Philadelphia, Monday, 8 September, 1777.
There has been a very general apprehension during the last week, that a
general action would happen as on yesterday, but we hear of none. Our
army is encamped between Newport and White Clay Creek, on advantageous
ground. The General has harangued his army, and published in general
orders, in order to prepare their minds for something great, and has
held up the example of Stark, Herkimer, Gansevoort, and their troops to
animate his officers and men with emulation. Whether he expects to be
attacked, or whether he designs to offend, I can't say.
A general action which should terminate in a defeat of Howe would be
complete and final ruin to him. If it should terminate only in a drawn
battle, it would be the same thing. If he should gain a victory and
maintain possession of the field, he would lose so many men killed and
wounded that he would scarcely have enough left to march to
Philadelphia, surrounded as he would be with militia and the broken
remains of the Continental army. But if there should be no general
battle, and the two armies should lounge away the remainder of the
campaign in silent inactivity, gazing at each other, Howe's reputation
would be ruined in his own country and in all Europe, and the dread of
him would cease in all America. The American mind, which, I think, has
more firmness now than it ever had before, since this war began, would
acquire a confidence and strength that all the efforts of Great Britain
afterwards would not be able to relax.
You will see by the papers inclosed that we have been obliged to
attempt to humble the pride of some Jesuits, who call themselves
Quakers,[179] but who love money and land better than liberty and
religion. The hypocrites are endeavoring to raise the cry of
persecution, and to give this matter a religious turn, but they can't
succeed. The world knows them and their communications. Actuated by a
land-jobbing spirit like that of William Penn, they have been soliciting
grants of immense regions of land on the Ohio. American independence has
disappointed them, which makes them hate it. Yet the dastards dare not
avow their hatred to it, it seems.
The moments are critical here. We know not but the next will bring us an
account of a general engagement begun, and when once begun, we know not
how it will end, for the battle is not always to the strong. The events
of war are uncertain. All that we can do is to pray, as I do most
devoutly, that we may be victorious; at least, that we may not be
vanquished. But if it should be the will of Heaven that our army should
be defeated, our artillery lost, our best generals killed, and
Philadelphia fall into Mr. Howe's hands, still America is not conquered.
America would yet be possessed of great resources, and, capable of great
exertions, as mankind would see. It may for what I know, be the design
of Providence that this should be the case. Because it would only lay
the foundations of American independence deeper, and cement them
stronger. It would cure Americans of their vicious and luxurious and
effeminate appetites, passions, and habits, a more dangerous army to
American liberty than Mr. Howe's.
However, without the loss of Philadelphia we must be brought to an
entire renunciation of foreign commodities, at least of West India
produce. People are coming to this resolution very fast here. Loaf sugar
at four dollars a pound, wine at three dollars a bottle, etc., will soon
introduce economy in the use of these articles. This spirit of economy
would be more terrible to Great Britain than anything else, and it would
make us more respectable in the eyes of all Europe. Instead of
acrimonious altercations between town and country, and between farmer
and merchant, I wish that my dear countrymen would agree in this
virtuous resolution of depending on themselves alone. Let them make salt
and live without sugar and rum.
I am grieved to hear of the angry contentions among you. That
improvident act for limiting prices has done great injury, and in my
sincere opinion, if not repealed, will ruin the State and introduce a
civil war. I know not how unpopular this sentiment may be, but it is
sincerely mine. There are rascally upstarts in trade, I doubt not, who
have made great fortunes in a small period, who are monopolizing and
oppressing. But how this can be avoided entirely, I know not, but by
disusing their goods and letting them perish in their hands.