into “two maids in the
ship.”[a] Sir Wm., however, in his hurried notice, rendered it ‘female
slaves.’]
[Footnote a: _Ockdan fi ássafinat_, means either “_Two maids_, or _two
female slaves_, in the ship,” and no otherwise.—A. S.]
[Footnote 150: “Invited (or entertained them) until they left him,” Sir
Wm.]
[Footnote 151: Sir William, in his hurried perusal, read this, “and went
on to the country of Besa, and (the Sultan of) this country is greater
than the Sultan of Yaour: there they settled or halted, above Ras (Cape)
Koumen. The people belonging to the Sultan of Besa saw the boat, and
they went into the boat, and it reached the Mountain Cape, (or
Headland,) and was there stopped.”]
[Footnote 152]
[Footnote 153: “And _the man who was_[a] in the boat slew his woman
(امراة) and threw every article of his property into the river, and then
cast _themselves_ into the river through fear.]
[Footnote a: I translate this in the singular, yet afterwards, there
seems a confusion with the plural.” Sir Wm. This act, which appears very
improbable, and which I never heard of in the oral accounts which I
received whilst in Coomassie, (Diary, p. 91) if it was committed, must
have been by Lieut. Martyn, recollecting the difference of his and Mr.
Park’s dispositions, and Amadi Fatouma’s anecdote of the former wishing
to kill him for preventing him from firing any more at the people of the
King Gotoijege, I should observe here, that Amadi Fatouma’s _Poul_
nation can be no other than the Fillani, (p. 207) the Fullan of Ben Ali,
for though it has been translated Poul, there is no _p_ in the Arabic,
and the Moors in Ashantee always wrote _f_ for the negro _p_, as _fon_
for _pon_. As Col. Maxwell merely observes in his letter, that “Isaaco’s
Arabic Journal was translated into English, by a person resident in
Senegal, who probably had but an ordinary or colloquial knowledge of
Arabic, it is to be regretted that the original was not transmitted with
it, as a more careful perusal of it by Sir William Ouseley or some
Arabic scholar in England, would probably reconcile the two accounts, at
least in the names of places, if not in the circumstances, more than
they can be from the translation remitted.]
[Footnote 154: See note; p. 202.]
[Footnote 155: “And the other did not,——from the violence of the
water.”—Sir Wm.]
APPENDIX. No. III.
* * * * *
ROUTES.
1.
To Dwabin.
Seepa
Marmpon
Pakooroo
Aquooquamong
Okimdaia
Weterkroom
Bunkooroo
Boomfeea
Kinnesoo
2.
To Quaoo.
1. Assiempong
2. Thro’ Amoom R. to Oseemadoo
3. Obogoo, Frontier Quaoo town.
4. Adumpong, the Government of the C. Coast Captain
5. Assebanasoo
6. Minidasoo, Famous for Palm Oil.
7. Assoona
8. Wantomo
3.
To Accra.
1. Odossoo
3. Kroofoofroom, Two hours from the lake.
4. Obirribee, The 1st Akim town
5. Assinee
6. Over Boosempra to Gawasee
7. Meeasee
8. Monasa
9. Over the Aninnee, (rising in a hill called Quomshoo, 1 day to the
W.) on a tree
10. Ashoosoo
11. Aquapong
12. Over Birrim to Measa
13. Asheeaqua
14. Kookrantoom
15. Aguiesso
16. Marmpon and Aboödee, Visited by Issert, who calls it 24 miles from
Christiansburg Castle.
4.
To Accra.
1. Ashiedumpong
2. Assaboo
3. Assuennie
5. Antarranaï
6. Ammoonoom
7. Akropong
9. Abirriwantoo
10. Aradntem
11. Kookrantoom
13. Aguiesso.
5.
To Elmina.
1. Thro’ the towns Akasee, Kankawasee, Odasoo, Adiabin, Asakkraka,
Adoonko, Agafrompon, to Adoomasa
2. Fiasee, Bonechumay, Asanasoo, to Becquoi
3. Inshuentem, (_between waters_) Abimpingua, to Atobiasee
4. Thro’ Hoomassie, Assekosoo, Edoomassie, Akoorkerry, Akotokee,
Yankeren, to Abateä, the frontier town of Dankara
5. Thro’ Sewooterasee, (_put your head lower_) Aboposoo, the frontier
Tufel town, to Ensuaguesoo, (_woman’s town_) the capital of Tufel
6. Morobim
7. Thro’ Akoontarrem, (the 1st Warsaw town) Amodai, over Bopoquaw, (a
high hill where there was formerly a large croom, now deserted) &
Apachamba, to Kaïrakoo
8. Over Pra to Demamba
9. Dadiasoo
10. Asseecooma, Abannasoo, Abrādi, Elmina, or, as the natives call it,
Addĭna.
