CHAPTER I.—The Occasion of the Wars between Louis XI. and the Count of
Charolois, afterwards Duke of Burgundy.—1464.
As soon as my childhood was over, and I was old enough[6] to mount on
horseback, I was presented at Lisle to Charles, Duke of Burgundy[7], at
that time called the Count of Charolois, who took me into his service:
this was in the year 1464.
About three days after my arrival at Lisle, the Count d’Eu[8] the
Chancellor of France, called Morvillier[9], and the Archbishop of
Narbonne[10], as ambassadors from the King of France[11], arrived there
also; and, in the presence of Philip, Duke of Burgundy[12] the Count of
Charolois, and their privy council, were admitted to a public audience
in open court[13]. Morvillier’s speech was exceedingly arrogant,
accusing the Count of Charolois of having (during his late visit to
Holland) caused a small man-of-war belonging to Dieppe to be seized,
in which was the Bastard of Rubempré[14], whom he had also caused to
be imprisoned, upon pretence that his design was to have surprised and
carried him into France; which report he had had published wherever he
went, and especially at Bruges (a town of great resort for strangers
of all nations), by Sir Oliver de la Marche[15], a Burgundian knight;
for which cause the French king, finding himself, as he said, unjustly
traduced, demanded of Duke Philip that Sir Oliver de la Marche might
be sent prisoner to Paris, to receive such punishment as his offence
deserved. To which Duke Philip made answer, that Sir Oliver de la Marche,
being a native of Burgundy, and steward of his household, was in no
respect subject to the crown of France; but if, however, it could be
fairly proved that he had either done or spoken anything that reflected
on the king’s honour, he would take care to see him punished according
to the nature of the crime. That as to the Bastard of Rubempré, he had
been taken prisoner upon information of intelligence which he and his
confederates held in the Hague, where his son Charles, the Count of
Charolois, had his residence at that time. That if his son were more
suspicious than he ought to be, he had not learned it from him (for he
never was of a jealous temper), but rather from his mother[16], who,
he must confess, was the most fearful and apprehensive lady he had
ever known. But yet, though he was not timorous himself, had he been
in his son’s place, when the Bastard of Rubempré was hovering about
that coast, he should have caused him to be apprehended, as his son had
done. However, if, upon inquiry, the said bastard should not be found to
have conspired against his son, as was reported, he would cause him to
be released immediately, and sent back to the king, as the ambassadors
demanded.
No sooner had Duke Philip ended his speech, but Morvillier began again
with great and dishonourable complaints against Francis, Duke of
Bretagne[17]; affirming that the said Duke of Bretagne and the Count
of Charolois, at the time when the Count of Charolois paid his majesty
a visit at Tours[18], had interchangeably set their hands and seals to
an instrument of amity, whereby they had become brothers-in-arms; which
instrument was delivered by Messire Tanneguy du Chastel[19], who has
since been made Governor of Roussillon, and borne great authority in
this kingdom; and this action Morvillier heightened and exaggerated in
such a manner, that he omitted nothing that could possibly be said on the
subject, which might tend to the shame and dishonour of a prince. The
Count of Charolois, being nettled at the severe reflections he had cast
upon his friend and ally, often attempted to answer him; but Morvillier
always interrupted him, saying, “My lord, I was not sent hither on an
embassy to you, but to the prince your father.” The count, however,
repeatedly entreated his father to give him leave to speak, who at last
replied, “I have answered for you as, in my judgment, a father ought to
answer for his son. Nevertheless, since your desire is so great, think
over it to-day, and to-morrow you shall have liberty to say what you
please.” Morvillier still urged the matter farther, and declared, that he
could not imagine what could have induced the Count of Charolois to enter
into that association with the Duke of Bretagne, unless it were a pension
the king had given him[20], together with the government of Normandy, but
which, for some reasons, his majesty had since taken from him.
The next morning, before the same audience, the Count of Charolois,
kneeling upon a velvet cushion, addressed himself first to his father,
and began his discourse about the Bastard of Rubempré, alleging that the
causes of his apprehension and imprisonment were just and reasonable, as
would appear upon his trial. Yet I am of opinion that nothing was ever
proved against him, though the presumptions were great; and I afterwards
saw him discharged out of prison, where he had been kept five years.
Having cleared this point, his next business was to vindicate the Duke
of Bretagne and himself. He confessed that the Duke of Bretagne and he
had entered into an alliance and friendship together, and had sworn
to be brothers-in-arms; but that the said alliance was not intended
in any way to prejudice the king or his kingdom, but rather to serve
and support him when occasion required. And lastly, as concerning the
pension that had been taken from him, he said, he had only enjoyed it
for one quarter, and that amounted to nine thousand francs; and that,
for his part, he never was solicitous either for that pension, or for
the government of Normandy; for as long as he was so happy as to be in
favour with his father, he could afford to dispense with the bounty of
other people. I really believe that, if it had not been for the respect
he bore his father, who was there present, and to whom he directed
his speech, he would have answered in much sharper terms than he did.
However, Duke Philip concluded his discourse[21] with great modesty and
wisdom, beseeching his majesty to continue to regard him with favour, and
not easily to entertain an ill opinion of him or his son. After which, he
called for wine and sweetmeats; and then the ambassadors took their leave
of them both. When the Count d’Eu and the Chancellor had taken their
leave of the Count of Charolois, who stood at some distance from his
father, the Archbishop of Narbonne coming last, the count said to him,
“Present my most humble respects to the king, and tell him that he has
handled me very roughly by his chancellor; but before the year is at an
end, his majesty may have reason to repent it.” The archbishop delivered
his message punctually to the king at his return, as you will find
hereafter; and these words bred a mortal hatred between his majesty and
the count, which was augmented by the king’s late redemption of certain
towns upon the Somme—namely, Amiens, Abbeville, St. Quentin, and others;
delivered formerly to Duke Philip by King Charles VII.[22], in pursuance
of the treaty of Arras[23], to be enjoyed by the said duke and his heirs
male, till the sum of 400,000 crowns should be paid.[24] How this affair
was managed, I can give no certain account; only this I can say, that
the affairs of the duke in his declining years, were so entirely governed
by two brothers, the Lords of Croy[25] and Chimay[26], and others of
their family, that he consented to take the king’s money, and restore the
towns that were mortgaged to him, to the great concern and disadvantage
of the Count of Charolois; for they were the frontiers and limits of
their dominions, and they lost, in parting with them, several thousands
of brave soldiers and good subjects. The count charged the whole matter
upon the house of Croy; and when his father was grown decrepit and
superannuated, which at that time he was very near, he drove all the said
Lords of Croy from his father’s palace, took away all their employments,
and confiscated their estates.
_A Treaty of Alliance between Francis, Duke of Bretagne, on the
one part, and Charles, Count of Charolois, on the other. Made
at Nantes, the 22nd of March, 1464._
“Francis, by the Grace of God, Duke of Bretagne, Earl of
Montfort, Richemond, Estampes, and Vertus, to all who shall see
or hear of these Presents, Greeting.
