Before I left Chicago the newspapers were filled with rumors of

impending war between Germany and France. I was anxious to observe

the conflict, if it was to occur, but reports made one day concerning

the beginning of hostilities would be contradicted the next, and it

was not till I reached Helena that the despatches lost their doubtful

character, and later became of so positive a nature as to make it

certain that the two nations would fight. I therefore decided to cut

short my tour of inspection, so that I could go abroad to witness the

war, if the President would approve. This resolution limited my stay

in Helena to a couple of days, which were devoted to arranging for an

exploration of what are now known as the Upper and the Lower Geyser

Basins of the Yellowstone Park. While journeying between Corinne and

Helena I had gained some vague knowledge of these geysers from an old

mountaineer named Atkinson, but his information was very indefinite,

mostly second-hand; and there was such general uncertainty as to the

character of this wonderland that I authorized an escort of soldiers

to go that season from Fort Ellis with a small party, to make such

superficial explorations as to justify my sending an engineer officer

with a well-equipped expedition there next summer to scientifically

examine and report upon the strange country. When the arrangements

for this preliminary expedition were completed I started for Fort

Benton, the head of navigation on the Missouri River, on the way

passing through Fort Shaw, on Sun River. I expected to take at

Benton a steamboat to Fort Stevenson, a military post which had been

established about eighty miles south of Fort Buford, near a

settlement of friendly Mandan and Arickaree Indians, to protect them

from the hostile Sioux. From there I was to make my way overland,

first to Fort Totten near Devil's lake in Dakota, and thence by way

of Fort Abercrombie to Saint Cloud, Minnesota, the terminus of the

railroad.

Luckily I met with no delay in getting a boat at Benton, and though

the water was extremely low, we steamed down the channel of the

Missouri with but slight detention till we got within fifty miles of

Fort Buford. Here we struck on a sandbar with such force of steam

and current as to land us almost out of the water from stem to

midships. This bad luck was tantalizing, for to land on a bar when

your boat is under full headway down-stream in the Missouri River is

no trifling matter, especially if you want to make time, for the

rapid and turbid stream quickly depositing sand under the hull, makes

it commonly a task of several days to get your boat off again. As

from our mishap the loss of much time was inevitable, I sent a

messenger to Fort Buford for a small escort, and for horses to take

my party in to the post. Colonel Morrow, the commandant, came

himself to meet us, bringing a strong party of soldiers and some

friendly Indian scouts, because, he said, there were then in the

region around Buford so many treacherous band of Sioux as to make

things exceedingly unsafe.

Desiring to reach the post without spending more than one night on

the way, we abandoned our steamer that evening, and set off at an

early hour the next morning. We made camp at the end of the day's

march within ten miles of Buford, and arrived at the post without

having had any incident of moment, unless we may dignify as one a

battle with three grizzly bears, discovered by our friendly Indians

the morning of our second day's journey. While eating our breakfast

--a rather slim one, by the way--spread on a piece of canvas, the

Indians, whose bivouac was some distance off, began shouting

excitedly, "Bear! bear!" and started us all up in time to see, out on

the plain some hundreds of yards away, an enormous grizzly and two

almost full-grown cubs. Chances like this for a bear hunt seldom

offered, so there was hurried mounting--the horses being already

saddled--and a quick advance made on the game from many directions,

Lieutenant Townsend, of the escort, and five or six of the Indians

going with me. Alarmed by the commotion, bruin and her cubs turned

about, and with an awkward yet rapid gait headed for a deep ravine,

in which there was brushwood shelter.

My party rode directly across the prairie and struck the trail not

far behind the game. Then for a mile or more the chase was kept up,

but with such poor shooting because of the "buck fever" which had

seized most of us, that we failed to bring down any of the grizzlies,

though the cubs grew so tired that the mother was often obliged to

halt for their defense, meanwhile urging them on before her. When

the ravine was gained she hid the cubs away in the thick brushwood,

and then coming out where we could plainly see her, stood on the

defense just within the edge of the thicket, beyond the range of our

rifles though, unless we went down into the canyon, which we would

have to do on foot, since the precipitous wall precluded going on

horseback. For an adventure like this I confess I had little

inclination, and on holding a council of war, I found that the

Indians had still less, but Lieutenant Townsend, who was a fine shot,

and had refrained from firing hitherto in the hope that I might bag

the game, relieved the embarrassing situation and saved the credit of

the party by going down alone to attack the enemy. Meanwhile I

magnanimously held his horse, and the Sioux braves did a deal of

shouting, which they seemed to think of great assistance.

Townsend, having descended to the bottom of the ravine, approached

within range, when the old bear struck out, dashing into and out of

the bushes so rapidly, however, that he could not get fair aim at

her, but the startled cubs running into full view, he killed one at

the first shot and at the second wounded the other. This terribly

enraged the mother, and she now came boldly out to fight, exposing

herself in the open ground so much as to permit a shot, that brought

her down too, with a broken shoulder. Then the Indians and I,

growing very brave, scrambled down to--take part in the fight. It

was left for me to despatch the wounded cub and mother, and having

recovered possession of my nerves, I did the work effectively, and we

carried off with us the skins of the three animals as trophies of the

hunt and evidence of our prowess.

As good luck would have it, when we reached Buford we found a

steamboat there unloading stores, and learned that it would be ready

to start down the river the next day. Embarking on her, we got to

Stevenson in a few hours, and finding at the post camp equipage that

had been made ready for our use in crossing overland to Fort Totten,

we set out the following forenoon, taking with us a small escort of

infantry, transported in two light wagons, a couple of Mandans and

the post interpreter going along as mounted guides.

To reach water we had to march the first day to a small lake forty

miles off, and the oppressive heat, together with the long distance

traveled, used up one of the teams so much that, when about to start

out the second morning, we found the animals unable to go on with any

prospect of finishing the trip, so I ordered them to be rested

forty-eight hours longer, and then taken back to Stevenson. This

diminished the escort by one-half, yet by keeping the Indians and

interpreter on the lookout, and seeing that our ambulance was kept

closed up on the wagon carrying the rest of the detachment, we could,

I thought, stand off any ordinary party of hostile Indians.

About noon I observed that the scouts in advance had left the trail

and begun to reconnoitre a low ridge to their right, the sequel of

which was that in a few minutes they returned to the wagons on a dead

run and reported Sioux just ahead. Looking in the direction

indicated, I could dimly see five or six horsemen riding in a circle,

as Indians do when giving warning to their camp, but as our halt

disclosed that we were aware of their proximity, they darted back

again behind the crest of the ridge. Anticipating from this move an

immediate attack, we hastily prepared for it by unhooking the mules

from the wagon and ambulance, so that we could use the vehicles as a

barricade. This done, I told the interpreter to take the Mandan

scouts and go over toward the ridge and reconnoitre again. As the

scouts neared the crest two of them dismounted, and, crawling slowly

on their bellies to the summit, took a hasty look and returned at

once to their horses, coming back with word that in the valley beyond

was a camp of at least a hundred Sioux lodges, and that the Indians

were hurriedly getting ready to attack us. The news was anything but

cheering, for with a village of that size the warriors would number

two or three hundred, and could assail us from every side.

Still, nothing could be done, but stand and take what was to come,

for there was no chance of escape--it being supreme folly to

undertake in wagons a race with Indians to Fort Stevenson, sixty

miles away. To make the best of the situation, we unloaded the

baggage, distributing and adjusting the trunks, rolls of bedding,

crackerboxes, and everything else that would stop a bullet, in such

manner as to form a square barricade, two sides of which were the

wagons, with the mules haltered to the wheels. Every man then

supplied himself with all the ammunition he could carry, and the

Mandan scouts setting up the depressing wail of the Indian

death-song, we all awaited the attack with the courage of despair.

But no attack came; and time slipping by, and we still unmolested,

the interpreter and scouts were sent out to make another

reconnoissance. Going through just such precautions as before in

approaching the ridge, their slow progress kept us in painful

suspense; but when they got to the crest the strain on our nerves was

relieved by seeing them first stand up boldly at full height, and

then descend beyond. Quickly returning, they brought welcome word

that the whole thing was a mistake, and no Sioux were there at all.

What had been taken for a hundred Indian lodges turned out to be the

camp of a Government train on its way to Fort Stevenson, and the

officer in charge seeing the scouts before they discovered him, and

believing them to be Sioux, had sent out to bring his herds in. It

would be hard to exaggerate the relief that this discovery gave us,

and we all breathed much easier. The scare was a bad one, and I have

no hesitation in saying that, had we been mounted, it is more than

likely that, instead of showing fight, we would have taken up a

lively pace for Fort Stevenson.

After reciprocal explanations with the officer in charge of the

train, the march was resumed, and at the close of that day we camped

near a small lake about twenty miles from Fort Totten. From Totten

we journeyed on to Fort Abercrombie. The country between the two

posts is low and flat, and I verily believe was then the favorite

abiding-place of the mosquito, no matter where he most loves to dwell

now; for myriads of the pests rose up out of the tall rank grass

--more than I ever saw before or since--and viciously attacked both

men and animals. We ourselves were somewhat protected by gloves and

head-nets, provided us before leaving Totten, but notwithstanding these

our sufferings were well-nigh intolerable; the annoyance that the poor

mules experienced must, therefore, have been extreme; indeed, they were

so terribly stung that the blood fairly trickled down their sides.

Unluckily, we had to camp for one night in this region; but we partly

evaded the ravenous things by banking up our tent walls with earth, and

then, before turning in, sweeping and smoking out such as had got

inside. Yet with all this there seemed hundreds left to sing and sting

throughout the night. The mules being without protection, we tried

hard to save them from the vicious insects by creating a dense smoke

from a circle of smothered fires, within which chain the grateful

brutes gladly stood; but this relief was only partial, so the moment

there was light enough to enable us to hook up we pulled out for

Abercrombie in hot haste.

From Abercrombie we drove on to Saint Cloud, the terminus of the

railroad, where, considerably the worse for our hurried trip and

truly wretched experience with the mosquitoes, we boarded the welcome

cars. Two days later we arrived in Chicago, and having meanwhile

received word from General Sherman that there would be no objection

to my going to Europe, I began making arrangements to leave, securing

passage by the steamship Scotia.

President Grant invited me to come to see him at Long Branch before I

should sail, and during my brief visit there he asked which army I

wished to accompany, the German or the French. I told him the

German, for the reason that I thought more could be seen with the

successful side, and that the indications pointed to the defeat of

the French. My choice evidently pleased him greatly, as he had the

utmost contempt for Louis Napoleon, and had always denounced him as a

usurper and a charlatan. Before we separated, the President gave me

the following letter to the representatives of our Government abroad,

and with it I not only had no trouble in obtaining permission to go

with the Germans, but was specially favored by being invited to

accompany the headquarters of the King of Prussia:

"LONG BRANCH, N. J., July 25, 1870.

"Lieutenant-General P. H. Sheridan, of the United State Army, is

authorized to visit Europe, to return at his own pleasure, unless

otherwise ordered. He is commended to the good offices of all

representatives of this Government whom he may meet abroad.

"To citizens and representatives of other Governments I introduce

General Sheridan as one of the most skillful, brave and deserving

soldiers developed by the great struggle through which the United

States Government has just passed. Attention paid him will be duly

appreciated by the country he has served so faithfully and

efficiently.

"U. S. GRANT."

Word of my intended trip was cabled to Europe in the ordinary press

despatches, and our Minister to France, Mr. Elihu B. Washburn, being

an intimate friend of mine, and thinking that I might wish to attach

myself to the French army, did me the favor to take preliminary steps

for securing the necessary authority. He went so far as to broach

the subject to the French Minister of War, but in view of the

informality of the request, and an unmistakable unwillingness to

grant it being manifested, Mr. Washburn pursued the matter no

further. I did not learn of this kindly interest in my behalf till

after the capitulation of Paris, when Mr. Washburn told me what he

had done of his own motion. Of course I thanked him gratefully, but

even had he succeeded in getting the permission he sought I should

not have accompanied the French army.

I sailed from New York July 27, one of my aides-de-camp, General

James W. Forsyth, going with me. We reached Liverpool August 6, and

the next day visited the American Legation in London, where we saw

all the officials except our Minister, Mr. Motley, who, being absent,

was represented by Mr. Moran, the Secretary of the Legation. We left

London August 9 for Brussels, where we were kindly cared for by the

American Minister, Mr. Russell Jones who the same evening saw us off

for Germany. Because of the war we secured transportation only as

far as Vera, and here we received information that the Prussian

Minister of War had telegraphed to the Military Inspector of

Railroads to take charge of us on our arrival a Cologne, and send us

down to the headquarter of the Prussian army, but the Inspector, for

some unexplained reason, instead of doing this, sent us on to Berlin.

Here our Minister, Mr. George Bancroft, met us with a telegram from

the German Chancellor, Count Bismarck, saying we were expected to

come direct to the King's headquarters and we learned also that a

despatch had been sent to the Prussian Minister at Brussels directing

him to forward us from Cologne to the army, instead of allowing us to

go on to Berlin, but that we had reached and quit Brussels without

the Minister's knowledge.

CHAPTER XVI.