6.
To Dankara.
1. Dakoon
2. Terraboöom, the frontier town of Dankara
3. Thro’ Mosiasoo to Enquanta
4. Thro’ Ofoo, Amasoo, to Dankara.
7.
To Buntookoo.
1. Barree [156]or to Passaroo
2. Beamasoo, or to Dooniantiffee
3. Ensoota
4. Quanta
5. Across Tando, to Odomassee
6. Suaterree
7. Birrakoomee
8. Yammee
9. Kirribeeö
10. Kickiwerree
11. Buntookoo
8.
To Banda.
1. Tafoo
2. Ofeesoo
3. Abofoo
4. Kinkawasoo
5. Akomada
6. Tandosoo
7. Koontoosoo
8. Takima
9. Weäkee
10. Aousa
11. Soko
12. Namasa
13. Coransoo
14. Bimma
15. Banda
9.
To Boopee.
1. Esansoo, or Medima
2. Through Ofim, which rises close to the E. to Bümsoo or Akimakasie
3. Soodroo
4. Takimenteä, or Quamang
5. Akommadeä, or Boomang
6. Boisoo
7. Coranza
8. Boibin
9. Koonquoontee
10. Dawdaw
11. Akrofroom
12. Oboosmosoo
13. Moboäsoo
14. On the path
15. Over Adirri
16. Boopee
10.
To Sallagha.
1. Marmpon
2. Aphwaguiasee
3. Gammasee a fetish temple
4. Akrofroom
5. Intonnasoo (Cloth Town)
6. Quanasee or Troabirree
7. Agwoona
8. Adoogan
9. Over rivers and mountains to Aguirra, or Poorra
10. Through Sennee to Amanting
11. Pattooda
12. Atoboboo
13. Weasee
14. Pannangha
15. Yadjee
16. Over Adirri to Sallagha
11.
To Source of Sennee.
1. Agamachasee
2. Aboiman
3. Yatirrim
4. Oweeamasee
5. Anyanasue
6. Assekadoomasee
12.
To Odentee ferry.
1. Kokoofoo
2. Guia
3. Weeäsee
4. Bassa
5. Tarrisoo
6. Over Sennee, to ferry
13.
From Yahndi to Daboia
1. Through Patinga to Duetuem
2. Tampeūn
3. Through Nantong to Kompoongo
4. Through Boö to Dindinno
5. Daboia
Large Towns on the Route from Boornoo to Oongoora.
Deeagarra
Digza
Gellaroo
Rakah
Zaghgah
Ariggum
Madellarie
Zogogdo
Doobba
Toppollo, or Toppodo
Garaga
Gaskaia
Matchella
Goozirrinkoorra
Dumgabalo
Potuskum, or Kuskum
Dawaso
Woodbo
Gummo
Zega
Adagia, Mallagee, and Katanga, lay between Oongoora, and Kassina.
Towns adjoining, or laying close to the right and left of the above
Route.
Serrakeelaia
Dakum
Lismaroo
Goobilwa
Gobookalashee
Dazakou
Danga
Likhalalie
Looha
The following transcripts of the most intelligible of the MSS. I
brought, according to the different readings, with the Negro
pronunciation as it was familiar to me in Ashantee, will show how
careless or incapable the Moors are of writing the names of Negro
kingdoms accurately according to the expression of the natives. The
original MSS. will be sent to the African Association, to whom I had
hoped to present the interesting itinerary of Shereef Brahima from
Dagwumba to Mecca, but this valuable MS. which it had cost me so much
pains to procure, after being kept three months by one gentleman before
he discovered that he had not time to translate it, was lost or mislaid
by another in the course of doing so, and I have the mortification of
being unable to submit any other than the mere skeleton of it. See
Geography, p. 205.
CHART No. I.