“Whereas love, unity, and agreement between princes, are a
means to preserve them and their dominions, in due obedience
towards God, in a flourishing state, virtue, magnificence, and
tranquillity, and even to improve and augment them; in order
to which, all princes and lords ought to be very intent and
watchful, so as to repress the contentious, and all such as
would invade or form any enterprises against them: and seeing
there has been, from time immemorial, a firm friendship and
alliance made, cultivated, and maintained, as well in respect
to consanguinity, affinity and natural affection, as otherwise,
between the late most high and potent princes the Dukes of
Burgundy, and the late Dukes of Bretagne, our predecessors
(may they rest together in glory!)—and seeing we are and have
for some time been assured that certain people in authority
and near the person of the King of France, excited thereto by
an evil and accursed disposition, have, and do daily move him
to entertain enmity, indignation, displeasure, and ill-will
towards several princes of his own blood, and by false and
wicked reports set him at division and variance with them, to
the detriment of the whole kingdom; advising and exciting him
to invade and divest them of their countries and signiories;
and among others, the most high and potent princes, our most
dear and well-beloved uncle and cousin, the Duke of Burgundy,
and the Count of Charolois his son, and especially us, upon
the account of them, their territories and subjects, so as
to do us and ours all the damage and displeasure they can;
for the prevention whereof, being desirous to make use of all
just and reasonable means, we have—in conformity to the rules
of right reason, and the most just and laudable actions of
our predecessors; and to prevent any sudden, unexpected, and
injurious enterprises, which the said king, by the persuasions,
counsels, and earnest solicitations of those our ill-willers,
may form against us; and the better to enable us to withstand
and resist the same, and to defend our territories, subjects,
and signiories, as we are in duty bound—entered and do by these
presents enter into an alliance, confederacy, and agreement
with our said most dear and well-beloved cousin, the Count
of Charolois, son and only heir of our said most dear and
well-beloved uncle of Burgundy, in the following manner and
form, that is to say:—That we are and shall continue a true
friend and ally to him, will assist him, take his part, advise,
comfort, and succour him, and with all our power protect, save,
and defend his person, and those of his children born or to
be born, and his estates, countries, territories, signiories,
and subjects, as well those dominions which he now holds and
possesses, as those which he may or shall possess, for the
future, in the same manner as we do our own, without any
distinction, against all and every person and persons who
shall molest, lessen, make war upon, or usurp anything from
him, and his said children, their countries, territories,
signiories, and subjects, in any manner whatsoever, without
any reservation or exception of the said lord the king; and
in case he shall, by the advice and enticements of our said
enemies, or otherwise, invade or make war upon our said cousin
of Charolois, we do promise our aid and assistance to him,
our said cousin, against the king, and all others whomsoever,
that would invade, or make war against him. And to this end
we will, for and in favour of him, and for his assistance,
engage ourselves, our territories, countries, and signiories,
in possession or reversion, our whole power, in making war
against such invaders or assailants; and we will signify and
impart to him whatever shall come to our knowledge, that may be
said, done, projected, or contrived to his prejudice, and will
defend him to the utmost of our power: And we do comprehend in
this alliance, convention, and confederacy, our most honoured
lord the Duke of Berry, and our most dear and well-beloved
cousins the Dukes of Calabria and Bourbon; and in regard to the
engagements we have already entered into, and may do hereafter,
we do comprehend therein our said cousin of Charolois, his
countries, subjects, and signiories, with his friends and
allies, present and to come, and their countries and subjects,
as much as we do ourselves and our own dominions, so far
forth as they are willing to be received and comprehended
therein; and we shall not enter into any other alliances or
confederacies, that are prejudicial to this treaty; and we do
by these presents promise and swear by our faith, and upon
corporal oath, on the word of a prince, and upon our honour,
firmly to observe these alliances and confederacies, without
doing anything to the contrary whatsoever; upon condition and
so far forth as our said cousin of Charolois gives us the same
assurance and promises, and observes the same. In witness
whereof, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and
sealed them with our seal.”
Done at Nantes, March the 22nd, in the year of our Lord 1464.
Signed FRANCIS, with a flourish. Upon the fold was written, “By
the Duke’s Command,” and signed MILET, with a flourish.
CH. II.—How the Count of Charolois and several great Lords of France
raised an Army against King Louis XI., under pretence of the Public
Good.—1464.
A very few days after the departure of the king’s ambassadors, John,
late Duke of Bourbon[27], came to Lisle, pretending a visit to his uncle
Philip, Duke of Burgundy, who loved the family of Bourbon most of all the
families in the world. This Duke of Bourbon was the son of Duke Philip’s
sister[28]: she was a widow, and was at that time with him, with several
of her children—three daughters and one son.[29] However, this was not
the true cause of the Duke of Bourbon’s visit; but his coming thither was
to persuade the Duke of Burgundy to consent to the raising of an army in
his dominions, as the rest of the princes of France had agreed to do; in
order to demonstrate to the king the injustice and ill-management of his
kingdom, and to put themselves into a condition to compel him to reform
the State, if fair application could not prevail. This war was afterwards
called the Public Good, it being undertaken upon that pretence. Duke
Philip, who since his death has been called the Good, consented to the
raising of men; but the real object of the business was never made known
to him, nor did he ever think they would ever have proceeded to blows.
Immediately they began to enlist forces in his countries; and the Count
of St. Paul[30] (afterwards Constable of France), being come with the
Marshal of Burgundy[31] (who was of the house of Neufchâtel) to wait upon
the Count of Charolois at Cambray, where Duke Philip then was, the count
assembled the council, and others of his father’s chief subjects, in the
palace of the Bishop of Cambray[32], and there declared all the members
of the house of Croy mortal enemies both to his father and himself[33],
though the Count of St. Paul had long before married one of his daughters
to a son[34] of the Lord of Croy, and alleged it would be much to his
prejudice. In short, the whole family were forced to fly out of the Duke
of Burgundy’s territories, and lost great part of their estates. These
proceedings were highly displeasing to the Duke of Burgundy, whose chief
chamberlain was one of them, called afterwards Lord of Chimay[35]; a
young gentleman of good parts, and nephew to the said Lord of Croy. This
gentleman, for the security of his person, went away without taking leave
of his master, otherwise (as he was informed) he would have been made
prisoner, or killed.[36] The old age of Duke Philip forced him to endure
this patiently; but the true reason of this declaration against his
favourites, was the restitution of the towns upon the River Somme, which
the duke had restored to King Louis for 400,000 crowns, and the Count of
Charolois charged the house of Croy with having persuaded him to do it.
The Count of Charolois having made up this business, and reconciled
himself to his father as well as he could, immediately took the field
with his army, being attended by the Count of St. Paul, as chief manager
of his affairs, and general of his forces under him. His troops consisted
of about 300 men-at-arms, and 4000 archers, besides a large number
of good knights and squires from Artois, Hainault, and Flanders, all
under his command, by the appointment of the Count of Charolois. There
were other brigades as great and considerable, under the command of
the Lord of Ravestain[37], brother to the Duke of Cleves[38], and Lord
Anthony[39], the Bastard of Burgundy; besides several other eminent
officers, whose names, for brevity sake, I shall omit. But above all the
rest, there were two officers in more than ordinary reputation with the
Count of Charolois. One of them was called the Lord of Haultbourdin[40],
an old soldier, bastard brother to the Count of St. Paul, and trained
up in the wars between France and England, when Henry V.[41] King of
England, reigned in France, and Duke Philip was joined with him as his
confederate and ally. The other was the Lord of Contay[42], much about
the age of the first: both of them were wise and valiant commanders, and
of high rank in the army. There were also abundance of young gentlemen,
and among them one more particularly famous, who was called Philip de
Lallain[43], of a family very remarkable for their courage and loyalty,
most of them having lost their lives in the service of their princes.
The whole army consisted of about 1400 men-at-arms, neither well armed
nor well exercised, by reason of the long peace which these princes had
enjoyed; for since the treaty of Arras they had had little or no wars;
only some small differences with the citizens of Ghent, which lasted not
long; so that (if I am not mistaken) they had been at peace for more than
thirty-six years.[44] However, the men-at-arms were well mounted, and
well attended; for few or none were to be seen without five or six lusty
horses in his equipage. The archers might be about 8000 or 9000; out of
whom, at the general muster, they selected the best; but more of them
were disbanded than retained.