LEAVING FOR THE SEAT OF WAR--MEETING WITH PRINCE BISMARCK--HIS

INTEREST IN PUBLIC OPINION IN AMERICA--HIS INCLINATIONS IN EARLY

LIFE--PRESENTED TO THE KING--THE BATTLE OF GRAVELOTTE--THE GERMAN

PLAN--ITS FINAL SUCCESS--SENDING NEWS OF THE VICTORY--MISTAKEN FOR A

FRENCHMAN.

Shortly after we arrived in Berlin the Queen sent a messenger

offering us an opportunity to pay our respects, and fixed an hour for

the visit, which was to take place the next day; but as the tenor of

the despatch Mr. Bancroft had received from Count Bismarck indicated

that some important event which it was desired I should witness was

about to happen at the theatre of war, our Minister got us excused

from our visit of ceremony, and we started for the headquarters of

the German army that evening--our stay in the Prussian capital having

been somewhat less than a day.

Our train was a very long one, of over eighty cars, and though drawn

by three locomotives, its progress to Cologne was very slow and the

journey most tedious. From Cologne we continued on by rail up the

valley of the Rhine to Bingebruck, near Bingen, and thence across

through Saarbrucken to Remilly, where we left the railway and rode in

a hay-wagon to Pont-a-Mousson, arriving there August 17, late in the

afternoon. This little city had been ceded to France at the Peace of

Westphalia, and although originally German, the people had become, in

the lapse of so many years, intensely French in sentiment. The town

was so full of officers and men belonging to the German army that it

was difficult to get lodgings, but after some delay we found quite

comfortable quarters at one of the small hotels, and presently, after

we had succeeded in getting a slender meal, I sent my card to Count

von Bismarck, the Chancellor of the North German Confederation, who

soon responded by appointing an hour--about 9 o'clock the same

evening--for an interview.

When the Count received me he was clothed in the undress uniform of

the Cuirassier regiment, of which he was the colonel. During the

interview which ensued, he exhibited at times deep anxiety regarding

the conflict now imminent, for it was the night before the battle of

Gravelotte, but his conversation was mostly devoted to the state of

public sentiment in America, about which he seemed much concerned,

inquiring repeatedly as to which side--France or Prussia--was charged

with bringing on the war. Expressing a desire to witness the battle

which was expected to occur the next day, and remarking that I had

not had sufficient time to provide the necessary transportation, he

told me to be ready at 4 o'clock in the morning, and he would take me

out in his own carriage and present me to the King--adding that he

would ask one of his own staff-officers, who he knew had one or two

extra horses, to lend me one. As I did not know just what my status

would be, and having explained to the President before leaving

America that I wished to accompany the German army unofficially, I

hardly knew whether to appear in uniform or not, so I spoke of this

matter too, and the Count, after some reflection, thought it best for

me to wear my undress uniform, minus the sword, however, because I

was a non combatant.

At 4 o'clock the next morning, the 18th, I repaired to the

Chancellor's quarters. The carriage was at the door, also the

saddle-horse, but as no spare mount could be procured for General

Forsyth, he had to seek other means to reach the battle-field. The

carriage was an open one with two double seats, and in front a single

one for a messenger; it had also a hand-brake attached.

Count Bismarck and I occupied the rear seat, and Count

Bismarck-Bohlen--the nephew and aide-decamp to the Chancellor--and

Doctor Busch were seated facing us. The conveyance was strong,

serviceable, and comfortable, but not specially prepossessing, and

hitched to it were four stout horses--logy, ungainly animals, whose

clumsy harness indicated that the whole equipment was meant for heavy

work. Two postilions in uniform, in high military saddles on the nigh

horse of each span, completed the establishment.

All being ready, we took one of the roads from Pont-a-Mousson to

Rezonville, which is on the direct road from Metz to Chalons, and

near the central point of the field where, on the 16th of August, the

battle of Mars-la-Tour had been fought. It was by this road that the

Pomeranians, numbering about 30,000 men, had been ordered to march to

Gravelotte, and after proceeding a short distance we overtook the

column. As this contingent came from Count Bismarck's own section of

Germany, there greeted us as we passed along, first in the dim light

of the morning, and later in the glow of the rising sun, continuous

and most enthusiastic cheering for the German Chancellor.

On the way Count Bismarck again recurred to the state of public

opinion in America with reference to the war. He also talked much

about our form of government, and said that in early life his

tendencies were all toward republicanism, but that family influence

had overcome his preferences, and intimated that, after adopting a

political career, he found that Germany was not sufficiently advanced

for republicanism. He said, further, that he had been reluctant to

enter upon this public career, that he had always longed to be a

soldier, but that here again family opposition had turned him from

the field of his choice into the sphere of diplomacy.

Not far from Mars-la-Tour we alighted, and in a little while an

aide-de-camp was introduced, who informed me that he was there to

conduct and present me to his Majesty, the King of Prussia. As we were

walking along together, I inquired whether at the meeting I should

remove my cap, and he said no; that in an out-of-door presentation it

was not etiquette to uncover if in uniform. We were soon in presence

of the King, where--under the shade of a clump of second-growth

poplar-trees, with which nearly all the farms in the north of France

are here and there dotted--the presentation was made in the simplest

and most agreeable manner.

His Majesty, taking my hand in both of his, gave me a thorough

welcome, expressing, like Count Bismarck, though through an

interpreter, much interest as to the sentiment in my own country

about the war. At this time William the First of Prussia was

seventy-three years of age, and, dressed in the uniform of the

Guards, he seemed to be the very ideal soldier, and graced with most

gentle and courteous manners. The conversation, which was brief, as

neither of us spoke the other's native tongue, concluded by his

Majesty's requesting me in the most cordial way to accompany his

headquarters during the campaign. Thanking him for his kindness, I

rejoined Count Bismarck's party, and our horses having arrived

meantime, we mounted and moved off to the position selected for the

King to witness the opening of the battle.

This place was on some high ground overlooking the villages of

Rezonville and Gravelotte, about the centre of the battlefield of

Mars-la-Tour, and from it most of the country to the east toward Metz

could also be seen. The point chosen was an excellent one for the

purpose, though in one respect disagreeable, since the dead bodies of

many of the poor fellows killed there two days before were yet

unburied. In a little while the King's escort began to remove these

dead, however, bearing them away on stretchers improvised with their

rifles, and the spot thus cleared was much more acceptable. Then,

when such unexploded shells as were lying around loose had been

cautiously carried away, the King, his brother, Prince Frederick

Charles Alexander, the chief-of-staff, General von Moltke, the

Minister of War, General von Roon, and Count von Bismarck assembled

on the highest point, and I being asked to join the group, was there

presented to General von Moltke. He spoke our language fluently, and

Bismarck having left the party for a time to go to a neighboring

house to see his son, who had been wounded at Mars-la-Tour, and about

whom he was naturally very anxious, General von Moltke entertained me

by explaining the positions of the different corps, the nature and

object of their movements then taking place, and so on.

Before us, and covering Metz, lay the French army, posted on the

crest of a ridge extending north, and about its centre curving

slightly westward toward the German forces. The left of the French

position was but a short distance from the Moselle, and this part of

the line was separated from the Germans by a ravine, the slopes,

fairly well wooded, rising quite sharply; farther north, near the

centre, this depression disappeared, merged in the general swell of

the ground, and thence on toward the right the ground over which an

approach to the French line must be made was essentially a natural

open glacis, that could be thoroughly swept by the fire of the

defenders.

The line extended some seven or eight miles. To attack this

position, formidable everywhere, except perhaps on the right flank,

the Germans were bringing up the combined forces of the First and

Second armies, troops that within the past fortnight had already

successfully met the French in three pitched battles. On the right

was the First Army, under command of General Von Steinmetz, the

victors, August 6, of Spicheren, near Saar, and, eight days later, of

Colombey, to the east of Metz; while the centre and left were

composed of the several corps of the Second Army, commanded by Prince

Frederick Charles of Prussia, a part of whose troops had just been

engaged in the sanguinary battle of Mars-la-Tour, by which Bazaine

was cut off from the Verdun road, and forced back toward Metz.

At first the German plan was simply to threaten with their right,

while the corps of the Second Army advanced toward the north, to

prevent the French, of whose intentions there was much doubt, from

escaping toward Chalons; then, as the purposes of the French might

be, developed, these corps were to change direction toward the enemy

successively, and seek to turn his right flank. But the location of

this vital turning-point was very uncertain, and until it was

ascertained and carried, late in the afternoon, the action raged with

more or less intensity along the entire line.

But as it is not my purpose to describe in detail the battle of

Gravelotte, nor any other, I will speak of some of its incidents

merely. About noon, after many preliminary skirmishes, the action

was begun according to the plan I have already outlined, the Germans

advancing their left while holding on strongly with their right, and

it was this wing (the First Army) that came under my observation from

the place where the King's headquarters were located. From here we

could see, as I have said, the village of Gravelotte. Before it lay

the German troops, concealed to some extent, especially to the left,

by clumps of timber here and there. Immediately in front of us,

however, the ground was open, and the day being clear and sunny, with

a fresh breeze blowing (else the smoke from a battle between four

hundred thousand men would have obstructed the view altogether), the

spectacle presented Was of unsurpassed magnificence and sublimity.

The German artillery opened the battle, and while the air was filled

with shot and shell from hundreds of guns along their entire line,

the German centre and left, in rather open order, moved out to the

attack, and as they went forward the reserves, in close column, took

up positions within supporting distances, yet far enough back to be

out of range.

The French artillery and mitrailleuses responded vigorously to the

Krupps, and with deadly effect, but as far as we could see the German

left continued its advance, and staff-officers came up frequently to

report that all was going on well at points hidden from our view

These reports were always made to the King first, and whenever

anybody arrived with tidings of the fight we clustered around to hear

the news, General Von Moltke unfolding a map meanwhile, and

explaining the situation. This done, the chief of the staff, while

awaiting the next report, would either return to a seat that had been

made for him with some knapsacks, or would occupy the time walking

about, kicking clods of dirt or small stones here and there, his

hands clasped behind his back, his face pale and thoughtful. He was

then nearly seventy years old, but because of his emaciated figure,

the deep wrinkles in his face, and the crow's-feet about his eyes, he

looked even older, his appearance being suggestive of the practice of

church asceticisms rather than of his well-known ardent devotion to

the military profession.

By the middle of the afternoon the steady progress of the German left

and centre had driven the French from their more advanced positions

from behind stone walls and hedges, through valleys and hamlets, in

the direction of Metz, but as yet the German right had accomplished

little except to get possession of the village of Gravelotte,

forcing the French across the deep ravine I have mentioned, which

runs north and south a little distance east of ihe town.

But it was now time for the German right to move in earnest to carry

the Rozerieulles ridge, on which crest the French had evidently

decided to make an obstinate fight to cover their withdrawal to Metz.

As the Germans moved to the attack here, the French fire became heavy

and destructive, so much so, indeed, as to cause General Von

Steinmetz to order some cavalry belonging to the right wing to make a

charge. Crossing the ravine before described, this body of horse

swept up the slope beyond, the front ranks urged forward by the

momentum from behind. The French were posted along a sunken road,

behind stone walls and houses, and as the German cavalry neared these

obstructions it received a dreadful fire without the least chance of

returning it, though still pushed on till the front ranks were

crowded into the deep cut of the road. Here the slaughter was

terrible, for the horsemen could make no further headway; and because

of the blockade behind, of dead and wounded men and animals, an

orderly retreat was impossible, and disaster inevitable.

About the time the charge was ordered, the phase of the battle was

such that the King concluded to move his headquarters into the

village of Gravelotte; and just after getting there, we first learned

fully of the disastrous result of the charge which had been entered

upon with such spirit; and so much indignation was expressed against

Steinmetz, who, it was claimed, had made an unnecessary sacrifice of

his cavalry, that I thought he would be relieved on the spot; though

this was not done.

Followed by a large staff, General Steinmetz appeared in the village

presently, and approached the King. When near, he bowed with great

respect, and I then saw that he was a very old man though his

soldierly figure, bronzed face, and shortcropped hair gave some

evidence of vigor still. When the King spoke to him I was not close

enough to learn what was said; but his Majesty's manner was

expressive of kindly feeling, and the fact that in a few moments the

veteran general returned to the command of his troops, indicated

that, for the present at least, his fault had been overlooked.

The King then moved out of the village, and just a little to the east

and north of it the headquarters were located on high, open ground,

whence we could observe the right of the German infantry advancing up

the eastern face of the ravine. The advance, though slow and

irregular, resulted in gradually gaining ground, the French resisting

stoutly with a stubborn musketry fire all along the slopes. Their

artillery was silent, however; and from this fact the German

artillery officers grew jubilant, confidently asserting that their

Krupp guns had dismounted the French batteries and knocked their

mitrailleuses to pieces. I did not indulge in this confidence,

however; for, with the excellent field-glass I had, I could

distinctly see long columns of French troops moving to their right,

for the apparent purpose of making a vigorous fight on that flank;

and I thought it more than likely that their artillery would be heard

from before the Germans could gain the coveted ridge.