_Course of the Niger or Quolla (by a Houssa Moor.)_
Negro pro- Mr. Jackson’s reading Mr. Dupuis’ reading and
nunciation. and transcript. transcript.
Gebowa Gebawa جباو
Toro Futa Jelua فوت جلوا Foota Joolaba فُوتَ جلوب
Jollabi
Fota Tora Futa Tura فوت طورَ Foota Tooroo فُوتَ طُورُ
Hasoo Kassua خَصوا Khassoua خَصُوا
Jaoona Jäun جَعونْ Jafoona جفون
Gammoe G¯remua غموا Ghemoua غمُوا
Mallaia Maly Faly مَلَي فَلي Malia مَلي
Shego Shag¯ru شاغُ Shagho شاغُ
Sansandin Sansandia سَنسَندي Sansandia سَنسَندي
Jennie Janni جَان Jinnie جَان
Mashina Masheena مَاشِنَ Mashena مَاشينَ
Jimballa G¯rimbala غِمْبَلَ [157]Ghimballa غِمْبَلَ
(G¯r nearest sound
to غ.)
Kabarra Kabra كَبرَ Kabara كَبَرَ
Timbuctoo Timbuctoo ثمْبَكْتُ
Jolliba Jilab Karihua جلاب كريهوا Jilleb Kareho جلاب كريهوا
(or Garihua.[158])
Uzzabin Asabin احبن Azbene ازبن
Gaw G¯raheh غاي Ghou غاو
Kabi Keb كب Kabi كب
Yaoora Eüra يورَ Yaoury يور
Hooman حمن
(Dhooman)
Raka Baka بَكا Raka رَكَا
Quarraraba Kurauabee كرَوبَي Koorawaba كْرَوَبَ
Mafeegoodoo Mafikadoo مَافِقُدَ Mafhygodo مَافْقِغُدُ
Cadie, Shad شد Shada شَدَ
Caudee,
and Chadi
Sharee R. Shar شر Sharry شَرِ
Foor Fure فور Foor فُوُرْ
Weddai Wadan وادان Wadana وَادَانَ
(i.e. two rivers.)
Soonar Sanar سَنَارْ Sanar سَنَارْ
Shuar Sheua شوَا بنَسر Shewa ben شوَا بن حسن
Benassa benasser Hassan
Shousuad شوسواد Shousooda شوسواد
Doulamba دُلَنْبَ
Kalen or فالن or كالن Kalana كالن
Falen
Jefeesgo Jafag¯r جَفَغْ Jafegh جفغ
Massar Mass’r مصر Massir مصر
MS. No. I.
_Route from Boussa to Yarriba._
Wauwaw Wou واوْ
Kaiama Kima كيما
Godoobirrie Khudubar خدوبار
Gamba Khamba خَمْبَ
Kroomie Yarriba Kurmi Yarabia كُرْم يَرَبي
Ageasee Abashee ابَشي
A more familiar illustration of the difficulty or carelessness of the
Moors in writing Negro names, is the following route to Sallagha, to
which there are many paths, containing several Ashantee towns, which I
have laid down in the map. I rather think, however, the corrupt Arabic
of the interior is not quite understood.
MS. No. II.
Negro pronun- Mr. Jackson’s reading and transcript.
ciation.
Jemakashee جماكاشي
Gammasee Khemashee or خماشي
Ghemashee
Akrofroom Kukerume or كوقروم or كوكروم
Kuferume
Ber kaleela (a برقليلا
narrow or close
country)
Soota U badha Shta }
}
} وبعده شتا
}
And afterwards Shta or an }
alluvial country }
The people of Sudi in the وحيل اسود كان في بلد شتا
territory of Shta
Marmpon U badha Mamefm و بعده مَمفم
Aduarrie Kennie D’keen Adjar دكين ادجار
Aguira Ajuee or Ajree اجري or اجوي
Antonasoo Anteenee عنتيني
Akakuee اككوي
Patooda (no P Ketdee كتدي
in Arabic)
Atoboo Atab اتاب
Weasee Hooashee or جومشي or حوعشي
Weeashu
Feneeueekee فنيويقي
Perhaps meaning Bure بور
frontier of
Booroom
Sallagha Salag~r سلغ
I shall submit more translations or transcripts of routes and charts in
Arabic, adding the Negro pronunciation, as the situations of most of the
places were not so clearly confirmed as to enable me to insert them in
my map, and consequently it is important to enable future travellers to
refer to them; such outlines being a great assistance in directing and
checking enquiry (which they frequently originate) and investigation.
