Arrival of the Brig Pedler at Astoria.--Breaking Up of the
Establishment.--Departure of Several of the Company.--
Tragical Story Told by the Squaw of Pierre Dorion.--Fate of
Reed and His Companions.--Attempts of Mr. Astor to Renew
His Enterprise.-Disappointment.--Concluding Observations
and Reflection.
HAVING given the catastrophe at the Fort of Astoria, it remains now but
to gather up a few loose ends of this widely excursive narrative and
conclude. On the 28th of February the brig Pedler anchored in Columbia
River. It will be recollected that Mr. Hunt had purchased this vessel at
the Sandwich Islands, to take off the furs collected at the factory, and
to restore the Sandwich Islanders to their homes. When that gentleman
learned, however, the precipitate and summary manner in which the
property had been bargained away by M’Dougal, he expressed his
indignation in the strongest terms, and determined to make an effort
to get back the furs. As soon as his wishes were known in this
respect, M’Dougal came to sound him on behalf of the Northwest Company,
intimating that he had no doubt the peltries might be repurchased at an
advance of fifty per cent. This overture was not calculated to soothe
the angry feelings of Mr. Hunt, and his indignation was complete,
when he discovered that M’Dougal had become a partner of the Northwest
Company, and had actually been so since the 23d of December. He had
kept his partnership a secret, however; had retained the papers of the
Pacific Fur Company in his possession; and had continued to act as Mr.
Astor’s agent, though two of the partners of the other company, Mr.
M’Kenzie and Mr. Clarke, were present. He had, moreover, divulged to his
new associates all that he knew as to Mr. Astor’s plans and affairs, and
had made copies of his business letters for their perusal.
Mr. Hunt now considered the whole conduct of M’Dougal hollow and
collusive. His only thought was, therefore, to get all the papers of
the concern out of his hands, and bring the business to a close; for the
interests of Mr. Astor were yet completely at stake; the drafts of the
Northwest Company in his favor, for the purchase money, not having yet
been obtained. With some difficulty he succeeded in getting possession
of the papers. The bills or drafts were delivered without hesitation.
The latter he remitted to Mr. Astor by some of his associates, who were
about to cross the continent to New York. This done, he embarked on
board the Pedler, on the 3d of April, accompanied by two of the clerks,
Mr. Seton and Mr. Halsey, and bade a final adieu to Astoria.
The next day, April 4th, Messrs. Clarke, M’Kenzie, David Stuart,
and such of the Astorians as had not entered into the service of the
Northwest Company, set out to cross the Rocky Mountains. It is not
our intention to take the reader another journey across those rugged
barriers; but we will step forward with the travellers to a distance
on their way, merely to relate their interview with a character already
noted in this work.
As the party were proceeding up the Columbia, near the mouth of the
Wallah-Wallah River, several Indian canoes put off from the shore to
overtake them, and a voice called upon them in French and requested them
to stop. They accordingly put to shore, and were joined by those in the
canoes. To their surprise, they recognized in the person who had hailed
them the Indian wife of Pierre Dorion, accompanied by her two
children. She had a story to tell, involving the fate of several of our
unfortunate adventurers.
Mr. John Reed, the Hibernian, it will be remembered, had been detached
during the summer to the Snake River. His party consisted of four
Canadians, Giles Le Clerc, Francois Landry, Jean Baptiste Turcot, and
Andre La Chapelle, together with two hunters, Pierre Dorion and Pierre
Delaunay; Dorion, as usual, being accompanied by his wife and children.
The objects of this expedition were twofold: to trap beaver, and to
search for the three hunters, Robinson, Hoback, and Rezner.
In the course of the autumn, Reed lost one man, Landry, by death;
another one, Pierre Delaunay, who was of a sullen, perverse disposition,
left him in a moody fit, and was never heard of afterwards. The number
of his party was not, however, reduced by these losses, as the three
hunters, Robinson, Hoback, and Rezner, had joined it.
Reed now built a house on the Snake River, for their winter quarters;
which being completed, the party set about trapping. Rezner, Le Clerc,
and Pierre Dorion went about five days’ journey from the wintering
house, to a part of the country well stocked with beaver. Here they put
up a hut, and proceeded to trap with great success. While the men were
out hunting, Pierre Dorion’s wife remained at home to dress the skins
and prepare the meals. She was thus employed one evening about the
beginning of January, cooking the supper of the hunters, when she heard
footsteps, and Le Clerc staggered, pale and bleeding, into the hut. He
informed her that a party of savages had surprised them, while at their
traps, and had killed Rezner and her husband. He had barely strength
left to give this information, when he sank upon the ground.