The Germans labored up the glacis slowly at the most exposed places;

now crawling on their bellies, now creeping on hands and knees, but,

in the main, moving with erect and steady bearing. As they

approached within short range, they suddenly found that the French

artillery and mitrallleuses had by no means been silenced--about two

hundred pieces opening on them with fearful effect, while at the same

time the whole crest blazed with a deadly fire from the Chassepot

rifles. Resistance like this was so unexpected by the Germans that

it dismayed them; and first wavering a moment, then becoming

panic-stricken, they broke and fled, infantry, cavalry, and artillery

coming down the slope without any pretence of formation, the French

hotly following and pouring in a heavy and constant fire as the

fugitives fled back across the ravine toward Gravelotte. With this

the battle on the right had now assumed a most serious aspect, and

the indications were that the French would attack the heights of

Gravelotte; but the Pomeranian corps coming on the field at this

crisis, was led into action by Von Moltke, himself, and shortly after

the day was decided in favor of the Germans.

When the French guns opened fire, it was discovered that the King's

position was within easy range, many of the shells falling near

enough to make the place extremely uncomfortable; so it was suggested

that he go to a less exposed point. At first he refused to listen to

this wise counsel, but yielded finally--leaving the ground with

reluctance, however--and went back toward Rezonville. I waited for

Count Bismarck, who did not go immediately with the King, but

remained at Gravelotte, looking after some of the escort who had been

wounded. When he had arranged for their care, we set out to rejoin

the King, and before going far, overtook his Majesty, who had stopped

on the Chalons road, and was surrounded by a throng of fugitives,

whom he was berating in German so energetic as to remind me forcibly

of the "Dutch" swearing that I used to hear in my boyhood in Ohio.

The dressing down finished to his satisfaction, the King resumed his

course toward Re'zonville, halting, however, to rebuke in the same

emphatic style every group of runaways he overtook.

Passing through Rezonville, we halted just beyond the village; there

a fire was built, and the King, his brother, Prince Frederick

Charles, and Von Roon were provided with rather uncomfortable seats

about it, made by resting the ends of a short ladder on a couple of

boxes. With much anxiety and not a little depression of spirits news

from the battle-field was now awaited, but the suspense did not last

long, for presently came the cheering intelligence that the French

were retiring, being forced back by the Pomeranian corps, and some of

the lately broken right wing organizations, that had been rallied on

the heights of Gravelotte. The lost ground being thus regained, and

the French having been beaten on their right, it was not long before

word came that Bazaine's army was falling back to Metz, leaving the

entire battle-field in possession of the Germans.

During the excitement of the day I had not much felt the want of

either food or water, but now that all was over I was nearly

exhausted, having had neither since early morning. Indeed, all of

the party were in like straits; the immense armies had not only eaten

up nearly everything in the country, but had drunk all the wells dry,

too, and there seemed no relief for us till, luckily, a squad of

soldiers came along the road with a small cask of wine in a cart.

One of the staff-officers instantly appropriated the keg, and

proceeded to share his prize most generously. Never had I tasted

anything so refreshing and delicious, but as the wine was the

ordinary sour stuff drunk by the peasantry of northern France, my

appreciation must be ascribed to my famished condition rather than to

any virtues of the beverage itself.

After I had thus quenched my thirst the King's, brother called me

aside, and drawing from his coat-tail pocket a piece of stale black

bread, divided it with me, and while munching on this the Prince

began talking of his son--General Prince Frederick Charles, popularly

called the Red Prince--who was in command of the Second Army in this

battle--the German left wing. In recounting his son's professional

career the old man's face was aglow with enthusiasm, and not without

good cause, for in the war between Prussia and Austria in 1866, as

well as in the present campaign, the Red Prince had displayed the

highest order of military genius.

The headquarters now became the scene of much bustle, despatches

announcing the victory being sent in all directions. The first one

transmitted was to the Queen, the King directing Count Bismarck to

prepare it for his signature; then followed others of a more official

character, and while these matters were being attended to I thought I

would ride into the village to find, if possible, some water for my

horse. Just as I entered the chief street, however, I was suddenly

halted by a squad of soldiers, who, taking me for a French officer

(my coat and forage cap resembling those of the French), leveled

their pieces at me. They were greatly excited, so much so, indeed,

that I thought my hour had come, for they could not understand

English, and I could not speak German, and dare not utter

explanations in French. Fortunately a few disconnected German words

came to me in the emergency. With these I managed to delay my

execution, and one of the party ventured to come up to examine the

"suspect" more closely. The first thing he did was to take off my

cap, and looking it over carefully, his eyes rested on the three

stars above the visor, and, pointing to them, he emphatically

pronounced me French. Then of course they all became excited again,

more so than before, even, for they thought I was trying to practice

a ruse, and I question whether I should have lived to recount the

adventure had not an officer belonging to the King's headquarters

been passing by just then, when, hearing the threatenings and

imprecations, he rode up to learn the cause of the hubbub, and

immediately recognized and released me. When he told my wrathy

captors who I was, they were much mortified of course, and made the

most profuse apologies, promising that no such mistake should occur

again, and so on; but not feeling wholly reassured, for my uniform

was still liable to mislead, I was careful to return to headquarters

in company with my deliverer. There I related what had occurred, and

after a good laugh all round, the King provided me with a pass which

he said would preclude any such mishap in the future, and would also

permit me to go wherever I pleased--a favor rarely bestowed.

CHAPTER XVII

SEARCHING FOR QUARTERS--HUNTING UP PROVISIONS--A SLENDER BREAKFAST

--GOING OVER THE BATTLEFIELD--THE GERMAN ARTILLERY--A GROUP OF WOUNDED

--DINING WITH THE KING--ON THE MARCH--THE BAVARIANS--KIRSCHWASSER

--URGING ON THE TROOPS.

While I was absent, as related in the preceding chapter, it had been

decided that the King's quarters should be established for the night

in the village of Rezonville; and as it would be very difficult, at

such a late hour, to billet the whole party regularly, Count Bismarck

and I went off to look for shelter for ourselves. Remembering that I

had seen, when seeking to water my horse, a partly burned barn with

some fresh-looking hay in it, I suggested that we lodge there. He

too thought it would answer our purpose, but on reaching it we found

the unburned part of the barn filled with wounded, and this

necessitating a further search we continued on through the village in

quest of some house not yet converted into a hospital. Such,

however, seemed impossible to come upon, so at last the Count fixed

on one whose upper floor, we learned, was unoccupied, though the

lower one was covered with wounded.

Mounting a creaky ladder--there was no stairway--to the upper story,

we found a good-sized room with three large beds, one of which the

Chancellor assigned to the Duke of Mecklenburg and aide, and another

to Count Bismarck-Bohlen and me, reserving the remaining one for

himself. Each bed, as is common in Germany and northern France, was

provided with a feather tick, but the night being warm, these spreads

were thrown off, and discovering that they would make a comfortable

shakedown on the floor, I slept there leaving Bismarck-Bohlen

unembarrassed by companionship--at least of a human kind.

At daylight I awoke, and seeing that Count Bismarck was already

dressed and about to go down the ladder, I felt obliged to follow his

example, so I too turned out, and shortly descended to the

ground-floor, the only delays of the toilet being those incident to

dressing, for there were no conveniences for morning ablutions. Just

outside the door I met the Count, who, proudly exhibiting a couple of

eggs he had bought from the woman of the house, invited me to

breakfast with him, provided we could beg some coffee from the king's

escort. Putting the eggs under my charge, with many injunctions as

to their safe-keeping, he went off to forage for the coffee, and

presently returned, having been moderately successful. One egg

apiece was hardly enough, however, to appease the craving of two

strong men ravenous from long fasting. Indeed, it seemed only to

whet the appetite, and we both set out on an eager expedition for

more food. Before going far I had the good luck to meet a sutler's

wagon, and though its stock was about all sold, there were still left

four large bologna sausages, which I promptly purchased--paying a

round sum for them too--and hastening back found the Count already

returned, though without bringing anything at all to eat; but he had

secured a couple of bottles of brandy, and with a little of this--it

was excellent, too--and the sausages, the slim ration of eggs and

coffee was amply reinforced.

Breakfast over, the Chancellor invited me to accompany him in a ride

to the battle-field, and I gladly accepted, as I very much desired to

pass over the ground in front of Gravelotte, particularly so to see

whether the Krupp guns had really done the execution that was claimed

for them by the German artillery officers. Going directly through

the village of Gravelotte, following the causeway over which the

German cavalry had passed to make its courageous but futile charge,

we soon reached the ground where the fighting had been the most

severe. Here the field was literally covered with evidences of the

terrible strife, the dead and wounded strewn thick on every side.

In the sunken road the carnage had been awful; men and horses having

been slaughtered there by hundreds, helpless before the murderous

fire delivered from behind a high stone wall impracticable to mounted

troops. The sight was sickening to an extreme, and we were not slow

to direct our course elsewhere, going up the glacis toward the French

line, the open ground over which we crossed being covered with

thousands of helmets, that had been thrown off by the Germans during

the fight and were still dotting the field, though details of

soldiers from the organizations which had been engaged here were

about to begin to gather up their abandoned headgear.

When we got inside the French works, I was astonished to observe how

little harm had been done the defenses by the German artillery, for

although I had not that serene faith in the effectiveness of their

guns held by German artillerists generally, yet I thought their

terrific cannonade must have left marked results. All I could

perceive, however, was a disabled gun, a broken mitrailleuse, and two

badly damaged caissons.

Everything else, except a little ammunition in the trenches, had been

carried away, and it was plain to see, from the good shape in which

the French left wing had retired to Metz, that its retreat had been

predetermined by the disasters to the right wing.

By this hour the German cavalry having been thrown out to the front

well over toward Metz, we, following it to get a look at the city,

rode to a neighboring summit, supposing it would be a safe point of

observation; but we shortly realized the contrary, for scarcely had

we reached the crest when some of the French pickets, lying concealed

about six hundred yards off, opened fire, making it so very hot for

us that, hugging the necks of our horses, we incontinently fled.

Observing what had taken place, a troop of German cavalry charged the

French outpost and drove it far enough away to make safe our return,

and we resumed possession of the point, but only to discover that the

country to the east was so broken and hilly that no satisfactory view

of Metz could be had.

Returning to Gravelotte, we next visited that part of the battlefield

to the northeast of the village, and before long Count Bismarck

discovered in a remote place about twenty men dreadfully wounded.

These poor fellows had had no attention whatever, having been

overlooked by the hospital corps, and their condition was most

pitiful. Yet there was one very handsome man in the group--a captain

of artillery--who, though shot through the right breast, was

talkative and cheerful, and felt sure of getting well. Pointing,

however, to a comrade lying near, also shot in the breast, he

significantly shook his head; it was easy to see on this man's face

the signs--of fast approaching death.

An orderly was at once despatched for a surgeon, Bismarck and I doing

what we could meanwhile to alleviate the intense sufferings of the

maimed men, bringing them water and administering a little brandy,

for the Count still had with him some of the morning's supply. When

the surgeons came, we transferred the wounded to their care, and

making our way to Rezonville, there took the Count's carriage to

rejoin the King's headquarters, which in the mean time had been moved

to Pont-a-Mousson. Our route led through the village of Gorze, and

here we found the streets so obstructed with wagons that I feared it

would take us the rest of the day to get through, for the teamsters

would not pay the slightest heed to the cries of our postilions. The

Count was equal to the emergency, however, for, taking a pistol from

behind his cushion, and bidding me keep my seat, he jumped out and

quickly began to clear the street effectively, ordering wagons to the

right and left. Marching in front of the carriage and making way for

us till we were well through the blockade, he then resumed his seat,

remarking, "This is not a very dignified business for the Chancellor

of the German Confederation, but it's the only way to get through."

At Pont-a-Mousson I was rejoined by my aide, General Forsyth, and for

the next two days our attention was almost wholly devoted to securing

means of transportation. This was most difficult to obtain, but as I

did not wish to impose on the kindness of the Chancellor longer, we

persevered till, finally, with the help of Count Bismarck-Bohlen, we

managed to get tolerably well equipped with a saddle-horse apiece,

and a two-horse carriage. Here also, on the afternoon of August 21,

I had the pleasure of dining with the King. The dinner was a simple

one, consisting of soup, a joint, and two or three vegetables; the

wines vin ordinaire and Burgundy. There were a good many persons of

high rank present, none of whom spoke English, however, except

Bismarck, who sat next the King and acted as interpreter when his

Majesty conversed with me. Little was said of the events taking

place around us, but the King made many inquiries concerning the war

of the rebellion, particularly with reference to Grant's campaign at

Vicksburg; suggested, perhaps, by the fact that there, and in the

recent movements of the German army, had been applied many similar

principles of military science.

The French army under Marshal Bazaine having retired into the

fortifications of Metz, that stronghold was speedily invested by

Prince Frederick Charles. Meantime the Third Army, under the Crown

Prince of Prussia--which, after having fought and won the battle of

Worth, had been observing the army of Marshal MacMahon during and

after the battle of Gravelotte--was moving toward Paris by way of

Nancy, in conjunction with an army called the Fourth, which had been

organized from the troops previously engaged around Metz, and on the

22d was directed toward Bar-le-Duc under the command of the Crown

Prince of Saxony. In consequence of these operations the King

decided to move to Commercy, which place we reached by carriage,

traveling on a broad macadamized road lined on both sides with

poplar-trees, and our course leading through a most beautiful country

thickly dotted with prosperous-looking villages.