The original MSS. will be sent to the African Association, in case a
further examination may be desirable hereafter.
MS. No. III.
_Course of the Niger or Quolla (by a Bornoo Moor.)_
Negro Mr. Jackson’s reading Mr. Dupuis’ reading and
pronunciation. and transcript. transcript.
Bambooch Banbug~r بَنبُغ الدي Banboogho بَنْبغ
eladi eeakul ياكل
el Ham Abn الحم ابن ادم
Adam
Banbug~r, who eat the flesh of men.
Firmagr~a فرمَغَ Fermagha فرمَغَ
Hasoo Hâsu حاسُ Hasoo حَاسُ
Jaoona Jahunu جَاحُنُ Jahoonoo جَاحُيُ
Gamoo Jamu جَمُ Jamoo جَمُ
Malay or Mallaia Mali مَلي Malabi مَلبي
Shego Shaegru شَيْغُ Shagho شَيْغُ
Sansandin Sansandy سَنسَندِ Sansadia سَنسَدَ
Jennie Jany جَنِ Jinnie جني
Mashina Masina مَاسَنَ Massina مَاسنَ
Timbuctoo Tunbûktu تُنبَقْتُ Timbuctoo تمبقْتُ
Gauw G¯rau غَاوْ Ghaou غاوْ
Kolomanni Kulman كُلْمَنِ Koolmani كُلْمَن
Zinberme Dtanberma ذَنبرْمَ Danberma ذَنْبرْمَ
Cabi Kabi كَبِ Kabi كَبِ
Yawoorie or Eauri يَاوُرِ Yaouri يَاوُرِ
Yaoora
Noofee Nufy نُفي Noufee نفي
Boussa Busâa بوسَا Boussa بوسا
Rakka Raka رَاقَا Rakka رَاقَا
Bornoo B’rn Bernu برن Bornou برن
Chadee L. (The lake drawn, but the name not written.)
Bagarrimee Bag¯rarm باغرو Baghroom باغرم
Kalamfarradoo Kaferk or كافرد or Kaferda كافرد
Kaferd كافرك Kalferka
Weddaï Wadana (two وَدَان Wadai وَدَان
rivers)
Soonar Surnar سُرنَرْ Soonar سُونَرْ
Siua سيوا Sewa سيوا
Schweess Suis سويس Souisa سويس
Zaloo Jal جال Jaloo جال
Kataëba Katab قَتَب Kataibi فَتَيب
Makidzue Mek’duh مقدوح Mokad مقدوح
Mertabass M’rtabas مرتباس Mertabas مرتباس
Hoodayba Mamudeeb مَموديب Haoudeba هوديي
Taiboos Teesuse تيسوس Tesoos تيسوس
Jarooba Jerub جروب Jarouba جروب
Tabarrabass Tidburse or تدبرس or Tarbasa ترباس
Tidfurse تدفرس
Gedda. J’da جدا Jidda جدا
Geddook J’duk جدوخ Jidoukh جدوخ
Limbarr’ Linbabahr لنبَبَحر Linbahar لنبحر
Tarrowm Term ترم Taroom ترم
Massar M’nser منصر Minsor منصر
Sakunderree or Skender, a سكندر مرج Sakundria, سْكَنْدَرِ
Askandarie swamp lake Alexandria
_Route from Timbuctoo to Ferjan (from the same MS.)_
Tuan توان Toowano توان
M’brûk مبروك Mobaruka مبَرْوك
Jeerban حيربن Joojebani اجوجبن
Abugiberk ابوجبرخ Kheerabi خيربي
Tehekeem تحكيم Tahkema تحكيم
Bageeacha }
}
Hootailee }
}
Goosaicha } not written, but position marked, and thus pronounced.