The poor woman saw that the only chance for life was instant flight,
but, in this exigency, showed that presence of mind and force
of character for which she had frequently been noted. With great
difficulty, she caught two of the horses belonging to the party. Then
collecting her clothes and a small quantity of beaver meat and dried
salmon, she packed them upon one of the horses, and helped the wounded
man to mount upon it. On the other horse she mounted with her two
children, and hurried away from this dangerous neighborhood, directing
her flight to Mr. Reed’s establishment. On the third day, she descried a
number of Indians on horseback proceeding in an easterly direction. She
immediately dismounted with her children, and helped Le Clerc likewise
to dismount, and all concealed themselves. Fortunately they escaped the
sharp eyes of the savages, but had to proceed with the utmost caution.
That night they slept without fire or water; she managed to keep her
children warm in her arms; but before morning, poor Le Clerc died.
With the dawn of day the resolute woman resumed her course, and, on
the fourth day, reached the house of Mr. Reed. It was deserted, and all
round were marks of blood and signs of a furious massacre. Not doubting
that Mr. Reed and his party had all fallen victims, she turned in fresh
horror from the spot. For two days she continued hurrying forward, ready
to sink for want of food, but more solicitous about her children than
herself. At length she reached a range of the Rocky Mountains, near
the upper part of the Wallah-Wallah River. Here she chose a wild lonely
ravine, as her place of winter refuge.
She had fortunately a buffalo robe and three deer-skins; of these, and
of pine bark and cedar branches, she constructed a rude wigwam, which
she pitched beside a mountain spring. Having no other food, she killed
the two horses, and smoked their flesh. The skins aided to cover her
hut. Here she dragged out the winter, with no other company than her
two children. Towards the middle of March her provisions were nearly
exhausted. She therefore packed up the remainder, slung it on her back,
and, with her helpless little ones, set out again on her wanderings.
Crossing the ridge of mountains, she descended to the banks of the
Wallah-Wallah, and kept along them until she arrived where that river
throws itself into the Columbia. She was hospitably received and
entertained by the Wallah-Wallahs, and had been nearly two weeks among
them when the two canoes passed.
On being interrogated, she could assign no reason for this murderous
attack of the savages; it appeared to be perfectly wanton and
unprovoked. Some of the Astorians supposed it an act of butchery by a
roving band of Blackfeet; others, however, and with greater probability
of correctness, have ascribed it to the tribe of Pierced-nose Indians,
in revenge for the death of their comrade hanged by order of Mr. Clarke.
If so, it shows that these sudden and apparently wanton outbreakings of
sanguinary violence on the part of the savages have often some previous,
though perhaps remote, provocation.
The narrative of the Indian woman closes the checkered adventures
of some of the personages of this motley story; such as the honest
Hibernian Reed, and Dorion the hybrid interpreter. Turcot and La
Chapelle were two of the men who fell off from Mr. Crooks in the course
of his wintry journey, and had subsequently such disastrous times among
the Indians. We cannot but feel some sympathy with that persevering trio
of Kentuckians, Robinson, Rezner, and Hoback, who twice turned back when
on their way homeward, and lingered in the wilderness to perish by the
hands of savages.
The return parties from Astoria, both by sea and land, experienced on
the way as many adventures, vicissitudes, and mishaps, as the far-famed
heroes of the Odyssey; they reached their destination at different
times, bearing tidings to Mr. Astor of the unfortunate termination of
his enterprise.
That gentleman, however, was not disposed, even yet, to give the matter
up as lost. On the contrary, his spirit was roused by what he considered
ungenerous and unmerited conduct on the part of the Northwest Company.
“After their treatment of me,” said he, in a letter to Mr. Hunt, “I have
no idea of remaining quiet and idle.” He determined, therefore, as soon
as circumstances would permit, to resume his enterprise.
At the return of peace, Astoria, with the adjacent country, reverted
to the United States by the treaty of Ghent, on the principle of status
ante bellum, and Captain Biddle was despatched in the sloop of war,
Ontario, to take formal possession.
In the winter of 1815, a law was passed by Congress prohibiting all
traffic of British traders within the territories of the United States.
The favorable moment seemed now to Mr. Astor to have arrived for the
revival of his favorite enterprise, but new difficulties had grown up to
impede it. The Northwest Company were now in complete occupation of the
Columbia River, and its chief tributary streams, holding the posts which
he had established, and carrying on a trade throughout the neighboring
region, in defiance of the prohibitory law of Congress, which, in
effect, was a dead letter beyond the mountains.
To dispossess them would be an undertaking of almost a belligerent
nature; for their agents and retainers were well armed, and skilled in
the use of weapons, as is usual with Indian traders. The ferocious and
bloody contests which had taken place between the rival trading parties
of the Northwest and Hudson’s Bay Companies had shown what might be
expected from commercial feuds in the lawless depths of the wilderness.