The subjects of the house of Burgundy were at that time very wealthy,
by reason of the long peace they had enjoyed, and the goodness of their
prince, who laid but few taxes upon them; so that in my judgment, if any
country might then be called the land of promise, it was his country,
which enjoyed great wealth and repose; more than ever it has since; and
it is now probably three and twenty years since their miseries began. The
expenses and dresses both of women and men were great and extravagant:
and their entertainments and banquets more profuse and splendid than
in any other place that I ever saw. Their baths and other amusements
with women, lavish and disorderly, and many times immodest: I speak of
women of inferior degree. In short, the subjects of that house were
then of opinion that no prince was able to cope with them, at least to
impoverish them: and now in the whole world I do not know any people so
desolate and miserable as they are: and I question not but the sins they
committed in their prosperity are, in some measure, the occasion of their
present adversity, and have brought down this heavy judgment upon them;
especially since they did not own and acknowledge that all good things
proceed from God, who distributes and disposes of them according to his
pleasure.
The Count of Charolois having got his army in readiness as it were in an
instant, and being furnished with all things necessary for a campaign,
marched forward with all his troops, which were all on horseback, except
those who were attached to the train of artillery, which was large and
fine for those times, and accompanied by such a vast number of waggons,
that, with his own only, he could enclose the greatest part of his army.
At first he marched towards Noyon, and besieged a small castle called
Nesle (in which there was a garrison), and took it in a few days.[45]
Joachim, a Marshal of France[46], having drawn what forces he could out
of the garrison of Peronne, observed his motions, but was too weak to
attempt anything against him; and, therefore, when the Count of Charolois
drew near Paris, he threw himself into that town. The Count of Charolois,
during the whole of the march, would not suffer the least act of
hostility to be committed, but made his soldiers pay wherever they came;
so that the towns upon the Somme, and all the others by which he marched,
received his troops, in small bodies, within their walls, and furnished
them with what they wanted for their money; being desirous (as it seemed)
to watch whether the king or the princes would be master of the field.
The count advanced so far, that he came to St. Denis[47], about a league
from Paris, where all the lords of that kingdom had promised to meet
him, but none of them came. The Duke of Bretagne, however, sent, as his
ambassador to the count, the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne[48], who had
blanks with him signed by his master, of which he made use to send news
and letters, as occasion required. He was by birth a Norman, a wise
and clever man; and so it behoved him to be, for many murmured against
him. The Count of Charolois presented himself before Paris[49], and
had a smart skirmish with the Parisians at their very gates, which was
much to their disadvantage. In the town there were no men-at-arms, but
those under the command of Marshal Joachim, and the squadron of the Lord
of Nantouillet[50], who was afterwards grand-master of the household,
and who did the king as much service in this war as any subject who
ever served King of France in his hour of need. Yet after all he was
ill-requited; but it was more the malice of his enemies, than the king’s
fault; though, to speak impartially, neither of them was altogether
excusable. The common people in the city (as I have since been informed)
were in so great a consternation that day that they cried out, “The enemy
have entered;” but without any grounds. However, the Lord Haultbourdin
(whom I mentioned before, and who had formerly lived in that town, when
it was nothing near so strongly fortified as it is now) was entirely for
storming it; and the soldiers, despising the citizens, whom they had
beaten up to their very gates, were also eager for it. Yet, probably,
after all, it was found impracticable, and so the Count of Charolois
marched back to St. Denis.
The next day, in the morning, a council of war was held, in which it
was debated whether or no they should march forward to meet the Dukes
of Berry[51] and Bretagne, who were not far off, as the Chancellor of
Bretagne affirmed, and produced letters to that effect; but the truth is,
he had written them upon his master’s blanks, and knew nothing of them
besides. The decision was, that they should pass the River Seine with
their army. The greatest part of the officers opposed this; and were of
opinion, it was best to return home, since the rest of the princes had
not been punctual to their day; saying, it was enough for them to have
passed the Somme and the Marne, without endeavouring to pass the Seine
too. Some even began to start great difficulties in this undertaking,
upon the account of not having any places behind us to retreat to in
case of necessity; yet, notwithstanding all this, the Count of Charolois
passed the river with his whole army, and posted himself at Pont Saint
Cloud, which made the whole army murmur extremely against the Count of
St. Paul and the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne.
The next day after his arrival, news was brought (from a certain lady of
that kingdom, written with her own hand) that the king was come out of
the county of Bourbon, and advancing against him with forced marches.
But, before I proceed, it will be necessary to say something of the
occasion of the king’s march into Bourbonnois.
The king, understanding that all the great lords of his kingdom had
declared against him, or at least against his government, resolved
first of all to invade the Duke of Bourbon’s dominions, who seemed to
have most openly declared himself against him; and because his country
was in an ill posture of defence, he believed he might easily conquer
it. Accordingly he made himself master of several places, and would
have entirely subdued the whole province, had he not been prevented by
succours from Burgundy under the command of the Lord of Coulches[52],
the Marquis of Rottelin[53], the Lord of Montagu[54], and others; with
whom there was also in arms William de Rochefort[55], Chancellor of
France, a person at this day in very good esteem. These forces were
raised in Burgundy by the Count of Beaujeu[56] and the Cardinal of
Bourbon[57] (who was brother to John, Duke of Bourbon), and by them
thrown into Moulins. On the other side also, reinforcements were sent
to the Duke of Bourbon, by the Duke of Nemours[58], the Count of
Armagnac[59], and the Lord of Albret[60], with a strong party of men,
some of whom were very good soldiers, who had deserted the king’s side,
and had retired to them; yet the greatest number of them were very ill
provided, and having no pay, they were forced to live upon free quarters.
But the king, for all their great numbers, found them employment enough;
so that by degrees they came to a treaty; especially the Duke of Nemours,
who swore fealty to the king[61], and engaged to continue firm and loyal
to his cause: however, he afterwards revolted, which was the occasion
(as the king often told me) of the displeasure he retained against him
so long. But when the king found he could not finish the war in the
Bourbonnois so soon as he expected, and that the Count of Charolois was
advancing on Paris, apprehending lest the Parisians should give admission
to him, and to the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne (who were marching from
Bretagne, and all of them pretending the good of the kingdom), and
fearing likewise that if the Parisians should receive them, all the other
towns would do the like—he resolved by great marches to throw himself
and what forces he had with him into Paris, and (if possible) hinder
the conjunction of those two mighty armies; but he had no intention of
fighting, as he has since told me many times in our discourse about these
affairs.
CH. III.—How the Count of Charolois encamped with his Army near Montlhery,
and of the Battle fought in that place between him and the King of
France.—1465.
As I said before, as soon as the Count of Charolois was informed of the
king’s departure, that he had left Bourbonnois, and (as he at least
supposed) was marching directly to fight him, he resolved also to advance
forward and meet the king. Then, communicating the contents of the letter
he had received from the above-mentioned lady (still concealing her
name), he declared his resolution of venturing a battle, and encouraged
his soldiers to behave themselves like men. Upon this, he immediately
advanced with his army, and took up his quarters at Longjumeau, a village
not far from Paris; but the Count of St. Paul, with the whole vanguard,
marched forward to Montlhery, which is about two leagues beyond; from
whence several scouts and spies were immediately sent out, to discover
which way the king took, and to give notice of his approach. After some
deliberation, Longjumeau was chosen for the place of battle, in the
presence of the Count of St. Paul, the Lord Haultbourdin, and the Lord of
Contay; and thither, by agreement amongst themselves, the Count of St.
Paul was to retire, upon the first notice of the king’s arrival.