On reaching Commercy, Forsyth and I found that quarters had been

already selected for us, and our names written on the door with chalk

the quartermaster charged with the billeting of the officers at

headquarters having started out in advance to perform this duty and

make all needful preparations for the King before he arrived, which

course was usually pursued thereafter, whenever the royal

headquarters took up a new location.

Forsyth and I were lodged with the notary of the village, who over

and over again referred to his good fortune in not having to

entertain any of the Germans. He treated us most hospitably, and

next morning, on departing, we offered compensation by tendering a

sum--about what our bill would have been at a good hotel--to be used

for the "benefit of the wounded or the Church." Under this

stipulation the notary accepted, and we followed that plan of paying

for food and lodging afterward, whenever quartered in private houses.

The next day I set out in advance of the headquarters, and reached

Bar-le-Duc about noon, passing on the way the Bavarian contingent of

the Crown Prince's army. These Bavarians were trim-looking soldiers,

dressed in neat uniforms of light blue; they looked healthy and

strong, but seemed of shorter stature than the North Germans I had

seen in the armies of Prince Frederick Charles and General von

Steinmetz. When, later in the day the King arrived, a guard for him

was detailed from this Bavarian contingent; a stroke of policy no

doubt, for the South Germans were so prejudiced against their

brothers of the North that no opportunity to smooth them down was

permitted to go unimproved.

Bar-le-Duc, which had then a population of about 15,000, is one of

the prettiest towns I saw in France, its quaint and ancient buildings

and beautiful boulevards charming the eye as well as exciting deep

interest. The King and his immediate suite were quartered on one of

the best boulevards in a large building--the Bank of France--the

balcony of which offered a fine opportunity to observe a part of the

army of the Crown Prince the next day on its march toward Vitry.

This was the first time his Majesty had had a chance to see any of

these troops--as hitherto he had accompanied either the army of

Prince Frederick Charles, or that of General Steinmetz--and the

cheers with which he was greeted by the Bavarians left no room for

doubting their loyalty to the Confederation, notwithstanding ancient

jealousies.

While the troops were passing, Count Bismarck had the kindness to

point out to me the different organizations, giving scraps of their

history, and also speaking concerning the qualifications of the

different generals commanding them. When the review was over we went

to the Count's house, and there, for the first time in my life, I

tasted kirschwasser, a very strong liquor distilled from cherries.

Not knowing anything about the stuff, I had to depend on Bismarck's

recommendation, and he proclaiming it fine, I took quite a generous

drink, which nearly strangled me and brought on a violent fit of

coughing. The Chancellor said, however, that this was in no way due

to the liquor, but to my own inexperience, and I was bound to believe

the distinguished statesman, for he proved his words by swallowing a

goodly dose with an undisturbed and even beaming countenance,

demonstrating his assertion so forcibly that I forthwith set out with

Bismarck-Bohlen to lay in a supply for myself.

I spent the night in a handsome house, the property of an

exceptionally kind and polite gentleman bearing the indisputably

German name of Lager, but who was nevertheless French from head to

foot, if intense hatred of the Prussians be a sign of Gallic

nationality. At daybreak on the 26th word came for us to be ready to

move by the Chalons road at 7 o'clock, but before we got off, the

order was suspended till 2 in the afternoon. In the interval General

von Moltke arrived and held a long conference with the King, and when

we did pull out we traveled the remainder of the afternoon in company

with a part of the Crown Prince's army, which after this conference

inaugurated the series of movements from Bar-le-Duc northward, that

finally compelled the surrender at Sedan. This sudden change of

direction I did not at first understand, but soon learned that it was

because of the movements of Marshal MacMahon, who, having united the

French army beaten at Worth with three fresh corps at Chalons, was

marching to relieve Metz in obedience to orders from the Minister of

War at Paris.

As we passed along the column, we noticed that the Crown Prince's

troops were doing their best, the officers urging the men to their

utmost exertions, persuading weary laggards and driving up

stragglers. As a general thing, however, they marched in good shape,

notwithstanding the rapid gait and the trying heat, for at the outset

of the campaign the Prince had divested them of all impedimenta

except essentials, and they were therefore in excellent trim for a

forced march.

The King traveled further than usual that day--to Clermont--so we did

not get shelter till late, and even then not without some confusion,

for the quartermaster having set out toward Chalons before the change

of programme was ordered, was not at hand to provide for us. I had

extreme good luck, though, in being quartered with a certain

apothecary, who, having lived for a time in the United States,

claimed it as a privilege even to lodge me, and certainly made me his

debtor for the most generous hospitality. It was not so with some of

the others, however; and Count Bismarck was particularly unfortunate,

being billeted in a very small and uncomfortable house, where,

visiting him to learn more fully what was going on, I found him,

wrapped in a shabby old dressing-gown, hard at work. He was

established in a very small room, whose only furnishings consisted of

a table--at which he was writing--a couple of rough chairs, and the

universal feather-bed, this time made on the floor in one corner of

the room. On my remarking upon the limited character of his

quarters, the Count replied, with great good-humor, that they were

all right, and that he should get along well enough. Even the tramp

of his clerks in the attic, and the clanking of his orderlies' sabres

below, did not disturb him much; he said, in fact, that he would have

no grievance at all were it not for a guard of Bavarian soldiers

stationed about the house for his safety, he presumed the sentinels

from which insisted on protecting and saluting the Chancellor of the

North German Confederation in and out of season, a proceeding that

led to embarrassment sometimes, as he was much troubled with a severe

dysentery. Notwithstanding his trials, however, and in the midst of

the correspondence on which he was so intently engaged, he graciously

took time to explain that the sudden movement northward from

Bar-le-Duc was, as I have previously recounted, the result of

information that Marshal MacMahon was endeavoring to relieve Metz by

marching along the Belgian frontier; "a blundering manoeuvre," remarked

the Chancellor, "which cannot be accounted for, unless it has been

brought about by the political situation of the French."

CHAPTER XVIII.

AFTER MacMAHON--THE BATTLE AT BEAUMONT--THE FRENCH SURPRISED--THE

MARCHING OF THE GERMAN SOLDIERS--THE BATTLE OF SEDAN--GALLANT CAVALRY

CHARGES--DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH--THE SURRENDER OF NAPOLEON--BISMARCK

AND THE KING--DECORATING THE SOLDIERS.

All night long the forced march of the army went on through Clermont,

and when I turned out, just after daylight, the columns were still

pressing forward, the men looking tired and much bedraggled, as

indeed they had reason to be, for from recent rains the roads were

very sloppy. Notwithstanding this, however, the troops were pushed

ahead with all possible vigor to intercept MacMahon and force a

battle before he could withdraw from his faulty movement, for which

it has since been ascertained he was not at all responsible. Indeed,

those at the royal headquarters seemed to think of nothing else than

to strike MacMahon, for, feeling pretty confident that Metz could not

be relieved, they manifested not the slightest anxiety on that score.

By 8 o'clock, the skies having cleared, the headquarters set out for

Grand Pre', which place we reached early in the afternoon, and that

evening I again had the pleasure of dining with the King. The

conversation at table was almost wholly devoted to the situation, of

course, everybody expressing surprise at the manoeuvre of the French

at this time, their march along the Belgian frontier being credited

entirely to Napoleon. Up to bed-time there was still much

uncertainty as to the exact positions of the French, but next morning

intelligence being received which denoted the probability of a

battle, we drove about ten miles, to Buzancy, and there mounting our

horses, rode to the front.

The French were posted not far from Buzancy in a strong position,

their right resting near Stonne and the left extending over into the

woods beyond Beaumont. About 10 o'clock the Crown Prince of Saxony

advanced against this line, and while a part of his army turned the

French right, compelling it to fall back rapidly, the German centre

and right attacked with great vigor and much skill, surprising one of

the divisions of General De Failly's corps while the men were in the

act of cooking their breakfast.

The French fled precipitately, leaving behind their tents and other

camp equipage, and on inspecting the ground which they had abandoned

so hastily, I noticed on all sides ample evidence that not even the

most ordinary precautions had been taken to secure the division from

surprise, The artillery horses had not been harnessed, and many of

them had been shot down at the picket-rope where they had been

haltered the night before, while numbers of men were lying dead with

loaves of bread or other food instead of their muskets in their

hands.

Some three thousand prisoners and nearly all the artillery and

mitrailleuses of the division--were captured, while the fugitives

were pursued till they found shelter behind--Douay's corps and the

rest of De Failly's beyond Beaumont. The same afternoon there were

several other severe combats along the Meuse, but I had no chance of

witnessing any of them, and just before night-fall I started back to

Buzancy, to which place the King's headquarters had been brought

during the day.

The morning of the 31st the King moved to Vendresse. First sending

our carriage back to Grand Pre' for our trunks, Forsyth and I mounted

our horses and rode to the battle-field accompanied by an English

nobleman, the Duke of Manchester. The part of the field we traversed

was still thickly strewn with the dead of both armies, though all the

wounded had been collected in the hospitals. In the village of

Beaumont, we stopped to take a look at several thousand French

prisoners, whose worn clothing and evident dejection told that they

had been doing a deal of severe marching under great discouragements.

The King reached the village shortly after, and we all continued on

to Chemery, just beyond where his Majesty alighted from his carriage

to observe his son's troops file past as they came in from the

direction of Stonne. This delay caused us to be as late as 9 o'clock

before we got shelter that night, but as it afforded me the best

opportunity I had yet had for seeing the German soldiers on the

march, I did not begrudge the time. They moved in a somewhat open

and irregular column of fours, the intervals between files being

especially intended to give room for a peculiar swinging gait, with

which the men seemed to urge themselves over the ground with ease and

rapidity. There was little or no straggling, and being strong, lusty

young fellows, and lightly equipped--they carried only needle-guns,

ammunition, a very small knapsack, a water-bottle, and a haversack

--they strode by with an elastic step, covering at least three miles an

hour.

It having been definitely ascertained that the demoralized French

were retiring to Sedan, on the evening of August 31 the German army

began the work of hemming them in there, so disposing the different

corps as to cover the ground from Donchery around by Raucourt to

Carignan. The next morning this line was to be drawn in closer on

Sedan; and the Crown Prince of Saxony was therefore ordered to take

up a position to the north of Bazeilles, beyond the right bank of the

Meuse, while the Crown Prince of Prussia was to cross his right wing

over the Meuse at Remilly, to move on Bazeilles, his centre meantime

marching against a number of little hamlets still held by the French

between there and Donchery. At this last-mentioned place strong

reserves were to be held, and from it the Eleventh Corps, followed by

the Fifth and a division of cavalry, was to march on St. Menges.

Forsyth and I started early next morning, September 1, and in a thick

fog-which, however, subsequently gave place to bright sunshine--we

drove to the village of Chevenges, where, mounting our horses, we

rode in a northeasterly direction to the heights of Frenois and

Wadelincourt, bordering the river Meuse on the left bank, where from

the crest we had a good view of the town of Sedan with its circling

fortifications, which, though extensive, were not so formidable as

those around Metz. The King and his staff were already established

on these heights, and at a point so well chosen that his Majesty

could observe the movements of both armies immediately east and south

of Sedan, and also to the northwest toward Floing and the Belgian

frontier.

The battle was begun to the east and northeast of Sedan as early as

half-past 4 o'clock by the German right wing--the fighting being

desultory--and near the same hour the Bavarians attacked Bazeilles.

This village, some two miles southeast of Sedan, being of importance,

was defended with great obstinacy, the French contesting from street

to street and house to house the attack of the Bavarians till near

10 o'clock, when, almost every building being knocked to pieces, they

were compelled to relinquish the place. The possession of this

village gave the Germans to the east of Sedan a continuous line,

extending from the Meuse northward through La Moncelle and Daigny to

Givonne, and almost to the Belgian frontier.

While the German centre and right were thus engaged, the left had

moved in accordance with the prescribed plan. Indeed, some of these

troops had crossed the Meuse the night before, and now, at a little

after 6 o'clock, their advance could be seen just north of the

village of Floing. Thus far these columns, under the immediate eye

of the Crown Prince of Prussia, had met with no opposition to their

march, and as soon as they got to the high ground above the village

they began extending to the east, to connect with the Army of the

Meuse. This juncture was effected at Illy without difficulty, and

the French army was now completely encompassed.