Mr. Astor did not think it advisable, therefore, to attempt the matter
without the protection of the American flag; under which his people
might rally in case of need. He accordingly made an informal overture to
the President of the United States, Mr. Madison, through Mr. Gallatin,
offering to renew his enterprise, and to reestablish Astoria, provided
it would be protected by the American flag, and made a military post;
stating that the whole force required would not exceed a lieutenant’s
command.
The application, approved and recommended by Mr. Gallatin, one of the
most enlightened statesmen of our country, was favorably received, but
no step was taken in consequence; the President not being disposed, in
all probability, to commit himself by any direct countenance or overt
act. Discouraged by this supineness on the part of the government, Mr.
Astor did not think fit to renew his overtures in a more formal manner,
and the favorable moment for the re-occupation of Astoria was suffered
to pass unimproved.
The British trading establishments were thus enabled, without
molestation, to strike deep their roots, and extend their ramifications,
in despite of the prohibition of Congress, until they had spread
themselves over the rich field of enterprise opened by Mr. Astor. The
British government soon began to perceive the importance of this region,
and to desire to include it within their territorial domains. A question
has consequently risen as to the right to the soil, and has become one
of the most perplexing now open between the United States and Great
Britain. In the first treaty relative to it, under date of October
20th, 1818, the question was left unsettled, and it was agreed that
the country on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Rocky
Mountains, claimed by either nation, should be open to the inhabitants
of both for ten years, for the purpose of trade, with the equal right
of navigating all its rivers. When these ten years had expired, a
subsequent treaty, in 1828, extended the arrangement to ten additional
years. So the matter stands at present.
On casting back our eyes over the series of events we have recorded,
we see no reason to attribute the failure of this great commercial
undertaking to any fault in the scheme, or omission in the execution of
it, on the part of the projector. It was a magnificent enterprise; well
concerted and carried on, without regard to difficulties or expense. A
succession of adverse circumstances and cross purposes, however, beset
it almost from the outset; some of them, in fact, arising from neglect
of the orders and instructions of Mr. Astor. The first crippling blow
was the loss of the Tonquin, which clearly would not have happened, had
Mr. Astor’s earnest injunctions with regard to the natives been attended
to. Had this ship performed her voyage prosperously, and revisited
Astoria in due time, the trade of the establishment would have taken its
preconcerted course, and the spirits of all concerned been kept up by
a confident prospect of success. Her dismal catastrophe struck a chill
into every heart, and prepared the way for subsequent despondency.
Another cause of embarrassment and loss was the departure from the plan
of Mr. Astor, as to the voyage of the Beaver, subsequent to her visiting
Astoria. The variation from this plan produced a series of cross
purposes, disastrous to the establishment, and detained Mr. Hunt absent
from his post, when his presence there was of vital importance to
the enterprise; so essential is it for an agent, in any great and
complicated undertaking, to execute faithfully, and to the letter,
the part marked out for him by the master mind which has concerted the
whole.
The breaking out of the war between the United States and Great Britain
multiplied the hazards and embarrassments of the enterprise.
The disappointment as to convoy rendered it difficult to keep up
reinforcements and supplies; and the loss of the Lark added to the
tissue of misadventures.
That Mr. Astor battled resolutely against every difficulty, and pursued
his course in defiance of every loss, has been sufficiently shown.
Had he been seconded by suitable agents, and properly protected by
government, the ultimate failure of his plan might yet have been
averted. It was his great misfortune that his agents were not imbued
with his own spirit. Some had not capacity sufficient to comprehend the
real nature and extent of his scheme; others were alien in feeling and
interest, and had been brought up in the service of a rival company.
Whatever sympathies they might originally have had with him, were
impaired, if not destroyed, by the war. They looked upon his cause as
desperate, and only considered how they might make interest to regain
a situation under their former employers. The absence of Mr. Hunt, the
only real representative of Mr. Astor, at the time of the capitulation
with the Northwest Company, completed the series of cross purposes. Had
that gentleman been present, the transfer, in all probability, would not
have taken place.
It is painful, at all times, to see a grand and beneficial stroke of
genius fall of its aim: but we regret the failure of this enterprise
in a national point of view; for, had it been crowned with success,
it would have redounded greatly to the advantage and extension of our
commerce. The profits drawn from the country in question by the British
Fur Company, though of ample amount, form no criterion by which to judge
of the advantages that would have arisen had it been entirely in the
hands of the citizens of the United States. That company, as has been
shown, is limited in the nature and scope of its operations, and can
make but little use of the maritime facilities held out by an emporium
and a harbor on that coast. In our hands, besides the roving bands of
trappers and traders, the country would have been explored and settled
by industrious husbandmen; and the fertile valleys bordering its rivers,
and shut up among its mountains, would have been made to pour forth
their agricultural treasures to contribute to the general wealth.
