IX.

Ever mindful of his people and seeking always to promote their

welfare, Douglass was one of those who urged, in all his addresses at

this period, the abolition of slavery and the arming of the negroes

as the most effective means of crushing the rebellion. In 1862 he

delivered a series of lectures in New England under the auspices of

the recently formed Emancipation League, which contended for abolition

as a military necessity.

The first or conditional emancipation proclamation was issued in

September, 1862; and shortly afterward Douglass published a pamphlet

for circulation in Great Britain, entitled _The Slave's Appeal to

Great Britain_, in which he urged the English people to refuse

recognition of the independence of the Confederate States. He always

endeavored in his public utterances to remove the doubts and fears of

those who were tempted to leave the negroes in slavery because of the

difficulty of disposing of them after they became free. Douglass, with

the simple, direct, primitive sense of justice that had always marked

his mind, took the only true ground for the solution of the race

problems of that or any other epoch,-that the situation should be met

with equal and exact justice, and that his people should be allowed to

do as they pleased with themselves, "subject only to the same great

laws which apply to other men." He was a conspicuous figure at the

meeting in Tremont Temple, Boston, on January 1, 1863, when the

Emancipation Proclamation, hourly expected by an anxious gathering,

finally flashed over the wires. Douglass was among the first to

suggest the employment of colored troops in the Union army. In spite

of all assertions to the contrary, he foresaw in the war the end of

slavery. He perceived that by the enlistment of colored men not only

would the Northern arms be strengthened, but his people would win an

opportunity to exercise one of the highest rights of freemen, and by

valor on the field of battle to remove some of the stigma that slavery

had placed upon them. He strove through every channel at his command

to impress his views upon the country; and his efforts helped to

swell the current of opinion which found expression, after several

intermediate steps, in the enlistment of two colored regiments by

Governor Andrew, the famous war governor of Massachusetts, a State

foremost in all good works. When Mr. Lincoln had granted permission

for the recruiting of these regiments, Douglass issued through his

paper a stirring appeal, which was copied in the principal journals of

the Union States, exhorting his people to rally to this call, to seize

this opportunity to strike a blow at slavery and win the gratitude

of the country and the blessings of liberty for themselves and their

posterity.

Douglass exerted himself personally in procuring enlistments, his two

sons [his youngest and his oldest], Charles and Lewis, being [among]

the first in New York to enlist; for the two Massachusetts regiments

were recruited all over the North. Lewis H. Douglass, sergeant-major

in the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, was among the foremost on the

ramparts at Fort Wagner. Both these sons of Douglass survived the war,

and are now well known and respected citizens of Washington, D.C. The

Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, under the gallant but ill-fated Colonel

Shaw, won undying glory in the conflict; and the heroic deeds of the

officers and men of this regiment are fittingly commemorated in the

noble monument by St. Gaudens, recently erected on Boston Common, to

stand as an inspiration of freedom and patriotism for the future and

as testimony that a race which for generations had been deprived of

arms and liberty could worthily bear the one and defend the other.

Douglass was instrumental in persuading the government to put colored

soldiers on an equal footing with white soldiers, both as to pay and

protection. In the course of these efforts he was invited to visit

President Lincoln. He describes this memorable interview in detail in

his _Life and Times_. The President welcomed him with outstretched

hands, put him at once at his ease, and listened patiently and

attentively to all that he had to say. Douglass maintained that

colored soldiers should receive the same pay as white soldiers, should

be protected and exchanged as prisoners, and should be rewarded, by

promotion, for deeds of valor. The President suggested some of the

difficulties to be overcome; but both he and Secretary of War Stanton,

whom Douglass also visited, assured him that in the end his race

should be justly treated. Stanton, before the close of the interview

with him, promised Douglass a commission as assistant adjutant

to General Lorenzo Thomas, then recruiting colored troops in the

Mississippi Valley. But Stanton evidently changed his mind, since the

commission, somewhat to Douglass's chagrin, never came to hand.

When McClellan had been relieved by Grant, and the new leader of the

Union forces was fighting the stubbornly contested campaign of the

Wilderness, President Lincoln again sent for Douglass, to confer with

him with reference to bringing slaves in the rebel States within the

Union lines, so that in the event of premature peace as many slaves

as possible might be free. Douglass undertook, at the President's

suggestion, to organize a band of colored scouts to go among the

negroes and induce them to enter the Union lines. The plan was never

carried out, owing to the rapid success of the Union arms; but the

interview greatly impressed Douglass with the sincerity of the

President's conviction against slavery and his desire to see the war

result in its overthrow. What the colored race may have owed to the

services, in such a quarter, of such an advocate as Douglass, brave,

eloquent, high-principled, and an example to Lincoln of what the

enslaved race was capable of, can only be imagined. That Lincoln was

deeply impressed by these interviews is a matter of history.

Douglass supported vigorously the nomination of Lincoln for a second

term, and was present at his [March 4] inauguration. And a few days

later, while the inspired words of the inaugural address, long

bracketed with the noblest of human utterances, were still ringing in

his ears, he spoke at the meeting held in Rochester to mourn the death

of the martyred President, and made one of his most eloquent and

moving addresses. It was a time that wrung men's hearts, and none more

than the strong-hearted man's whose race had found its liberty through

him who lay dead at Washington, slain by the hand of an assassin whom

slavery had spawned.

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