After a severe fight, the Crown Prince drove the French through

Floing, and as the ground between this village and Sedan is an

undulating open plain, everywhere visible, there was then offered a

rare opportunity for seeing the final conflict preceding the

surrender. Presently up out of the little valley where Floing is

located came the Germans, deploying just on the rim of the plateau a

very heavy skirmish-line, supported by a line of battle at close

distance. When these skirmishers appeared, the French infantry had

withdrawn within its intrenched lines, but a strong body of their

cavalry, already formed in a depression to the right of the Floing

road, now rode at the Germans in gallant style, going clear through

the dispersed skirmishers to the main line of battle. Here the

slaughter of the French was awful, for in addition to the deadly

volleys from the solid battalions of their enemies, the skirmishers,

who had rallied in knots at advantageous places, were now delivering

a severe and effective fire. The gallant horsemen, therefore, had to

retire precipitately, but re-forming in the depression, they again

undertook the hopeless task of breaking the German infantry, making

in all four successive charges. Their ardor and pluck were of no

avail, however, for the Germans, growing stronger every minute by the

accession of troops from Floing, met the fourth attack in such large

force that, even before coming in contact with their adversaries, the

French broke and retreated to the protection of the intrenchments,

where, from the beginning of the combat, had been lying plenty of

idle infantry, some of which at least, it seemed plain to me, ought

to have been thrown into the fight. This action was the last one of

consequence around Sedan, for, though with the contraction of the

German lines their batteries kept cannonading more or less, and the

rattle of musketry continued to be heard here and there, yet the hard

fighting of the day practically ended on the plateau of Floing.

By 3 o'clock, the French being in a desperate and hopeless situation,

the King ordered the firing to be stopped, and at once despatched one

of his staff--Colonel von Bronsart--with a demand for a surrender.

Just as this officer was starting off, I remarked to Bismarck that

Napoleon himself would likely be one of the prizes, but the Count,

incredulous, replied, "Oh no; the old fox is too cunning to be caught

in such a trap; he has doubtless slipped off to Paris"--a belief

which I found to prevail pretty generally about headquarters.

In the lull that succeeded, the King invited many of those about him

to luncheon, a caterer having provided from some source or other a

substantial meal of good bread, chops and peas, with a bountiful

supply of red and sherry wines. Among those present were Prince

Carl, Bismarck, Von Moltke, Von Roon, the Duke of Weimar, the Duke of

Coburg, the Grand-Duke of Mecklenburg, Count Hatzfeldt, Colonel

Walker, of the English army, General Forsyth, and I. The King was

agreeable and gracious at all times, but on this occasion he was

particularly so, being naturally in a happy frame of mind because

this day the war had reached a crisis which presaged for the near

future the complete vanquishment of the French.

Between 4 and 5 o'clock Colonel von Bronsart returned from his

mission to Sedan, bringing word to the King that the commanding

officer there General Wimpffen, wished to know, in order that the

further effusion of blood might be spared, upon what terms he might

surrender. The Colonel brought the intelligence also that the French

Emperor was in the town. Soon after Von Bronsart's arrival a French

officer approached from Sedan, preceded by a white flag and two

German officers. Coming up the road till within a few hundred yards

of us, they halted; then one of the Germans rode forward to say that

the French officer was Napoleon's adjutant, bearing an autograph

letter from the Emperor to the King of Prussia. At this the King,

followed by Bismarck, Von Moltke, and Von Roon, walked out to the

front a little distance and halted, his Majesty still in advance, the

rest of us meanwhile forming in a line some twenty paces to the rear

of the group. The envoy then approached, at first on horseback, but

when within about a hundred yards he dismounted, and uncovering, came

the remaining distance on foot, bearing high up in his right hand the

despatch from Napoleon. The bearer proved to be General Reille, and

as he handed the Emperor's letter to the King, his Majesty saluted

him with the utmost formality and precision. Napoleon's letter was

the since famous one, running so characteristically, thus: "Not

having been able to die in the midst of my troops, there is nothing

left me but to place my sword in your Majesty's hands." The reading

finished, the King returned to his former post, and after a

conference with Bismarck, Von Moltke, and Von Roon, dictated an

answer accepting Napoleon's surrender, and requesting him to

designate an officer with power to treat for the capitulation of the

army, himself naming Von Moltke to represent the Germans. The King

then started for Vendresse, to pass the night. It was after

7 o'clock now, and hence too late to arrange anything more where we

were, so further negotiations were deferred till later in the

evening; and I, wishing to be conveniently near Bismarck, resolved to

take up quarters in Donchery. On our way thither we were met by the

Count's nephew, who assuring us that it would be impossible to find

shelter there in the village, as all the houses were filled with

wounded, Forsyth and I decided to continue on to Chevenge. On the

other hand, Bismarck-Bohlen bore with him one great comfort--some

excellent brandy. Offering the flask to his uncle, he said: "You've

had a hard day of it; won't you refresh yourself?" The Chancellor,

without wasting time to answer, raised the bottle to his lips,

exclaiming: "Here's to the unification of Germany!" which sentiment

the gurgling of an astonishingly long drink seemed to emphasize. The

Count then handed the bottle back to his nephew, who, shaking it,

ejaculated, "Why, we can't pledge you in return--there is nothing

left!" to which came the waggish response, "I beg pardon; it was so

dark I couldn't see"; nevertheless there was a little remaining, as I

myself can aver.

Having left our carriage at Chevenge, Forsyth and I stopped there to

get it, but a long search proving fruitless, we took lodging in the

village at the house of the cure, resolved to continue the hunt in

the morning. But then we had no better success, so concluding that

our vehicle had been pressed into the hospital service, we at an

early hour on the 2d of September resumed the search, continuing on

down the road in the direction of Sedan. Near the gate of the city

we came on the German picket-line, and one of the Officers,

recognizing our uniforms--he having served in the war of the

rebellion--stepped forward and addressed me in good English. We

naturally fell into conversation, and in the midst of it there came

out through the gate an open carriage, or landau, containing two men,

one of whom, in the uniform of a general and smoking a cigarette, we

recognized, when the conveyance drew near, as the Emperor Louis

Napoleon. The landau went on toward Donchery at a leisurely pace,

and we, inferring that there was something more important at hand

just then than the recovery of our trap, followed at a respectful

distance. Not quite a mile from Donchery is a cluster of three or

four cottages, and at the first of these the landau stopped to await,

as we afterward ascertained, Count Bismarck, with whom the diplomatic

negotiations were to be settled. Some minutes elapsed before he

came, Napoleon remaining seated in his carriage meantime, still

smoking, and accepting with nonchalance the staring of a group of

German soldiers near by, who were gazing on their fallen foe with

curious and eager interest.

Presently a clattering of hoofs was heard, and looking toward the

sound, I perceived the Chancellor cantering down the road. When

abreast of the carriage he dismounted, and walking up to it, saluted

the Emperor in a quick, brusque way that seemed to startle him.

After a word or two, the party moved perhaps a hundred yards further

on, where they stopped opposite the weaver's cottage so famous from

that day. This little house is on the east side of the Donchery

road, near its junction with that to Frenois, and stands about twenty

paces back from the highway. In front is a stone wall covered with

creeping vines, and from a gate in this wall runs to the front door a

path, at this time bordered on both sides with potato vines.

The Emperor having alighted at the gate, he and Bismarck walked

together along the narrow path and entered the cottage. Reappearing

in about a quarter of an hour, they came out and seated themselves in

the open air, the weaver having brought a couple of chairs. Here

they engaged in an animated conversation, if much gesticulation is

any indication. The talk lasted fully an hour, Bismarck seeming to

do most of it, but at last he arose, saluted the Emperor, and strode

down the path toward his horse. Seeing me standing near the gate, he

joined me for a moment, and asked if I had noticed how the Emperor

started when they first met, and I telling him that I had, he added,

"Well, it must have been due to my manners, not my words, for these

we're, 'I salute your Majesty just as I would my King.'" Then the

Chancellor continued to chat a few minutes longer, assuring me that

nothing further was to be done there, and that we had better go to

the Chateau Bellevue, where, he said, the formal surrender was to

take place. With this he rode off toward Vendresse to communicate

with his sovereign, and Forsyth and I made ready to go to the Chateau

Bellevue.

Before we set out, however, a number of officers of the King's suite

arrived at the weaver's cottage, and from them I gathered that there

were differences at the royal headquarters as to whether peace should

be made then at Sedan, or the war continued till the French capital

was taken. I further heard that the military advisers of the King

strongly advocated an immediate move on Paris, while the Chancellor

thought it best to make peace now, holding Alsace and Lorraine, and

compelling the payment of an enormous levy of money; and these rumors

were most likely correct, for I had often heard Bismarck say that

France being the richest country in Europe, nothing could keep her

quiet but effectually to empty her pockets; and besides this, he

impressed me as holding that it would be better policy to preserve

the Empire.

On our way to the chateau we fell in with a number of artillery

officers bringing up their guns hurriedly to post them closer in to

the beleaguered town on a specially advantageous ridge. Inquiring

the cause of this move, we learned that General Wimpffen had not yet

agreed to the terms of surrender; that it was thought he would not,

and that they wanted to be prepared for any such contingency. And

they were preparing with a vengeance too, for I counted seventy-two

Krupp guns in one continuous line trained on the Chateau Bellevue and

Sedan.

Napoleon went directly from the weaver's to the Chateau Bellevue, and

about 10 o'clock the King of Prussia arrived from Frenois,

accompanied by a few of his own suite and the Crown Prince with

several members of his staff; and Von Moltke and Wimpffen having

settled their points of difference before the two monarchs met,

within the next half-hour the articles of capitulation were formally

signed.

On the completion of the surrender--the occasion being justly

considered a great one--the Crown Prince proceeded to distribute

among the officers congregated in the chateau grounds 'the order of

the Iron Cross'--a generous supply of these decorations being carried

in a basket by one of his orderlies, following him about as he walked

along. Meantime the King, leaving Napoleon in the chateau to

ruminate on the fickleness of fortune, drove off to see his own

victorious soldiers, who greeted him with huzzas that rent the air,

and must have added to the pangs of the captive Emperor.

CHAPTER XIX.

RIDING OVER THE BATTLEFIELD--DESTRUCTION OF BAZEILLES--MISTAKES OF

THE FRENCH--MARSHAL BAZAINE ON TO PARIS--A WEEK IN MEAUX--RHEIMS--ON

THE PICKETLINE-UNDER FIRE--A SURRENDER--AT VERSAILLES--GENERAL

BURNSIDE AND Mr. FORBES IN PARIS.

The Crown Prince having got to the bottom of his medal basket-that is

to say, having finished his liberal distribution of decorations to

his officers--Forsyth and I rode off by way of Wadelincourt to

Bazeilles to see what had taken place on that part of the field, and

the sight that met our eyes as we entered the village was truly

dreadful to look upon. Most of the houses had been knocked down or

burned the day before, but such as had been left standing were now in

flames, the torch having been applied because, as it was claimed,

Frenchmen concealed in them had fired on the wounded. The streets

were still encumbered with both German and French dead, and it was

evident that of those killed in the houses the bodies had not been

removed, for the air was loaded with odors of burning flesh. From

Bazeille we rode on toward the north about two miles, along where the

fight had been largely an artillery duel, to learn what we could of

the effectiveness of the Krupp gun. Counting all the French dead we

came across killed by artillery, they figured up about three hundred

--a ridiculously small number; in fact, not much more than one dead

man for each Krupp gun on that part of the line. Although the number

of dead was in utter disproportion to the terrific six-hour

cannonade, yet small as it was the torn and mangled bodies made such

a horrible sight that we turned back toward Bazeilles without having

gone further than Givonne.

At Bazeilles we met the King, accompanied by Bismarck and several of

the staff. They too had been riding over the field, the King making

this a practice, to see that the wounded were not neglected. As I

drew up by the party, Bismarck accosted me with, "Well, General,

aren't you hungry? This is just the place to whet one's appetite

--these burning Frenchmen--Ugh!" and shrugging his shoulders in evident

disgust, he turned away to join his Majesty in further explorations,

Forsyth and I continuing on to Chevenges. Here we got the first

inkling of what had become of our carriage since leaving it two days

before: it had been pressed into service to carry wounded officers from

the field during the battle, but afterward released, and was now safe

at the house in Vendresse where we had been quartered the night of the

31st, so, on hearing this, we settled to go there again to lodge, but

our good friend, the cure', insisting that we should stay with him, we

remained in Chevenges till next morning.

On September 3 the King removed from Vendresse to Rethel, where he

remained two days; in the mean while the Germans, 240,000 strong,

beginning their direct march to Paris. The French had little with

which to oppose this enormous force, not more, perhaps, than 50,000

regular troops; the rest of their splendid army had been lost or

captured in battle, or was cooped up in the fortifications of Metz,

Strasburg, and other places, in consequence of blunders without

parallel in history, for which Napoleon and the Regency in Paris must

be held accountable. The first of these gross faults was the fight

at Worth, where MacMahon, before his army was mobilized, accepted

battle with the Crown Prince, pitting 50,000 men against 175,000; the

next was Bazaine's fixing upon Metz as his base, and stupidly putting

himself in position to be driven back to it, when there was no

possible obstacle to his joining forces with MacMahon at Chalons;

while the third and greatest blunder of all was MacMahon's move to

relieve Metz, trying to slip 140,000 men along the Belgian frontier.

Indeed, it is exasperating and sickening to think of all this; to

think that Bazaine carried into Metz--a place that should have been

held, if at all, with not over 25,000 men--an army of 180,000,

because it contained, the excuse was, "an accumulation of stores."

With all the resources of rich France to draw upon, I cannot conceive

that this excuse was sincere; on the contrary, I think that the

movement of Bazaine must have been inspired by Napoleon with a view

to the maintenance of his dynasty rather than for the good of France.