}
Hayloon }
}
Barrahese }
Ferjan فرجان Ferjan فَرْجَانْ
_From Timbuctoo to Tunis (from the same Chart.)_
Ziggie Jak, Jik, or جق Jagha جغ
Juk
Arowalla Arun or Arul عرول or عرون Aaroon عرون
Tarrabaleese Trahesen ترهيسن Trabolas ترهبليس
Mooquinassa M’kenas ممكناس Mookanassa مَكْنَاس
Hass Has حَاسْ Hhas حَاسْ
Landoloos Lindalsu لَندَلْسُ Lankalsoo لَنكَلْسُ
Toonis Tunis تونس Tunis تونس
Near the sea كباله بحر
Other towns named on this route were
Hassaladee
Hassazedeed
Hassat
Omattaras
Dizzaela
Dazeleel
Katerbaîlie
Bahadzai
Maratooph
Swamach
MS. No. IV.
_Course of the Niger or Quolla (by a Jennie Moor who had been to
Egypt.)_
Negro Mr. Jackson’s reading Mr. Dupuis’ reading and
pronun- and transcript. transcript.
ciation.
Mallaia Malh ملح Mahh مَاحْ
Shego Shak سك Shako سكُ
Sansandin Sansandee سنسدَي Sansandia سنسنديَ
Jennie Jin جن Jinnie جنِ
Massina Masheen ماشين Mashina ماشين
Tinbuctoo Tinbut تنبت Tinbuctoo تنبت
(Here he draws the Jolliba flowing from or into the Quolla by
Timbuctoo.)
Gauw Gru غو Ghou غو
Quoälla Kula كولا Koualla كولا
Askeä Assaëe اَساَي Askea اسكي
Zabirma Zabuaä زبوعا Zaberma زبرما
Cabi Keb كب Kaby كبا
Yaoora Eeurë يور Yeory يور
Boussa B’sa بسا Bussu بسا
(Here he branches off a southern route to Yarriba with precisely the
same names as in MS. I, by the Houssa Moor.)
Noofee }
}
Quolla-liffa }
}
Atagara } not written, but position marked, and thus
} pronounced.
Sharee R. }
}
Chadee L. }
Foor Foo فوُ Sour صُره
Weddai Wadaee وداي Wadai وداي
Joonar Jusenaw جوسناو Joosnou جوسناو
Shewa Shuee شوي Shouy سوي
Sooeess Siuse سُوسْ Sweis سُوسْ
Zale Zal زاَل Zal زاَل
Zaedooma Zeehwam زيهوم Zeedouma زيدوم
Lachtamoo Lahellam لاحلام Lakhtamo لاخطام
Makagoodoo Mehed’twa محذوْع Mohadzou محذوْع
Dalooba Deeluba ديلوبا Djaoba دجاوبا
Tarbass Tubas توباس Terbasa ترباس
Jaheesoo Jekeesee جخيس Jakhesa جخيس
Latooha Lituh or ليعوح or ليطوح Letouh ليطوح
Liauh
Mabanoos M’benuse مبنوس Mabanouso مَبَنُوس
Itkhame Atekam اتخام Etakhamo اطخدَمُ
Massar Missu مصو Massir مصر
Sooryada Sueed سويد Sourida سُويد
Nezoogoo Teeawa تياوع Nezugh نيزوخح
Kataramoo Kateram كترام Kateramo كترام
Dahloomoo D’helume دحلوم Dhalomo دحلوم
Hateboo Heteeb حتيب Hhateba حتيب
Haheenie Heneen حنين Hahhene ححين
Hajamie Khejam خجام Hajame حجام
Tapasooloo Tefawn تفعون Tafsoona تفصون
Askandarie Askundria اسكندري
Bahar Mela (Bahar Melhah the Bahar al Malah
salt sea)
MS. No. IV.
This was written by an old Moor, a native of the Mallowa country, but
unfortunately just as he had finished (for I made them all write at the
moment in my own apartment, however hurried, rather than allow them to
go home and compose for me) and was beginning to explain what he had
written, a summons from the King obliged me to quit him, and he left
Coomassie before I could procure another visit from him. In the absence
of all explanation, I can only conclude from some few names that are
familiar to me, that it is a route from Berragoo over the Quolla, and
then westward to Bergoo, known to Mr. Brown. I am only induced thus to
preserve a transcript of this ms. from its fortunate co-incidence in
several names with the valuable lost itinerary of my friend Brahima, as
far as can be collected from a mere sketch of a translation, which was
made in anticipation of the perfect one. I shall submit them
collaterally, as they assist to elucidate each other, and agree very
well in the relative positions of places, although the parties never saw
each other, which is some satisfaction under the disappointment.