Now you must know, that the Count of Maine[62], with 700 or 800
men-at-arms, was marching against the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne, who
had in their army several wise and experienced officers, who had been
cashiered by king Louis at his first accession to the crown, though they
had done his father eminent service in the recovery and pacification
of his kingdom; which treatment the king afterwards acknowledged to be
an error, and frequently repented. Among others, there was the Count
of Dunois[63], a person considerable in all things; the Marshal de
Loheac[64], the Count of Dammartin[65], the Lord of Bueil[66], and many
others, besides fully five hundred men-at-arms, who, having deserted his
majesty’s service, had retired to the Duke of Bretagne, as they were all
his subjects, born in his country, and at that time in his army. The
Count of Maine, who, as I said before, was marching against them, finding
himself too weak to engage them, retired before them as they advanced,
and retreated towards the king; whilst the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne
were endeavouring to join with the Burgundians. Some would have it,
that the Count of Maine held intelligence with them; but I could never
discover this, and therefore do not believe it.[67]
The Count of Charolois being posted, as I said before, at Longjumeau,
and his van at Montlhery, was informed by a prisoner that was brought to
him, that the Count of Maine had joined with the king[68], who had then
in his army all the standing forces in the kingdom, amounting to about
2200 men-at-arms, besides the arriere-ban of Dauphiny, and about forty or
fifty gentlemen of Savoy, all very good soldiers.
In the meantime the king had called a council of war, at which the Count
of Maine, Monsieur de Brezey[69], the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, the
Admiral of France[70], who was of the house of Montauban, and several
other officers, assisted: and in conclusion, whatever had been said
either for or against it, his majesty resolved not to fight, but only
to throw himself into Paris, without coming near the place where the
Burgundians were encamped; and in my judgment, his resolution was good.
He had no great confidence in the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, and
therefore asked him one day very seriously, whether or no he had given
anything in writing under his hand and seal to the princes who were
confederate against him: to which the grand seneschal replied that he
had, and they might keep it, but his body should be the king’s: and he
said this jocularly, as his custom was to speak. The king was satisfied,
and gave him the command of his vanguard, and the charge of his guides,
because, as is said before, he wished to avoid a battle. But the
seneschal being resolved to have his own way, privately told some of his
confidants: “I will bring the armies so close together this day, that he
must be a very experienced general who will part them without fighting:”
and, indeed, he was as good as his word, and the first men killed were
himself and his troops. This expression of his the king afterwards
told me himself; for at that time I was in the service of the Count of
Charolois.
In short, on the 27th of July, 1465[71], the king’s vanguard was advanced
near Montlhery, where the Count of St. Paul was posted, who immediately
informed the Count of Charolois (who was encamped at Longjumeau, about
two leagues off, at the place marked out for the field of battle) of
their arrival; desiring him to send him a reinforcement with all speed,
for all his men-at-arms and archers were dismounted and on foot, and so
encumbered with their waggons, that they could not possibly retreat to
Longjumeau, according to the orders he had received, without seeming
to run away, which would involve the whole army in great danger. Upon
receiving this message, the Count of Charolois immediately sent a large
detachment of troops under the command of the Lord Anthony, Bastard of
Burgundy, to reinforce the Count of St. Paul with all diligence; and was
himself in suspense whether he should follow him or no; but at length
he marched after the rest of the army, and arrived about seven in the
morning. Five or six of the king’s standards were, however, already
planted along the side of a great ditch, which separated the two armies.
There was still in the host of the Count of Charolois the
Vice-chancellor of Bretagne, called Rouville, and with him an old
soldier, called Maderey[72], who had surrendered Pont Saint Maxence to
the Burgundians. These two were in no little fear, in respect that the
whole army murmured against them, seeing the battle was ready to begin,
and the forces they had so much boasted of were not yet arrived to join
the army. Whereupon, before the fight began, they both betook themselves
to their heels, and fled that way by which they presumed they would find
the Bretons. The Count of Charolois found the Count of St. Paul on foot,
and his troops ranged themselves in order of battle as they marched up;
and we found all the archers dismounted, and every man with a stake
planted before him; several pipes of wine had been broached, and were
set for them to drink; and from the little I saw, never men had more
desire to fight, which I took to be a good omen, and which comforted me
extremely. Our first orders were, that every man should alight, without
any exception: but that was countermanded afterwards, and nearly all the
men-at-arms mounted again. However, several good knights and squires were
ordered to remain on foot; and among the rest, the Lord des Cordes[73]
and his brother.[74] The Lord Philip de Lalain was likewise on foot (for
at that time, among the Burgundians, it was most honourable to fight in
that manner among the archers), and there was always a large number of
these volunteers among them, to encourage the infantry, and make them
fight the better; which custom they had learnt from the English, when
Duke Philip made war upon France, during his youth, for two-and-thirty
years together without any truce. But the greatest part of the burden of
the war lay upon the English, who were powerful and rich, and governed at
that time by that wise, graceful, and valiant prince, King Henry V., who
had many wise and brave men under him, and very great commanders, such
as the Earl of Salisbury[75], Talbot[76], and others whom I pass by, as
being before my time, though I have seen some few of them who survived;
for when God was, as it were, weary of doing them good, that wise king
died at the Bois de Vincennes, and his son[77], a weak prince, was
crowned King of France and England at Paris: after which factions began
to stir, and civil wars arose in England, which have almost lasted till
this present time, by reason of the usurpation of the crown by the house
of York.[78] But whether their title was good or not, I cannot determine,
for the disposal of those things is from heaven.
But to return to my subject. The dismounting and mounting again of the
Burgundians took up a great deal of time, and occasioned the loss of
abundance of men; and by this means, that valiant gentleman, Philip de
Lalain, was slain, being but slightly armed. The king’s troops defiled
through the forest of Torfou, and were not, at their first appearance,
above four hundred men-at-arms; so that, if they had been charged at
once, in all probability there had been but little or no resistance;
because, as I have said, they were forced to march one abreast;
but their numbers still increasing, the Lord of Contay, who was an
experienced officer, rode up to the Count of Charolois, and told him,
that if he had a mind to win the battle, it was high time to charge
the enemy; giving his reasons for it, and telling him, that if he had
attacked them sooner, he would have routed them already, for then they
were but few, but now they increased visibly; and indeed, this was true.
Upon which the whole order and disposition of the battle was altered,
every man throwing in his advice; whilst, in the meantime, a great and
smart skirmish was begun at the end of the village of Montlhery, between
the archers on both sides.
The king’s troops, consisting of all the archers of his guard glittering
in their liveries, and very well disciplined, were commanded by Poncet
de Rivière[79]; those of the count’s party, being volunteers, were in no
regular order, and under no command. However, in this manner they began
the engagement, in which the Lord Philip de Lalain, and James du Mas[80]
(an excellent officer, afterwards master of the horse to Charles, Duke of
Burgundy), fought on foot among the archers. The Burgundians, who were
superior in numbers, possessed themselves of a house, and unhinging two
or three of the doors, made use of them, instead of shields; after which
they advanced into the street, and set fire to one of the houses. The
wind did them service, driving the fire upon the king’s forces, who began
to give ground, retire to their horses, and fly. Upon which the noise and
shouting was so great, that the Count of Charolois marched forward, and
abandoned the whole order which he had first adopted.
By the count’s first orders, his troops were to halt twice by the way,
because of the great distance between the vanguard and the main battle.