As previously stated, Bismarck did not approve of the German army's

moving on Paris after the battle of Sedan. Indeed, I think he

foresaw and dreaded the establishment of a Republic, his idea being

that if peace was made then, the Empire could be continued in the

person of the Prince Imperial who--, coming to the throne under

German influences, would be pliable in his hands. These views found

frequent expression in private, and in public too; I myself

particularly remember the Chancellor's speaking thus most unguardedly

at a dinner in Rheims. But he could not prevent the march to Paris;

it was impossible to stop the Germans, flushed with success. "On to

Paris" was written by the soldiers on every door, and every

fence-board along the route to the capital, and the thought of a

triumphant march down the Champs Elysees was uppermost with every

German, from the highest to the lowest grade.

The 5th of September we set out for Rheims. There it was said the

Germans would meet with strong resistance, for the French intended to

die to the last man before giving up that city. But this proved all

fudge, as is usual with these "last ditch" promises, the garrison

decamping immediately at the approach of a few Uhlans. So far as I

could learn, but a single casualty happened; this occurred to an

Uhlan, wounded by a shot which it was reported was fired from a house

after the town was taken; so, to punish this breach of faith, a levy

of several hundred bottles of champagne was made, and the wine

divided about headquarters, being the only seizure made in the city,

I believe, for though Rheims, the centre of the champagne district,

had its cellars well stocked, yet most of them being owned by German

firms, they received every protection.

The land about Rheims is of a white, chalky character, and very poor,

but having been terraced and enriched with fertilizers, it produces

the champagne grape in such abundance that the region, once

considered valueless, and named by the peasantry the "land of the

louse," now supports a dense population. We remained in Rheims eight

days, and through the politeness of the American Consul--Mr. Adolph

Gill--had the pleasure of seeing all the famous wine cellars, and

inspecting the processes followed in champagne making, from the step

of pressing the juice from the grape to that which shows the wine

ready for the market. Mr. Gill also took us to see everything else

of special interest about the city, and there being much to look at

--fine old churches, ancient fortifications, a Roman gateway, etc.

--the days slipped by very quickly, though the incessant rains

somewhat interfered with our enjoyment.

For three or four days all sorts of rumors were rife as to what was

doing in Paris, but nothing definite was learned till about the 9th;

then Count Bismarck informed me that the Regency had been overthrown

on the 4th, and that the Empress Eugenie had escaped to Belgium. The

King of Prussia offered her an asylum with the Emperor at

Wilhelmshohe, "where she ought to go," said the Chancellor, "for her

proper place is with her husband," but he feared she would not. On

the same occasion he also told me that Jules Favre--the head of the

Provisional Government--had sent him the suggestion that, the Empire

being gone, peace should be made and the Germans withdrawn, but that

he (Bismarck) was now compelled to recognize the impossibility of

doing this till Paris was taken, for although immediately after the

surrender of Sedan he desired peace, the past few days had made it

plain that the troops would not be satisfied with anything short of

Paris, no matter what form of Government the French should ultimately

adopt.

The German army having met with no resistance whatever in its march

on Paris, its advance approached the capital rapidly, and by the 14th

of September the royal headquarters moved by a fine macadamized road

to the Chateau Thierry, and on the 5th reached Meaux, about

twenty-eight miles from Paris, where we remained four days awaiting the

reconstruction of some railroad and canal bridges. The town of Meaux

has a busy population of about 10,000 souls, in peaceable times

principally occupied in manufacturing flour for the Paris market,

having a fine waterpower for the many mills. These were kept going day

and night to supply the German army; and it was strange to see with

what zeal Frenchmen toiled to fill the stomachs of their inveterate

enemies, and with what alacrity the mayor and other officials filled

requisitions for wine, cheese, suits of livery, riding-whips, and even

squab pigeons.

During our stay at Meaux the British Minister Lord Lyons, endeavored

to bring about a cessation of hostilities, to this end sending his

secretary out from Paris with a letter to Count Bismarck, offering to

serve as mediator. The Chancellor would not agree to this, however,

for he conjectured that the action of the British Minister had been

inspired by Jules Favre, who, he thought, was trying to draw the

Germans into negotiations through the medium of a third party only

for purposes of delay. So the next morning Lord Lyons's secretary,

Mr. Edward Malet, returned to Paris empty-handed, except that he bore

a communication positively declining mediation; which message,

however, led no doubt to an interview between Bismarck and Favre a

couple of days later.

The forenoon of September 19 the King removed to the Chateau

Ferrieres--a castle belonging to the Rothschild family, where

Napoleon had spent many happy days in the time of his prosperity.

His Majesty took up his quarters here at the suggestion of the owner,

we were told, so that by the presence of the King the magnificent

chateau and its treasures of art would be unquestionably protected

from all acts of vandalism.

All of the people at headquarters except the King's immediate suite

were assigned quarters at Lagny; and while Forsyth and I, accompanied

by Sir Henry Havelock, of the British army, were driving thither, we

passed on the road the representative of the National Defense

Government, Jules Favre, in a carriage heading toward Meaux.

Preceded by a flag of truce and accompanied by a single, companion,

he was searching for Count Bismarck, in conformity, doubtless, with

the message the Chancellor had sent to Paris on the 17th by the

British secretary. A half-mile further on we met Bismarck. He too

was traveling toward Meaux, not in the best of humor either, it

appeared, for having missed finding the French envoy at the

rendezvous where they had agreed to meet, he stopped long enough to

say that the "air was full of lies, and that there were many persons

with the army bent on business that did not concern them."

The armies of the two Crown Princes were now at the outskirts of

Paris. They had come from Sedan mainly by two routes--the Crown

Prince of Saxony marching by the northern line, through Laon and

Soissons, and the Crown Prince of Prussia by the southern line,

keeping his right wing on the north bank of the Marne, while his left

and centre approached the French capital by roads between that river

and the Seine.

The march of these armies had been unobstructed by any resistance

worth mentioning, and as the routes of both columns lay through a

region teeming with everything necessary for their support, and rich

even in luxuries, it struck me that such campaigning was more a vast

picnic than like actual war. The country supplied at all points

bread, meat, and wine in abundance, and the neat villages, never more

than a mile or two apart, always furnished shelter; hence the

enormous trains required to feed and provide camp equipage for an

army operating in a sparsely settled country were dispensed with; in

truth, about the only impedimenta of the Germans was their wagons

carrying ammunition, pontoon-boats, and the field-telegraph.

On the morning of the 20th I started out accompanied by Forsyth and

Sir Henry Havelock, and took the road through Boissy St. George,

Boissy St. Martins and Noisy Le Grand to Brie. Almost every foot of

the way was strewn with fragments of glass from wine bottles, emptied

and then broken by the troops. There was, indeed, so much of this

that I refrain from making any estimate of the number of bottles,

lest I be thought to exaggerate, but the road was literally paved

with glass, and the amount of wine consumed (none was wasted) must

have been enormous, far more, even, than I had seen evidence of at

any time before. There were two almost continuous lines of broken

bottles along the roadsides all the way down from Sedan; but that

exhibit was small compared with what we saw about Brie.

At Brie we were taken charge of by the German commandant of the

place. He entertained us most hospitably for an hour or so, and

then, accompanied by a lieutenant, who was to be our guide, I set out

ahead of my companions to gain a point on the picket-line where I

expected to get a good look at the French, for their rifle-pits were

but a few hundred yards off across the Marne, their main line being

just behind the rifle-pits. As the lieutenant and I rode through the

village, some soldiers warned us that the adventure would be

dangerous, but that we could probably get to the desired place unhurt

if we avoided the French fire by forcing our horses to a run in

crossing some open streets where we would be exposed. On getting to

the first street my guide galloped ahead to show the way, and as the

French were not on the lookout for anything of the kind at these

dangerous points, only a few stray shots were drawn by the

lieutenant, but when I followed, they were fully up to what was going

on, and let fly a volley every time they saw me in the open.

Fortunately, however, in their excitement they overshot, but when I

drew rein alongside of my guide under protection of the bluff where

the German picket was posted, my hair was all on end, and I was about

as badly scared as ever I had been in my life. As soon as I could

recover myself I thought of Havelock and Forsyth, with the hope that

they would not follow; nor did they, for having witnessed my

experience, they wisely concluded that, after all, they did not care

so much to see the French rifle-pits.

When I had climbed to the top of the bluff I was much disappointed,

for I could see but little--only the advanced rifle-pits across the

river, and Fort Nogent beyond them, not enough, certainly, to repay a

non-combatant for taking the risk of being killed. The next question

was to return, and deciding to take no more such chances as those we

had run in coming out, I said we would wait till dark, but this

proved unnecessary, for to my utter astonishment my guide informed me

that there was a perfectly safe route by which we might go back. I

asked why we had not taken it in coming, and he replied that he had

thought it "too long and circuitous." To this I could say nothing,

but I concluded that that was not quite the correct reason; the truth

is that early that morning the young fellow had been helping to empty

some of the many wine bottles I saw around Brie, and consequently had

a little more "Dutch courage"--was a little more rash--than would

have been the case under other conditions.

I rode back to Brie by the "long and circuitous" route, and inquiring

there for my companions, found Havelock waiting to conduct me to the

village of Villiers, whither, he said, Forsyth had been called to

make some explanation about his passport, which did not appear to be

in satisfactory shape. Accordingly we started for Villiers, and

Havelock, being well mounted on an English "hunter," and wishing to

give me an exhibition of the animal's training and power, led the way

across ditches and fences, but my horse, never having followed "the

hounds," was unsafe to experiment with, so, after trying a low fence

or two, I decided to leave my friend alone in his diversion, and a

few moments later, seeing both horse and rider go down before a ditch

and high stone wall, I was convinced that my resolution was a

discreet one. After this mishap, which luckily resulted in no harm,

I hoped Sir Henry would give up the amusement, but by failure

becoming only the more determined, in a second effort he cleared the

wall handsomely and rode across-country to the villages. Following

the road till it passed under a railway bridge, I there thought I saw

a chance to gain Villiers by a short-cut, and changing my course

accordingly, I struck into a large vineyard to the left, and

proceeding a few hundred yards through the vines, came suddenly upon

a German picket-post. The guard immediately leveled their rifles at

me, when, remembering my Rezonville experience of being taken for a

French officer because of my uniform, I hastily flung myself from the

saddle in token of surrender. The action being rightly interpreted,

the men held their fire, and as my next thought was the King's pass I

reached under my coat-skirt for the document, but this motion being

taken as a grab for my pistol, the whole lot of them--some ten in

number--again aimed at me, and with such loud demands for surrender

that I threw up my hands and ran into their ranks. The officer of

the guard then coming up, examined my credentials, and seeing that

they were signed by the King of Prussia, released me and directed the

recovery of my horse, which was soon caught, and I was then conducted

to the quarters of the commandant, where I found Forsyth with his

pass properly vised, entirely ignorant of my troubles, and

contentedly regaling himself on cheese and beer. Havelock having got

to the village ahead of me, thanks to his cross-country ride, was

there too, sipping beer with Forsyth; nor was I slow to follow their

example, for the ride of the day, though rather barren in other

results, at any rate had given me a ravenous appetite.

Late that evening, the 20th, we resumed our old quarters at Lagny,

and early next day I made a visit to the royal headquarters at

Ferrires, where I observed great rejoicing going on, the occasion for

it being an important victory gained near Mendon, a French corps of

about 30,000 men under General Ducrot having been beaten by the Fifth

Prussian and Second Bavarian corps. Ducrot had been stubbornly

holding ground near Mendon for two or three days, much to the

embarrassment of the Germans too, since he kept them from closing a

gap in their line to the southwest of Paris; but in the recent fight

he had been driven from the field with such heavy loss as to render

impossible his maintaining the gap longer. The Crown Prince of

Prussia was thus enabled to extend his left, without danger, as far

as Bougival, north of Versailles, and eventually met the right of the

Crown Prince of Saxony, already at Denil, north of St. Denis. The

unbroken circle of investment around Paris being well-nigh assured,

news of its complete accomplishment was momentarily expected;

therefore everybody was jubilant on account of the breaking up of

Ducrot, but more particularly because word had been received the same

morning that a correspondence had begun between Bazaine and Prince

Frederick Charles, looking to the capitulation of Metz, for the

surrender of that place would permit the Second Army to join in the

siege of Paris.

Learning all this, and seeing that the investment was about

completed, I decided to take up my quarters at Versailles, and

started for that place on the 22d, halting at Noisy le Grand to take

luncheon with some artillery officers, whose acquaintance we had made

the day of the surrender at Sedan. During the meal I noticed two

American flags flying on a couple of houses near by. Inquiring the

significance of this, I was told that the flags had been put up to

protect the buildings--the owners, two American citizens, having in a

bad fright abandoned their property, and, instead of remaining

outside, gone into Paris,--"very foolishly," said our hospitable

friends, "for here they could have obtained food in plenty, and been

perfectly secure from molestation."

We arrived at Versailles about 7 o'clock that evening and settled

ourselves in the Hotel Reservoir, happy to find there two or three

American families, with whom, of course, we quickly made

acquaintance. This American circle was enlarged a few days later by

the arrival of General Wm. B. Hazen, of our army, General Ambrose E.