_Outline of Brahima’s MS. No. IV.
Itinerary._
Mr. Dupuis’ reading and Mr. Jackson’s reading Other readings.
transcript. and transcript.
Bazao بَزاوُ (بَراوُ) Burg¯ru بُرْغُ Bouroughoo
(Barao)
Babigry بَبِغي Babaghe
Kaikshi كَيَقشي Keekesh كيقش Keekash
Droo دروو Serkune سركون Serkoon
Mashooko مَشوُكوْ
Banghoo بَانْغُوا Banaka بانعقا
Toonooma تُونُومُ Tuee توي
Yajoury يَجُورِ Tenbykukmaetunby تنب كوك مَيتُنْب
(doubtless
Yawoorie)
Kenbua كنبوا Kanboo
Dendawy دنداوي Danadoo
Belg¯rua بلغوا Balaghou
Jabdgho جَبْذْغُ Jebeng¯rua جبنغوا Jabadghoo
Keemba or كمْبَا (كصْبَا) Kamba كمبه
Keerba
Kadarkoo اَلجركَدَرْكُ Kedug¯reh R. كَدوغه Kadarko
R.
Doodirba ذُذْرْبَا Dtedterba R. ذذربا Dodarba
R.
Uwawfeh وواوفه
Mhaka Kury محكا كوري
(arrival at
Kury)
Saffer سفر
Aäu Khashah اعَوو كحاشه
Shawanka اشَوَنْكَا Shawangra شاوَنْغَ
Ghoufel غوفل Jafu جافُو Japhoo
Simmer سمر
Yarkoo يركو
Daghm دغم
Bannanao بَنَنَوْا
Doonkee دُنْقيْ Dunka دُنقَيْ Doonkot
Ghodau غوضا G¯ru’w غووَ Ghouwa
Salamo سَلَمْوُا
Janboodoo جَانْبُدُوا Jabendu جابندوا
Soosoo سُسُوْا Susu سُوسُوْا
Kooreree كُرر Koos كوصْ
Barghoowa برغَوَا Berg¯rua برغوا
Nak or نك
Naka
Water of وض
Wada
Douga ضوغا
(probably
Donga)
Mazim مزم
Kal كل
Makji مقجي
Tafkat تفقت
Shal L. شل
Koad or كوض
Koada
Here the writer signified that he went back to _Kateen_, as appeared
to the transcriber, but more probably_Kassina_, and thence proceeded
to
Kano كَن
Bornou برنو
Sher R. شر
Shadda L. شاد
Foor فر
Wada وداء
Massir مصر
Makata مكة
(Mecca)
Madina مدينه
Shem شام
(Damascus)
Jerusalem, بيت المقدس
&c. &c.
[Footnote 156: When _or_ appears between two names, it means that each
town is equally close to the path, and indifferently visited.]
[Footnote 157: Mr. Dupuis renders the Arabic غ g¯h agreeable to
Richardson. Mr. Jackson has insisted on preferring g˘r throughout. Mr.
Dupuis, having sailed for Africa, has not had the advantage of
correcting the press for himself, but every care has been taken.]
[Footnote 158: Sir W. Ouseley remarks, that the letter _k_ is frequently
softened into _g_.]
APPENDIX. No. IV.
* * * * *
REPTILIA. (REPTILES.)
_Gen._ MONITOR, _Cuvier._
_Sp._ 1. _Pulcher_, _Leach._
M. Supra niger albo pulcherrime zonatus et maculatus: zonis
dorsalibus e maculis effectis, ventre albido nigro transversim vage
lineato, cauda compressa carinata.
This elegant species was found in Fantee. The whole upper parts of
the body, the legs and tail, are black, most beautifully banded and
spotted with white. The bands on the tail are alternately wide and
narrow; the wider bands are each much and abruptly dilated above
into a kind of spot, whilst the narrow ones become gradually wider
in the inverse direction. The legs are spotted above with white; the
under parts of them, as well as of the belly and throat, are also of
the same colour with the spots.
_Gen._ CHAMÆLEON, _of authors._
_Sp._ 1. _Dilepis_, _Leach._
Ch. Capite supra sub plano utrinque bicarinato: carinis antice
conniventibus, occipite utrinque squama magna instructo, dorso
subspinoso-carinato.