The king’s forces were drawn up towards the castle of Montlhery, with a
large hedge and ditch in their front; and besides, the fields that lay
behind them were full of corn and beans, and such kind of grain, the
soil being very rich and good. All the count’s archers marched on foot
before him in very ill order; though I am of opinion, that the chiefest
strength of an army in the day of battle consists in the archers; but
they must be strong and very numerous, for few are of no avail. I would
have them also but indifferently mounted, that they may not be afraid
of losing their horses, or rather that they had none at all; and for
one day it is better to have raw soldiers that have never been in any
action, than those that have been trained up in the wars; and in this
I am of the same opinion with the English, who, without dispute, are
the best archers in the world. It was said, that orders had been given
that the army should halt twice by the way, to give the infantry time to
breathe, because it was a great distance which they had to march, and the
stiffness and stubbornness of the corn hindered their progress extremely.
However, all things were done as perfectly contrary, as if they designed
to lose the battle on purpose; whereby God did plainly manifest to all
the world, that all battles are in his hands, and that he disposes
of victory as he pleases. And indeed I cannot be persuaded, that the
abilities of any one man are sufficient to manage and command so great a
number, nor that things can be executed in the field in the same manner
as they have been concerted in the council; and I am of opinion, that any
man possessed of natural reason, who is so arrogant as to think himself
able to effect this, assumes much of the honour that is due only to God.
For though every man is obliged to perform his duty, and to endeavour to
do what lies in his power, yet at the same time he ought to acknowledge,
that war is one of God’s means of accomplishing his will which he often
begins upon small and trivial occasions, and gives the victory sometimes
to one and sometimes to another; and this is a mystery so great, that
from it all the kingdoms and governments of the world do take their rise
and increase as well as their end and dissolution.
But to return from this digression; the Count of Charolois advanced,
without giving any breath either to his archers or foot soldiers. The
king’s troops (being all men-at-arms) marched out at both ends of the
hedge, and when they came near enough to make use of their lances, the
Burgundian men-at-arms broke through the ranks of their own archers (who
were the flower and hope of their army), without giving them leisure to
discharge one arrow. The whole number of our horse was, I believe, not
above 1200, and of them scarce fifty understood how to lay a lance in
rest; there were not 400 of them armed with cuirasses, and very few of
their servants had any arms at all; and the reason of it was, because of
the long peace, and because, for the ease of their subjects, the house
of Burgundy had not been used to keep any standing forces in pay: but
since that time that country has not enjoyed any repose, but is rather
grown worse than better at this very day. However, though the strength
and flower of their army was thus broken and thrown into disorder by
themselves, God (who disposes of these mysteries as he pleases) order
things so, that on the right wing towards the castle, where the Count
of Charolois commanded, victory declared on his side without any
considerable opposition. It was my fortune to be with him all that day,
during the whole action, in less fear than in any engagement I have ever
been in since, which I impute to my youth, as not having a just sense and
apprehension of the danger, but I rather wondered at the presumption of
any man that durst venture to oppose the prince I served, whom I believed
to be, without comparison, the greatest monarch in the world. Such vain
notions inexperienced people frame to themselves; whence it arises that
they often maintain strange and irrational arguments, without any ground
or foundation at all; for which reason it is good to make use of the
advice of him who says, that “A man never repents of speaking little, but
often of speaking too much.”
The left wing was commanded by the Lord Ravestain, the Lord Jacques de
St. Paul[81], and several other men of quality, who plainly perceived
that their body of men-at-arms was too weak to encounter the enemy;
but they were too near to alter the order of battle. To be short, this
wing was entirely broken, and driven, some of them to their waggons;
but the greatest part of them made towards a forest, which was nearly
half a league from the field of battle. At their waggons some of the
Burgundian infantry rallied and stood to their arms. The chief of those
who pursued us, were the nobles of Dauphiny and Savoy, with a great party
of men-at-arms, who verily believed they had won the victory; and not
without reason, for the Burgundians on that wing, among whom were several
persons of note and distinction[82], fled in great numbers; and most of
them fled upon the spur towards Pont St. Maxence, which they supposed
still held out for the Count of Charolois. However, a good number still
maintained their ground in the forest, amongst whom was the Count of St.
Paul, who had retreated thither with a good body of forces; for he was
pretty near to the forest, and he plainly showed afterwards that he did
not think the battle utterly lost.
CH. IV.—Of the imminent Danger to which the Count of Charolois was
exposed, and the manner of his being rescued.—1465.
The Count of Charolois pursued the enemy on the side where he commanded,
about half a league beyond Montlhery, and with a very small body of
forces; for though the enemy were numerous, yet they made no resistance,
and therefore he concluded the victory was his own; but it was not
long before one Monsieur Anthony le Breton, an ancient gentleman of
Luxembourg, came up to him and told him the French had rallied their
forces on the field of battle, and if he followed the pursuit any further
he would certainly be lost; yet, though he repeated his opinion over
and over, the count would not stop for him; but presently the Lord of
Contay (whom I have mentioned before) came in also, brought him the same
intelligence as the old gentleman had done, and delivered it with such
eagerness, that he began to hearken to his counsel, and quickly faced
about; and it was well he did; for had he advanced but two bow-shots
further, in my judgment he had been taken prisoner, as several were
that had got before him. In his return, near the village of Montlhery,
he discovered a flying body of foot, whom he pursued (though he had
scarce a hundred horse with him); and of that whole brigade, but one
single footman made any opposition, who gave the count such a blow on
the stomach with a spear, that the mark of it was to be seen at night.
Most of the rest saved themselves in the gardens, but he who struck
the count was killed upon the spot. As we marched by the castle, we
discovered the archers of the king’s guard drawn up before the gate, who
did not stir upon our coming up to them, at which the count was extremely
surprised; as he imagined there was not a man left to oppose him. As he
wheeled about to march into the field (part of his men had already become
separated from him), he was so furiously attacked on a sudden by about
fifteen or sixteen men-at-arms, that at the very first charge they slew
Philip D’Oignies[83], his esquire-carver, who bore his guidon. The Count
of Charolois himself was in imminent danger[84] in this encounter, and
received several wounds, but especially one in the neck with a sword
(the mark of which remained to his dying day), for want of his beaver,
which, being slightly fastened on in the morning, dropped from his head
in the battle, and I myself saw it fall. The enemy immediately laid hands
on him, crying out, “My lord, surrender yourself; we know you well; do
not obstinately throw away your life.” However, he still made a gallant
defence, and at that very instant one John Cadet[85], a physician’s son
of Paris, who was in his service (a tall, stout, lusty person), mounted
on a horse as large as himself, broke in, and parted them by riding
between them; upon which the French party wheeled, and marched off to
the ditch, where they had been drawn up in the morning; for they were
afraid of another party which they perceived advancing towards them.
The count, covered with blood, marched out to them into the field. They
were the colours of the Bastard of Burgundy, which were so torn when
they came, there was scarce a foot of them left; and under the banner of
the count’s archers, there were not above forty left in all, to whom we
joined ourselves (being about thirty) in no little fear. The Count of
Charolois changed his horse immediately, and had another given him which
belonged to Simon de Quingy[86], who was at that time his page, but has
since been very well known. The count, as I said before, drew out into
the field to rally his men, but for the half hour we stayed there, we
thought of nothing but running away, provided we had seen a hundred of
the enemy advancing to attack us. There came to us about ten or twenty
men, both horse and foot. Most of our infantry were either wounded or
extremely fatigued with the battle and their long march in the morning;
and for an hour together our whole body did not exceed a hundred, but by
degrees it increased. The corn was very high and thick, and the dust was
most terrible; the whole field was scattered with dead horses and men,
yet none of the dead men could be recognised on account of the dust.