Burnside, and Mr. Paul Forbes. Burnside and Forbes were hot to see,

from the French side, something of the war, and being almost beside

themselves to get into Paris, a permit was granted them by Count

Bismarck, and they set out by way of Sevres, Forsyth and I

accompanying them as far as the Palace of St. Cloud, which we,

proposed to see, though there were strict orders against its being

visited generally. After much trouble we managed, through the "open

sesame" of the King's pass, to gain access to the palace; but to our

great disappointment we found that all the pictures had been cut from

the frames and carried off to Paris, except one portrait, that of

Queen Victoria, against whom the French were much incensed. All

other works of art had been removed, too--a most fortunate

circumstance, for the palace being directly on the German line, was

raked by the guns from the fortress of Mont Valerien, and in a few

days burned to the ground.

In less than a week Burnside and Forbes returned from Paris. They

told us their experience had been interesting, but were very reticent

as to particulars, and though we tried hard to find out what they had

seen or done, we could get nothing from them beyond the general

statement that they had had a good time, and that General Trochu had

been considerate enough to postpone a sortie, in order to let them

return; but this we did not quite swallow. After a day or two they

went into Paris again, and I then began to suspect that they were

essaying the role of mediators, and that Count Bismarck was feeding

their vanity with permits, and receiving his equivalent by learning

the state of affairs within the beleaguered city.

From about the 1st of October on, the Germans were engaged in making

their enveloping lines impenetrable, bringing up their reserves,

siege guns, and the like, the French meanwhile continuing to drill

and discipline the National Guard and relieving the monotony

occasionally by a more or less spirited, but invariably abortive,

sortie. The most notable of these was that made by General Vinoy

against the heights of Clamart, the result being a disastrous repulse

by the besiegers. After this, matters settled down to an almost

uninterrupted quietude, only a skirmish here and there; and it being

plain that the Germans did not intend to assault the capital, but

would accomplish its capture by starvation, I concluded to find out

from Count Bismarck about when the end was expected, with the purpose

of spending the interim in a little tour through some portions of

Europe undisturbed by war, returning in season for the capitulation.

Count Bismarck having kindly advised me as to the possible date.

Forsyth and I, on the 14th of October, left Versailles, going first

direct to the Chateau Ferrieres to pay our respects to the King,

which we did, and again took luncheon with him. From the chateau we

drove to Meaux, and there spent the night; resuming our journey next

morning, we passed through Epernay, Rheims, and Rethel to Sedan,

where we tarried a day, and finally, on October 18, reached Brussels.

CHAPTER XX.

BRUSSELS--DECIDING TO VISIT EASTERN EUROPE--AUSTRIA--DOWN THE DANUBE

--IN CONSTANTINOPLE--THE LADIES OF THE HAREM--THE SULTAN--TURKISH

SOLDIERS--A BANQUET--A VISIT IN ATHENS--KING GEORGE OF GREECE--VICTOR

EMMANUEL--"BEDEVILED WITH CARES OF STATE"--DEER SHOOTING--A MILITARY

DINNER--RETURN TO VERSAILLES--GERMANS ENTERING PARIS--CRITICISM ON

THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR--CONCLUSION.

On reaching Brussels, one of the first things to do was to pay my

respects to the King of Belgium, which I did, accompanied by our

Minister, Mr. Russell Jones. Later I dined with the King and Queen,

meeting at the dinner many notable people, among them the Count and

Countess of Flanders. A day or two in Brussels sufficed to mature

our plans for spending the time up to the approximate date of our

return to Paris; and deciding to visit eastern Europe, we made Vienna

our first objective, going there by way of Dresden.

At Vienna our Minister, Mr. John Jay, took charge of us--Forsyth was

still with me--and the few days' sojourn was full of interest. The

Emperor being absent from the capital, we missed seeing him; but the

Prime Minister, Count von Beust, was very polite to us, and at his

house we had the pleasure of meeting at dinner Count Andrassy, the

Prime Minister of Hungary.

From Vienna we went to Buda-Pesth, the Hungarian capital; and thence,

in a I small, crowded, and uncomfortable steamboat, down the Danube

to Rustchuck, whence we visited Bucharest--all who travel in eastern

Europe do so--and then directing our course southward, we went first

to Varna, and from that city by steamer through the Black Sea to

Constantinople.

We reached the Turkish capital at the time of Ramadan, the period of

the year (about a month) during which the Mohammedans are commanded

by the Koran to keep a rigorous fast every day from sunrise till

sunset. All the followers of the Prophet were therefore busy with

their devotions--holding a revival, as it were; hence there was no

chance whatever to be presented to the Sultan, Abdul Aziz, it being

forbidden during the penitential season for him to receive

unbelievers, or in fact any one except the officials of his

household. However, the Grand Vizier brought me many messages of

welcome, and arranged that I should be permitted to see and salute

his Serene Highness on the Esplanade as he rode by on horseback to

the mosque.

So, the second day after arrival, the Grand Vizier drove me in a

barouche to the Esplanade, where we took station about midway of its

length an hour or so before the Sultan was to appear. Shortly after

we reached the Esplanade, carriages occupied by the women of the

Sultan's harem began to appear, coming out from the palace grounds

and driving up and down the roadway. Only a few of the women were

closely veiled, a majority of them wearing an apology for veiling,

merely a strip of white lace covering the forehead down to the

eyebrows. Some were yellow, and some white-types of the Mongolian

and Caucasian races. Now and then a pretty face was seen, rarely a

beautiful one. Many were plump, even to corpulence, and these were

the closest veiled, being considered the greatest beauties I presume,

since with the Turk obesity is the chief element of comeliness. As

the carriages passed along in review, every now and then an occupant,

unable or unwilling to repress her natural promptings, would indulge

in a mild flirtation, making overtures by casting demure

side-glances, throwing us coquettish kisses, or waving strings of amber

beads with significant gestures, seeming to say: "Why don't you

follow?" But this we could not do if we would, for the Esplanade

throughout its entire length was lined with soldiers, put there

especially to guard the harem first, and later, the Sultan on his

pilgrimage to the mosque.

But as it was now time for His Serene Highness to make his appearance

the carriages containing his wives drove off into the palace grounds,

which were inclosed by a high wall, leaving the Esplanade wholly

unencumbered except by the soldiers. Down between the two ranks,

which were formed facing each other, came the Sultan on a white

steed--a beautiful Arabian--and having at his side his son, a boy

about ten or twelve years old, who was riding a pony, a diminutive

copy of his father's mount, the two attended by a numerous

body-guard, dressed in gorgeous Oriental uniforms. As the procession

passed our carriage, I, as pre-arranged, stood up and took off my

hat, His Serene Highness promptly acknowledging the salute by raising

his hand to the forehead. This was all I saw of him, yet I received

every kindness at his hands, being permitted to see many of his

troops, to inspect all the ordnance, equipment, and other military

establishments about Constantinople, and to meet numbers of the high

functionaries of the Empire.

Among other compliments tendered through his direction, and which I

gladly accepted, was a review of all the troops then in Stamboul

--about 6,000--comprising infantry, cavalry, and artillery.

They were as fine looking a body of soldiers as I ever saw--well

armed and well clothed, the men all large and of sturdy appearance.

After the review we attended a grand military dinner given by the

Grand Vizier. At the hour set for this banquet we presented

ourselves at the palace of the Grand Vizier, and being ushered into a

large drawing-room, found already assembled there the guests invited

to meet us. Some few spoke French, and with these we managed to

exchange an occasional remark; but as the greater number stood about

in silence, the affair, thus far, was undeniably a little stiff.

Just before the dinner was announced, all the Turkish officers went

into an adjoining room, and turning their faces to the east,

prostrated themselves to the floor in prayer. Then we were all

conducted to a large salon, where each being provided with a silver

ewer and basin, a little ball of highly perfumed soap and a napkin,

set out on small tables, each guest washed his hands. Adjacent to

this salon was the dining-room, or, rather, the banqueting room, a

very large and artistically frescoed hall, in the centre of which

stood a crescent-shaped table, lighted with beautiful silver

candelabra, and tastefully decorated with flowers and fruits. The

viands were all excellent; cooked, evidently, by a French chef, and

full justice was done the dishes, especially by the Turks, who, of

course, had been fasting all day.

At the close of the banquet, which consisted of not less than fifteen

courses, we withdrew to a smoking-room, where the coffee was served

and cigarettes and chibouks offered us--the latter a pipe having a

long flexible stem with an amber mouthpiece. I chose the chibouk,

and as the stem of mine was studded with precious stones of enormous

value, I thought I should enjoy it the more; but the tobacco being

highly flavored with some sort of herbs, my smoke fell far short of

my anticipations. The coffee was delicious, however, and I found

this to be the case wherever I went in Constantinople, whether in

making calls or at dinner, the custom of offering coffee and tobacco

on these occasions being universal.

The temptations to linger at Constantinople were many indeed, not the

least being the delightful climate; and as time pressed, we set out

with much regret on the return journey, stopping a few days at

Athens, whence we made several short excursions into the interior.

King George and Queen Olga made our stay in Athens one of extreme

interest and exceeding pleasure. Throwing aside all ceremony, they

breakfasted and dined us informally, gave us a fine ball, and in

addition to these hospitalities showed us much personal attention,

his Majesty even calling upon me, and the Queen sending her children

to see us at our hotel.

Of course we visited all that remained of the city's ancient

civilization--the Acropolis, temples, baths, towers, and the like;

nor did we omit to view the spot where St. Paul once instructed the

Athenians in lessons of Christianity. We traveled some little

through the country districts outside of Athens, and I noticed that

the peasantry, in point of picturesqueness of dress and color of

complexion, were not unlike the gypsies we see at times in America.

They had also much of the same shrewdness, and, as far as I could

learn, were generally wholly uneducated, ignorant, indeed, except as

to one subject--politics--which I was told came to them intuitively,

they taking to it, and a scramble for office, as naturally as a duck

to water. In fact, this common faculty for politics seems a

connecting link between the ancient and modern Greek.

Leaving Athens with the pleasantest recollections, we sailed for

Messina, Sicily, and from there went to Naples, where we found many

old friends; among them Mr. Buchanan Reed, the artist and poet, and

Miss Brewster, as well as a score or more of others of our

countrymen, then or since distinguished, in art and letters at home

and abroad. We remained some days in Naples, and during the time

went to Pompeii to witness a special excavation among the ruins of

the buried city, which search was instituted on account of our visit.

A number of ancient household articles were dug up, and one, a terra

cotta lamp bearing upon its crown in bas-relief the legend of "Leda

and the Swan," was presented to me as a souvenir of the occasion,

though it is usual for the Government to place in its museums

everything of such value that is unearthed.

From Naples to Rome by rail was our next journey. In the Eternal

City we saw picture-galleries, churches, and ruins in plenty, but all

these have been so well described by hundreds of other travelers that

I shall not linger even to name them. While at Rome we also

witnessed an overflow of the Tiber, that caused great suffering and

destroyed much property. The next stage of our tour took us to

Venice, then to Florence--the capital of Italy--for although the

troops of the King of Italy had taken possession of Rome the

preceding September, the Government itself had not yet removed

thither.

At Florence, our Minister, Mr. Marsh, though suffering with a lame

foot, took me in charge, and in due course of time I was presented to

King Victor-Emmanuel. His Majesty received me informally at his

palace in a small, stuffy room--his office, no doubt--and an untidy

one it was too. He wore a loose blouse and very baggy trousers; a

comfortable suit, certainly, but not at all conducing to an ideal

kingliness of appearance.

His Majesty's hobby was hunting, and no sooner had I made my bow than

he began a conversation on that subject, thrusting his hands nearly

up to the elbows into the pockets of his trousers. He desired to

learn about the large game of America, particularly the buffalo, and

when I spoke of the herds of thousands and thousands I had seen on

the plains of western Kansas, he interrupted me to bemoan the fate

which kept him from visiting America to hunt, even going so far as to

say that "he didn't wish to be King of Italy, anyhow, but would much

prefer to pass his days hunting than be bedeviled with the cares of

state." On one of his estates, near Pisa, he had several large herds

of deer, many wild boars, and a great deal of other game. Of this

preserve he was very proud, and before we separated invited me to go

down there to shoot deer, adding that he would be there himself if he

could, but feared that a trip which he had to take to Milan would

interfere, though he wished me to go in any event.

I gladly accepted the invitation, and in two or three days was

notified when I would be expected at the estate. At the designated

time I was escorted to Pisa by an aide-de-camp, and from there we

drove the few miles to the King's chateau, where we fortified

ourselves for the work in hand by an elaborate and toothsome

breakfast of about ten courses. Then in a carriage we set out for

the King's stand in the hunting-grounds, accompanied by a crowd of

mounted game-keepers, who with great difficulty controlled the pack

of sixty or seventy hounds, the dogs and keepers together almost

driving me to distraction with their yelping and yelling. On

reaching the stand, I was posted within about twenty' yards of a

long, high picket-fence, facing the fence and covered by two trees

very close together. It was from behind these that the King usually

shot, and as I was provided with a double-barreled shot-gun, I

thought I could do well, especially since close in rear of me stood

two game-keepers to load and hand me a second gun when the first was

emptied.