Immediately afterwards, we discovered the Count of St. Paul marching out
of the forest, at the head of about forty men-at-arms, under his own
colours, and advancing directly towards us, still increasing in numbers
as he moved on; but they still seemed very far from us. We sent to him
three or four times to pray him to hasten his march; but he kept his own
pace, marching on very slowly and in good order, and causing his men
to gather up the lances that lay scattered on the ground, which sight
greatly rejoiced and animated our troops. With him a great number rallied
again, and at last came and joined us, so that we found ourselves to be
a complete body of about eight hundred men-at-arms; but we had few or
no foot, which prevented the count from gaining a complete victory, for
there was a ditch and a thick hedge between the two armies.
On the king’s side there fled the Count of Maine with several other
persons of quality[87], and not fewer than eight hundred men-at-arms.
Some will have it, that the Count of Maine held correspondence with the
Burgundians; but to speak truth, I think there was no such thing. Never
was there a greater rout on both sides; but (which is remarkable) the two
princes themselves kept the field. On the king’s side there was a person
of note who fled as far as Lusignan without stopping, and on the count’s
there was another ran as far as Quesnoy-le-Comte; which two gentlemen
certainly had no intention or desire to encounter one another.
While both armies stood thus drawn up in order of battle facing one
another, the cannon began to play on both sides, which killed abundance
of men, but neither party desired to venture a second engagement.
Our army was more numerous than the king’s: yet so powerful was his
royal presence, and so efficacious the obliging language he used to
his soldiers, that I verily believe had it not been for him, they
would certainly have all fled; as indeed I have since learned was the
case. Some few there were on our side who were for fighting again, and
particularly the Lord Haultbourdin, who affirmed he saw the enemy filing
off, and preparing to run: and doubtless had we had but a hundred archers
to have shot through the hedge, the victory had been entirely ours.
Whilst both armies were in this posture and suspense, without offering
to engage, the night came upon us, and the king retired to Corbeil[88],
though we supposed he had encamped in the field. A barrel of their powder
was accidentally blown up where the king had been, which set fire to
several waggons that were placed along the hedge; and we imagined the
blaze to be fires in their quarters. The Count of St. Paul, who seemed to
be a great man among us, and the Lord Haultbourdin, who was a greater,
commanded our carriages to be brought to us where we lay, and our whole
body to be enclosed with them, which was presently done. As we stood thus
rallied, and drawn up in order of battle, several of the king’s soldiers,
who had been following the pursuit, returned, believing the victory
was their own; and being obliged to pass through our camp, were slain,
and very few of them escaped. The men of note that fell on the king’s
side were the Lord Geoffroy de St. Belin[89], the Grand Seneschal of
Normandy, and one Flocquet, a captain.[90] On the Burgundian side there
was slain Philip de Lalain. Of infantry and common soldiers we lost more
than the king: but of horsemen the greatest loss was on the king’s side.
The king’s forces took most of those who fled prisoners. On both sides
there were at least two thousand men slain; however, the battle was well
fought, for both sides had brave men, and both were thoroughly tired of
it. But in my opinion, it was an extraordinary action to rally in the
field, and to face one another for three or four hours together; and
certainly both princes had great reason highly to esteem those subjects
that stood so firmly by them in this pinch: but in short they acted like
men, and not like angels. One man lost his places and estates for running
away, and they were given to others, who had fled ten leagues beyond him.
One of our great men lost his employment, and was banished his master’s
presence, yet in a month’s time he was restored again, and in greater
authority than ever.
When we had thus surrounded ourselves with our waggons, every man reposed
as well as he could: we had a great number of wounded men, and most of us
were much dispirited and alarmed, fearing lest the Parisians, under the
command of Marshal Joachim (who was the king’s lieutenant in that city),
should sally out upon us with two hundred men-at-arms, who were there
in garrison; and we should be attacked on both sides. As soon as it was
quite dark, fifty lances were commanded out, to get intelligence where
the king was quartered; of which number about twenty only went forth. The
place where we believed the king lay, was not above three bow-shots from
our camp. In the meantime, the Count of Charolois ate and drank a little,
and all the rest of the army did the same; after which the wound in his
neck was carefully dressed. To make room for him, before he could sit
down to eat, four or five dead bodies had to be removed, and two trusses
of straw were brought for him to sit on. As we were removing the dead
men, one of the poor stark naked creatures called out for some drink, and
on putting a little of the ptisan (of which the count had drank) into his
mouth, he came to himself, and proved to be one Pierre Savarot, an archer
of the count’s guard, and a very brave fellow; upon which his wounds were
dressed, and he was cured.
It was then debated in council what measures were best to be taken. The
Count of St. Paul, who was the first that gave his opinion, said, that
we were posted in a very dangerous place, and advised that we should
retreat towards Burgundy by break of day; that we should burn part of our
waggons, preserving only such as belonged to the artillery; and that no
man should carry off his waggon unless he had above ten lances under his
command; and that it was impossible for us to remain without provisions
in the camp we were in, between Paris and the king’s army. Next to him
the Lord Haultbourdin made a speech much to the same purpose, without
waiting to hear what intelligence the scouts we had sent out would bring
us. After him three or four more spoke, and all of them concurred. The
last who gave his opinion was the Lord of Contay, who said, that, as soon
as these resolutions should be spread abroad in the army, the soldiers
would immediately prepare for flight, and would be taken prisoners before
they could get twenty leagues: which opinion he strengthened with several
substantial reasons; and therefore his advice was to rest themselves that
night as well as they could, and that in the morning, by break of day,
they should attack the king’s army, with a full resolution either to
conquer, or die upon the spot; which he conceived a much safer way than
to take to flight. The result of all was that the Count of Charolois took
the Lord of Contay’s advice, and gave orders that every man should repose
himself for two hours, and be ready at sound of trumpet; and at the same
time he desired several officers that were about him to go and encourage
his men.
About midnight the scouting party returned, and you may believe they went
not far; for they brought word the king was encamped where the fires were
seen: immediately, others were sent out, and about an hour after, every
man put himself into a condition to fight, but the greatest part had more
inclination to retreat. About break of day, the party that had been sent
out last met a waggoner of ours (whom the enemy had taken that morning)
as he was bringing a pitcher of wine from the village, who told them the
enemy were all fled; whereupon they sent us back the news, and went on
themselves to the place, and finding all true as he had said, they posted
back to acquaint us with it; which greatly rejoiced the whole army; and
abundance of them were then very eager for the pursuit, who but an hour
before had been very doleful. I had an extremely old and tired horse,
which drank up a whole pailful of wine, into which he accidentally thrust
his head; I let him finish it, and I never found him better or fresher.
As soon as it was broad day, we all mounted on horseback, and our
troops made a rather thin appearance; however, a great number of them
that had lain concealed in the woods, soon rejoined us. The Count of
Charolois caused a friar to come in, and pretend he came from the Duke
of Bretagne’s army, and that they would be with us that day; which news
comforted the whole army, though not a man of them gave any credit to
it. However, about ten o’clock in the morning, the Vice-Chancellor of
Bretagne, called Rouville, and Maderey with him (of both of whom I have
spoken before), arrived in our camp, attended by two of the Duke of
Bretagne’s archers of the guard in their regimental clothes, which was a
very welcome sight to us all. They were asked where they had been, and
were highly praised for absenting themselves (considering the murmurs
against them), but more for their return, and every one entertained and
treated them kindly.
All that day the Count of Charolois kept the field[91], rejoicing
extremely, and imputing the whole glory of this action to himself; which
has cost him dear since, for after that he was governed by no counsel but
his own; and whereas before he was altogether unfit for war, and took
delight in nothing that belonged to it, his thoughts became so strangely
altered upon this point, that he spent the remainder of his life in
wars, in which he died, and which were the occasion, if not quite of the
ruin of his family, at least, of the misery and desolation of it. Three
illustrious and wise princes (his predecessors) had advanced it to a
great height, so that few monarchs, except the King of France, were more
powerful than he, and, in large and fair towns, none exceeded him. No man
ought, but especially a great prince, to presume too much upon himself;
but ought freely to acknowledge, that it is God alone that grants us
favours and success. Two things more I will say of him; the one is, that
I believe no man ever endured more fatigues than he in all sorts of
bodily labour and exercise, when the occasion required it; and the other
is, that, in my opinion, I never knew a person of greater valour and
intrepidity; I never heard him complain of being weary, nor betray the
least signs of fear, during the whole seven years I was in his service
in the wars, though he was constantly every summer in the field, and
sometimes winter and summer. His designs and enterprises were great; but
no man could ever accomplish them, unless God added the assistance of his
power.
CH. V.—The King’s Brother the Duke of Berry, and the Duke of Bretagne,
join with the Count of Charolois against the King.—1465.
The next day, which was the third after the battle, we took up our
quarters in the village of Montlhery. The inhabitants had all fled,
some to the church-tower, and others into the castle; but the Count
of Charolois caused them all to return to their houses, and they lost
not the value of a farthing, for every soldier paid his scot exactly as
if he had been in Flanders. The castle held out for the king, and was
never attacked. After we had refreshed ourselves there for three days,
the Count of Charolois, by the Lord of Contay’s advice, marched from
thence to possess himself of Estampes[92] (which was good and convenient
quarters, and situated in a plentiful country), that he might be there
before the Bretons (who were marching that way), and lodge his sick and
wounded men in the town, and encamp with the remainder of his forces
in the fields round about the town; and these good quarters, and that
little time which they staid there, saved the lives of abundance of his
men. At Estampes arrived also the Lord Charles of France, at that time
Duke of Berry, the king’s only brother; the Duke of Bretagne, the Count
of Dunois, the Count of Dammartin, the Marshal of Loheac, the Lord of
Bueil, the Lord of Chaumont[93], and the Lord Charles of Amboise[94] his
son (who since that time has been a great man in this kingdom); all which
lords, the king, upon his first accession to the crown, had disappointed
and dispossessed of their places, though they had done his father and
the kingdom eminent service in his conquests in Normandy, and in several
other of his wars. The Count of Charolois, attended by all the officers
of his army, went out to meet and greet them, and conducted them to their
quarters that were prepared for them in the town, but their army encamped
in the fields. In their train were 800 men-at-arms, very good soldiers,
the greatest part of whom were Bretons, who had lately deserted the
king’s service (as I have stated elsewhere), and were a great improvement
to their army; besides, they had a great number of archers and other
soldiers, armed with good brigandines[95]; so that one might compute them
at about 6000 men on horseback, all very well accoutred; and, to behold
them drawn up was enough to convince a man that the Duke of Bretagne was
a very great lord, for all of them were paid out of his treasury.
The king, who (as I have already said) was retired to Corbeil, did not
forget what he had to do, but hastened into Normandy to raise men; and,
to secure the country from any commotion, put some of his guards into the
towns near Paris, where he conceived there was any necessity.
The princes spent the first night of their arrival at Estampes in
relating their several adventures. The Bretons had taken some of the
king’s party that fled, and, had they been but a little forwarder in
their march, they would either have taken or cut in pieces the third
part of the army. At first, indeed, they had thought of sending a party
out, judging that the two armies must be near, but those orders were
afterwards countermanded; however, the Lord Charles of Amboise and
several other officers, with a small detachment, advanced before the
army, to see what they could meet with, and they took several prisoners,
and some pieces of the king’s artillery. The prisoners told them that for
certain the king was dead, and they believed what they said; for they
had fled as soon as the battle began. The Lord of Amboise and his party
brought this news to the army of the Bretons, where it was exceedingly
welcome; every man fancying that the news was true, and hoping for mighty
rewards when the Lord Charles of Berry should come to the crown; and a
council was immediately called (as I have been told since by a person of
honour and credit that assisted at it), in which it was debated how they
might rid themselves of the Burgundians, and send them packing; and the
general opinion was, if nothing else would do, to do it by force. But
their joy was not long-lived, from whence it may naturally be collected
to what changes and revolutions this kingdom is exposed.
But to return to my subject, and the army at Estampes. When all had
supped, and many people were walking with great liberty in the street,
the Lord Charles of France and the Count of Charolois withdrew to a
window and were discoursing of their affairs in a very friendly manner.
It happened that among the Bretons there was a poor man who took great
delight in throwing squibs into the air, and seeing them break and blaze
among the people when they had fallen; and he was called Master John
Boutefeu, or Master John of the Serpents, I know not which. This idle
fellow, having hid himself in some house that he might not be perceived
by anybody, from a garret where he was, cast two or three into the air,
one of which, by accident, happened to strike against the bar of the
window where the two princes were standing with their heads very near
together. Both of them started in great surprise, and stared upon one
another, suspecting it a design, and done on purpose to injure them. The
Lord of Contay came up to the count, and having whispered a word in his
ear, went down, and ordered all the guards of his household, and what
other soldiers were at hand, to stand immediately to their arms. And the
Count of Charolois persuaded the Duke of Berry to do the same; so that
in a moment there were 200 or 300 men-at-arms drawn up before the gate,
and a great number of archers, who were employed to search everywhere, to
find out from whence the fire had come. At last the poor fellow who had
caused all this uproar came and threw himself at their feet, confessed
the whole matter, and, by throwing two or three more of them into the
air, entirely took away the suspicion several persons had conceived of
one another. Thus was this surprising accident turned into a jest, and
all laid down their arms and returned to their quarters.
The next day, early in the morning, the Count of Charolois called a
great and splendid council of war, at which all the princes and their
chief officers assisted, to consult what measures were best to be taken;
and as they were of different parties and not all obeying the same lord
(which is very much to be desired in such assemblies), their sentiments
were also different; but of all that was said, nothing was so much taken
notice of as some expressions of the Duke of Berry, who was but young,
and had seen nothing of the war. By his words he seemed to be weary
already, taking occasion to mention the great number of wounded men
whom he had observed in the count’s army, and by way of compassion he
declared he had rather the war had never been begun, than that so much
mischief should be occasioned through his means and on his account. Which
language was very unpleasing to the count and his party, as I shall show
afterwards. Nevertheless, the result of this council was, that they
should march towards Paris, to try if they could bring that city to join
with them for the good of the kingdom, for which (as they pretended)
they had taken up arms; and they were all of them fully persuaded,
that if the capital would listen to them, all the rest of the towns in
the kingdom would follow its example. As I said before, the speech in
council of the Duke of Berry so startled the Count of Charolois and his
party, that they asked one another, “Did you hear this young duke? He
is astonished at the sight of 700 or 800 wounded men in the town, who
are nothing to him, nor does he know them; he would certainly be more
troubled where he was concerned; and he would be a likely man to make
his peace upon small invitation, and leave us in the lurch.” And the
Count of Charolois further said, “that on account of the ancient wars
which had long continued in time past between King Charles (the Duke of
Berry’s father) and the Duke of Burgundy (his own father), it was to be
feared they would easily unite, and turn all their forces against us; for
which reason it would be necessary to look out for allies in time.” And
it was purely on this suspicion that Messire William of Cluny[96], the
prothonotary (who died afterwards Bishop of Poictiers) was despatched
into England to the court of King Edward IV.[97], who then reigned; and
who had been always the mortal enemy of the Count of Charolois, who had
supported against him the house of Lancaster, from which, by the mother’s
side, he was descended.[98] In his private instruction, he had orders
to propose a marriage with Margaret[99], the King of England’s sister;
but to treat only and negotiate, without coming to any conclusion: for
the Count of Charolois, who knew how desirous the King of England was of
this match, believed by this means, either to bring him over to his side,
if he should have any occasion for his assistance, or at least to hinder
him from attempting anything against him. However, though he had no
real intention at first to consummate the marriage, upon account of his
inveterate hatred to the house of York, yet affairs were so managed, that
several years after, the match was concluded; and he moreover accepted
the order of the garter[100] and wore it to his death.