Meantime the huntsmen and the hounds had made a circuit of the park

to drive up the game. The yelps of the hounds drawing near, I

cautiously looked in the direction of the sound, and the next moment

saw a herd of deer close in to the fence, and coming down at full

speed. Without a miss, I shot the four leading ones as they tried

to run the gauntlet, for in passing between the stand and the fence,

the innocent creatures were not more than ten to fifteen paces from

me. At the fourth I stopped, but the gamekeepers insisted on more

butchery, saying, "No one but the King ever did the like" (I guess no

one else had ever had the chance), so, thus urged, I continued firing

till I had slaughtered eleven with eleven shots--an easy task with a

shot-gun and buckshot cartridges.

The "hunt" being ended--for with this I had had enough, and no one

else was permitted to do any shooting--the aide-decamp directed the

game to be sent to me in Florence, and we started for the chateau.

On the way back I saw a wild boar the first and only one I ever saw

--my attention being drawn to him by cries from some of the

game-keepers. There was much commotion, the men pointing out the game

and shouting excitedly, "See the wild boar!" otherwise I should not

have known what was up, but now, looking in the indicated direction, I

saw scudding over the plain what appeared to me to be nothing but a

halfgrown black pig, or shoat. He was not in much of a hurry either,

and gave no evidence of ferocity, yet it is said that this

insignificant looking animal is dangerous when hunted with the spear

--the customary way. After an early dinner at the chateau we returned

to Florence, and my venison next day arriving, it was distributed among

my American friends in the city.

Shortly after the hunt the King returned from Milan, and then honored

me with a military dinner, his Majesty and all the guests, numbering

eighty, appearing in full uniform. The banqueting hall was lighted

with hundreds of wax candles, there was a profusion of beautiful

flowers, and to me the scene altogether was one of unusual

magnificence. The table service was entirely of gold--the celebrated

set of the house of Savoy--and behind the chair of each guest stood a

servant in powdered wig and gorgeous livery of red plush. I sat at

the right of the King, who--his hands resting on his sword, the hilt

of which glittered with jewels--sat through the hour and a half at

table without once tasting food or drink, for it was his rule to eat

but two meals in twenty-four hours--breakfast at noon, and dinner at

midnight. The King remained silent most of the time, but when he did

speak, no matter on what subject, he inevitably drifted back to

hunting. He never once referred to the Franco-Prussian war, nor to

the political situation in his own country, then passing through a

crisis. In taking leave of his Majesty I thanked him with deep

gratitude for honoring me so highly, and his response was that if

ever he came to America to hunt buffalo, he should demand my

assistance.

From Florence I went to Milan and Geneva, then to Nice, Marseilles,

and Bordeaux. Assembled at Bordeaux was a convention which had been

called together by the government of the National Defense for the

purpose of confirming or rejecting the terms of an armistice of

twenty-one days, arranged between Jules Favre and Count Bismarck in

negotiations begun at Versailles the latter part of January. The

convention was a large body, chosen from all parts of France, and was

unquestionably the most noisy, unruly and unreasonable set of beings

that I ever saw in a legislative assembly. The frequent efforts of

Thiers, Jules Favre, and other leading men to restrain the more

impetuous were of little avail. When at the sittings a delegate

arose to speak on some question, he was often violently pulled to his

seat and then surrounded by a mob of his colleagues, who would throw

off their coats and gesticulate wildly, as though about to fight.

But the bitter pill of defeat had to be swallowed in some way, so the

convention delegated M. Thiers to represent the executive power of

the country, with authority to construct a ministry three

commissioners were appointed by the Executive, to enter into further

negotiations with Count Bismarck at Versailles and arrange a peace,

the terms of which, however, were to be submitted to the convention

for final action. Though there had been so much discussion, it took

but a few days to draw up and sign a treaty at Versailles, the

principal negotiators being Thiers and Jules Favre for France, and

Bismarck on the part of the Germans. The terms agreed upon provided

for the occupation of Paris till ratification should be had by the

convention at Bordeaux; learning of which stipulation from our

Minister, Mr. Washburn, I hurried off to Paris to see the conquerors

make their triumphal entry.

In the city the excitement was at fever heat, of course; the entire

population protesting with one voice that they would never, never

look upon the hated Germans marching through their beloved city. No!

when the day arrived they would hide themselves in their houses, or

shut their eyes to such a hateful sight. But by the 1st of March a

change had come over the fickle Parisians, for at an early hour the

sidewalks were jammed with people, and the windows and doors of the

houses filled with men, women, and children eager to get a look at

the conquerors. Only a few came in the morning, however--an

advance-guard of perhaps a thousand cavalry and infantry. The main

column marched from the Arc-de-Triomphe toward the middle of the

afternoon. In its composition it represented United Germany--Saxons,

Bavarians, and the Royal Guard of Prussia--and, to the strains of

martial music, moving down the Champ Elysees to the Place de la

Concorde, was distributed thence over certain sections of the city

agreed upon beforehand. Nothing that could be called a disturbance

took place during the march; and though there was a hiss now and then

and murmurings of discontent, yet the most noteworthy mutterings were

directed against the defunct Empire. Indeed, I found everywhere that

the national misfortunes were laid at Napoleon's door--he, by this

time, having become a scapegoat for every blunder of the war.

The Emperor William (he had been proclaimed German Emperor at

Versailles the 18th of January) did not accompany his troops into

Paris, though he reviewed them at Long Champs before they started.

After the occupation of the city he still remained at Versailles, and

as soon as circumstances would permit, I repaired to the Imperial

headquarters to pay my respects to his Majesty under his new title

and dignities, and to say good-bye.

Besides the Emperor, the only persons I me at Versailles were General

von Moltke and Bismarck. His Majesty was in a very agreeable frame

of mind, and as bluff and hearty as usual. His increased rank and

power had effected no noticeable change of any kind in him, and by

his genial and cordial ways he made me think that my presence with

the German army had contributed to his pleasure. Whether this was

really so or not, I shall always believe it true, for his kind words

and sincere manner could leave no other conclusion.

General von Moltke was, as usual, quiet and reserved, betraying not

the slightest consciousness of his great ability, nor the least

indication of pride on account of his mighty work. I say this

advisedly, for it is an undoubted fact that it was his marvelous

mind that perfected the military system by which 800,000 men were

mobilized with unparalleled celerity and moved with such certainty of

combination that, in a campaign of seven months, the military power

of France was destroyed and her vast resources sorely crippled.

I said good-bye to Count Bismarck, also, for at that busy time the

chances of seeing him again were very remote. The great Chancellor

manifested more joy over the success of the Germans than did anyone

else at the Imperial headquarters. Along with his towering strength

of mind and body, his character partook of much of the enthusiasm and

impulsiveness commonly restricted to younger men, and now in his

frank, free way be plainly showed his light-heartedness and

gratification at success. That which for years his genius had been

planning and striving for--permanent unification of the German

States, had been accomplished by the war. It had welded them

together in a compact Empire which no power in Europe could disrupt,

and as such a union was the aim of Bismarck's life, he surely had a

right to feel jubilant.

Thanks to the courtesies extended me, I had been able to observe the

principal battles, and study many of the minor details of a war

between two of the greatest military nations of the world, and to

examine critically the methods followed abroad for subsisting,

equipping, and manoeuvring vast bodies of men during a stupendous,

campaign. Of course I found a great deal to interest and instruct

me, yet nowadays war is pretty much the same everywhere, and this one

offered no marked exception to my previous experiences. The methods

pursued on the march were the same as we would employ, with one most

important exception. Owing to the density of population throughout

France it was always practicable for the Germans to quarter their

troops in villages, requiring the inhabitants to subsist both

officers and men. Hence there was no necessity for camp and garrison

equipage, nor enormous provision trains, and the armies were

unencumbered by these impedimenta, indispensable when operating in a

poor and sparsely settled country. As I have said before, the only

trains were those for ammunition, pontoon-boats, and the field

telegraph, and all these were managed by special corps. If

transportation was needed for other purposes, it was obtained by

requisition from the invaded country, just as food and forage were

secured. Great celerity of combination was therefore possible, the

columns moving in compact order, and as all the roads were broad and

macadamized, there was little or nothing to delay or obstruct the

march of the Germans, except when their enemy offered resistance, but

even this was generally slight and not very frequent, for the French

were discouraged by disaster from the very outset of the campaign.

The earlier advantages gained by the Germans may be ascribed to the

strikingly prompt mobilization of their armies, one of the most

noticeable features of their perfect military system, devised by

almost autocratic power; their later successes were greatly aided by

the blunders of the French, whose stupendous errors materially

shortened the war, though even if prolonged it could, in my opinion,

have had ultimately no other termination.

As I have previously stated, the first of these blunders was the

acceptance of battle by MacMahon at Worth; the second in attaching

too much importance to the fortified position of Metz, resulting in

three battles Colombey, Mars-la-Tour, and Gravelotte--all of which

were lost; and the third, the absurd movement of MacMahon along the

Belgian frontier to relieve Metz, the responsibility for which, I am

glad to say, does not belong to him.

With the hemming in of Bazaine at Metz and the capture of MacMahon's

army at Sedan the crisis of the war was passed, and the Germans

practically the victors. The taking of Paris was but a sentiment

--the money levy could have been made and the Rhine provinces held

without molesting that city, and only the political influences

consequent upon the changes in the French Government caused peace to

be deferred.

I did not have much opportunity to observe the German cavalry, either

on the march or in battle. The only time I saw any of it engaged was

in the unfortunate charge at Gravelotte. That proved its mettle good

and discipline fair, but answered no other purpose. Such of it as

was not attached to the infantry was organized in divisions, and

operated in accordance with the old idea of covering the front and

flanks of the army, a duty which it thoroughly performed. But thus

directed it was in no sense an independent corps, and hence cannot

be, said to have accomplished anything in the campaign, or have had a

weight or influence at all proportionate to its strength. The method

of its employment seemed to me a mistake, for, being numerically

superior to the French cavalry, had it been massed and manoeuvred

independently of the infantry, it could easily have broken up the

French communications, and done much other work of weighty influence

in the prosecution of the war.

The infantry was as fine as I ever saw, the men young and hardy in

appearance, and marching always with an elastic stride. The infantry

regiment, however, I thought too large--too many men for a colonel to

command unless he has the staff of a general--but this objection may

be counterbalanced by the advantages resulting from associating

together thus intimately the men from the same district, or county as

we would call it; the celerity of mobilization, and, in truth, the

very foundation of the German system, being based on this local or

territorial scheme of recruiting.

There was no delay when the call sounded for the march; all turned

out promptly, and while on the road there was very little straggling,

only the sick falling out. But on such fine, smooth roads, and with

success animating the men from the day they struck the first blow, it

could hardly be expected that the columns would not keep well closed

up. Then, too, it must be borne in mind that, as already stated,

'campaigning' in France--that is, the marching, camping, and

subsisting of an army--is an easy matter, very unlike anything we,

had during the war of the rebellion. To repeat: the country is rich,

beautiful, and densely populated, subsistence abundant, and the

roads--all macadamized highways; thus the conditions; are altogether

different from those existing with us. I think that under the same

circumstances our troops would have done as well as the Germans,

marched as admirably, made combinations as quickly and accurately,

and fought with as much success. I can but leave to conjecture how.

the Germans would have got along on bottomless roads--often none at

all--through the swamps and quicksands of northern Virginia, from,

the Wilderness to Petersburg, and from Chattanooga to Atlanta and the

sea.

Following the operations of the German armies from the battle of

Gravelotte to the siege of Paris, I may, in conclusion, say that I

saw no new military principles developed, whether of strategy or

grand tactics, the movements of the different armies and corps being

dictated and governed by the same general laws that have so long

obtained, simplicity of combination and manoeuvre, and the

concentration of a numerically superior force at the vital point.

After my brief trip to Versailles, I remained in Paris till the

latter part of March. In company with Mr. Washburn, I visited the

fortifications for the defense of the city, and found them to be

exceptionally heavy; so strong, indeed, that it would have been very

hard to carry the place by a general assault. The Germans, knowing

the character of the works, had refrained from the sacrifice of life

that such an attempt must entail, though they well knew that many of

the forts were manned by unseasoned soldiers. With only a combat

here and there, to tighten their lines or repulse a sortie, they

wisely preferred to wait till starvation should do the work with

little loss and absolute certainty.

The Germans were withdrawn from Paris on the 3d of March, and no

sooner were they gone than factional quarrels, which had been going

on at intervals ever since the flight of the Empress and the fall of

her regency on the 4th of September, were renewed with revolutionary

methods that eventually brought about the Commune. Having witnessed

one or two of these outbreaks, and concluding that while such

turbulence reigned in the city it would be of little profit for me to

tarry there, I decided to devote the rest of the time I could be away

from home to travel in England, Ireland, and Scotland. My journeys

through those countries were full of pleasure and instruction, but as

nothing I saw or did was markedly different from what has been so

often described by others, I will save the reader this part of my

experience. I returned to America in the fall, having been absent a

little more than a year, and although I saw much abroad of absorbing

interest, both professional and general, yet I came back to my native

land with even a greater love for her, and with increased admiration

for her institutions.