Many such like actions as this have happened in the world upon suspicion
only, especially among great princes, who are always much more suspicious
than other men, by reason of the many false stories and groundless
reports that are brought them often merely by court flatterers, without
any manner of occasion.
_A Renewing of the Treaty of Alliance between Francis, Duke of
Bretagne, and Charles, Count of Charolois, made at Estampes,
July 24, 1465._
1. We, Francis, Duke of Bretagne, are, and will be, the good
brother, perfect friend, ally, and confederate of Charles,
Count of Charolois: we will aid and assist, counsel, succour,
and support, and, with all our power, guard and defend his
person, and his children born or to be born, their honour,
estates, countries, territories, lordships, and subjects,
as much as we would do our own, without any manner of
distinction, against all and every person and persons (without
excepting our lord the king) whoever they are, that would
injure, make war upon, or usurp anything from our said cousin
and his children, their countries, subjects, lands, and
territories, in possession or reversion, in any manner or upon
any account whatsoever. And we also promise, in all the other
good and laudable quarrels and enterprises of our said cousin
of Charolois, to succour and assist him and his children,
as well against our lord the king, as all other persons
whatsoever; and to employ in their behalf and in their favour
our own person, subjects, countries, territories, and lordships
against all invaders, or such as make war upon them; and to
defend them in person, and with all our power, in such a way
and manner as our good cousin shall require; and, moreover, we
will impart to him whatever shall come to our knowledge to be
done, said, or intended to his prejudice, and defend him to
the best of our power; and we shall use our lawful endeavours
to have him comprehended in the alliances already made, or to
be made hereafter by us, so far as he has a mind to it; and we
will make no alliance in prejudice to these presents. And, in
regard of the great love to, and sincere confidence we have in,
our said dear cousin of Charolois, above all others, and also
for his greater assurance that we shall, on our part, perform
as aforesaid, we have been desirous to make, and we do actually
make him our brother-in-arms; and, forasmuch as we do desire
with all our heart, that the said alliances may be inviolably
maintained, kept, and observed, and to the end, lest for want
of a declaration and good understanding, there may arise any
difficulty or doubt, even in respect to the general clause
above written, importing, that we will aid and assist our said
cousin of Charolois in all his quarrels and enterprises, as
well against our lord the king as all others as aforesaid; we
do declare, and our meaning is, that whatever dispute or war
by sea shall happen between the English, or any other nation
whatsoever, and our subjects, or the subjects of our cousin
of Charolois, the subjects of either of us both, who are not
engaged in a contest or naval war against the English, shall
not be obliged, notwithstanding the said alliances, to quarrel
with, nor make war upon them, nor to do anything upon that
account against the truces, treaties, or alliances which, for
the benefit of trade, have been made between the countries and
subjects of our uncle the Duke of Burgundy, and our said cousin
of Charolois, his son; but they shall, as to this particular,
remain in force according to ancient usage and custom: and, if
it should so happen, that any of our subjects, under pretence
of their own war, or otherwise, should come into the countries,
ports, and harbours of our said cousin of Charolois, and,
by sea or land, rob, pillage, and carry off any merchandise
belonging to them, or other people who have the freedom of the
said countries, ports, and havens, or shall be at truce and not
in war, or have the protection of our said cousin of Charolois,
or his officers; in that case, such of our subjects as shall do
so may be taken and seized in the said countries, ports, and
havens of our said cousin of Charolois, wherever they may be
found, and such punishment, correction, and justice inflicted
on them, which in reason ought to be done, according to the
customs and usages of the said countries, ports, and havens
where they shall be taken. Moreover, if any of our subjects
should by sea rob or destroy any goods and merchandises
belonging to the merchants of the countries and territories of
our said cousin of Charolois, residing or dwelling therein,
or to others who are in a truce or peace with, or under the
protection of, our said cousin or his officers as aforesaid,
and should afterwards bring the said goods and merchandises,
or cause them to be brought into any of the towns, ports,
or havens of the said countries belonging to our cousin of
Charolois, in order to sell or barter them there; those who
bring them thither may, in that case, be taken and seized,
and the said goods and merchandises put into the hands of our
said cousin, as being forfeited to him, to dispose of them at
his pleasure, either by restoring them to the right owners, or
otherwise as he thinks fit; and, as for the offenders, they
shall be punished for what they have done, as he, our said
cousin, or his officers, shall judge most convenient.
2. Seeing we are desirous to provide for the security of
our dominions and territories for the time to come, and to
preserve them for the future from the inconveniences which they
have been liable to; if it should so happen, that any of our
successors should hereafter contravene any of these present
alliances (which God forbid), we do, in such a case, give unto
our said cousin of Charolois, or his successors, the countries,
lands, and lordships of Montfort, Estampes, and Vertus,
with their appurtenances and dependencies; and we do divest
and dispossess ourselves of the said countries, lands, and
lordships, and do yield and transfer them from thenceforward,
for ourselves, our heirs, successors, &c., to our said cousin
of Charolois, to occupy and enjoy them, with all their rights,
profits, and emoluments, by way of inheritance for ever, for
himself, his heirs, &c., as fully and in the same manner and
form as we do now enjoy them, and as our predecessors have done
before us, without reserving any right to ourselves, our heirs,
successors, &c., of suing for or laying claim to any right
therein, for any reason or upon any account whatsoever.
3. And to the end that the said alliances may be the more
strictly observed, we have again and anew chosen, named,
and commissioned, and we do on our part choose, name, and
commission for the conservators of them, the same persons
formerly chosen and nominated in our letters patent mentioning
the same, preceding these in date, and also by these presents:
conferring on them new authority and the like power to
maintain, support, favour, and secure them, as well in the
execution of their commission, or otherwise, as our said
letters patent of alliance or conservation do import or contain.
4. If it should come to pass that the said conservators, or any
of them, should hereafter falter, and be justly accused of a
failure in the discharge of the trust reposed in them, in that
case, we, and our said cousin of Charolois, and our successors,
&c., and every one of us in his own right, may appoint one or
more trustees in the room of him or them, who shall transgress,
or be justly accused as aforesaid.
5. That the said alliances between us and our said cousin
of Charolois may be the better kept, and the more firmly
maintained, we have been willing, and we do actually make the
same alliances between our territories and subjects as we do
between our own persons; promising upon our faith and corporal
oath, on the word of a prince, and upon our honour, firmly to
keep and maintain the said alliance and brotherhood in all
their circumstances and dependencies, without contravening
the same in any manner whatsoever, and to make out unto our
said cousin of Charolois good and authentic instruments of
consent and ratification in the presence of the Estates of our
said countries and territories, to last during our life and
the lives of our heirs, successors, &c., for ever. In witness
whereof we have affixed our seal to these presents.
Done at Estampes, July the 24th, in the year of our Lord 1465.
Signed FRANCIS, with a flourish. Upon the fold was written, “by
the Duke’s command,” and signed MILET, with a flourish.
CH. VI.—The Count of Charolois and his Allies with their Army pass the
Seine upon a Bridge of Boats; after which, being joined by the Forces of
John, Duke of Calabria, they invest Paris.—1465.