In respect to commerce, we should have had a line of trading posts from
the Mississippi and the Missouri across the Rocky Mountains, forming
a high road from the great regions of the west to the shores of the
Pacific. We should have had a fortified post and port at the mouth of
the Columbia, commanding the trade of that river and its tributaries,
and of a wide extent of country and sea-coast; carrying on an active and
profitable commerce with the Sandwich Islands, and a direct and frequent
communication with China. In a word, Astoria might have realized the
anticipations of Mr. Astor, so well understood and appreciated by
Mr. Jefferson, in gradually becoming a commercial empire beyond the
mountains, peopled by “free and independent Americans, and linked with
us by ties of blood and interest.”
We repeat, therefore, our sincere regret that our government should have
neglected the overture of Mr. Astor, and suffered the moment to pass by,
when full possession of this region might have been taken quietly, as a
matter of course, and a military post established, without dispute,
at Astoria. Our statesmen have become sensible, when too late, of the
importance of this measure. Bills have repeatedly been brought into
Congress for the purpose, but without success; and our rightful
possessions on that coast, as well as our trade on the Pacific, have no
rallying point protected by the national flag, and by a military force.
In the meantime, the second period of ten years is fast elapsing. In
1838, the question of title will again come up, and most probably, in
the present amicable state of our relations with Great Britain, will be
again postponed. Every year, however, the litigated claim is growing in
importance. There is no pride so jealous and irritable as the pride of
territory. As one wave of emigration after another rolls into the vast
regions of the west, and our settlements stretch towards the Rocky
Mountains, the eager eyes of our pioneers will pry beyond, and they will
become impatient of any barrier or impediment in the way of what
they consider a grand outlet of our empire. Should any circumstance,
therefore, unfortunately occur to disturb the present harmony of the
two nations, this ill-adjusted question, which now lies dormant, may
suddenly start up into one of belligerent import, and Astoria become the
watchword in a contest for dominion on the shores of the Pacific.
Since the above was written, the question of dominion over the vast
territory beyond the Rocky Mountains, which for a time threatened to
disturb the peaceful relations with our transatlantic kindred, has been
finally settled in a spirit of mutual concession, and the venerable
projector whose early enterprise forms the subject of this work had the
satisfaction of knowing, ere his eyes closed upon the world, that the
flag of his country again waved over “ASTORIA.”
APPENDIX
Draught of a Petition to Congress, sent by Mr. Astor in 1812.
To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States, in Congress assembled,
The petition of the American Fur Company respectfully showeth:
THAT the trade with the several Indian tribes of North America has, for
many years past, been almost exclusively carried on by the merchants of
Canada; who, having formed powerful and extensive associations for that
purpose, being aided by British capital, and being encouraged by the
favor and protection of the British government, could not be opposed,
with any prospect of success by individuals of the United States.
That by means of the above trade, thus systematically pursued, not only
the inhabitants of the United States have been deprived of commercial
profits and advantages, to which they appear to have just and natural
pretensions, but a great and dangerous influence has been established
over the Indian tribes, difficult to be counteracted, and capable of
being exerted at critical periods, to the great injury and annoyance of
our frontier settlements.
That in order to obtain at least a part of the above trade, and more
particularly that which is within the boundaries of the United States,
your petitioners, in the year 1808, obtained an act of incorporation
from the State of New York, whereby they are enabled, with a competent
capital, to carry on the said trade with the Indians in such a manner as
may be conformable to the laws and regulations of the United States, in
relation to such a commerce.
That the capital mentioned in the said act, amounting to one million of
dollars, having been duly formed, your petitioners entered with zeal
and alacrity into those large and important arrangements, which were
necessary for, or conducive to the object of their incorporation; and,
among other things, purchased a great part of the stock in trade, and
trading establishments, of the Michilimackinac Company of Canada. Your
petitioners also, with the expectation of great public and private
advantages from the use of the said establishments, ordered, during the
spring and summer of 1810, an assortment of goods from England,
suitable for the Indian trade; which, in consequence of the President’s
proclamation of November of that year, were shipped to Canada instead
of New York, and have been transported, under a very heavy expense, into
the interior of the country. But as they could not legally be brought
into the Indian country within the boundaries of the United States, they
have been stored on the Island of St. Joseph, in Lake Huron, where they
now remain.
Your petitioners, with great deference and implicit submission to
the wisdom of the national legislature, beg leave to suggest for
consideration, whether they have not some claim to national attention
and encouragement, from the nature and importance of their undertaking;
which though hazardous and uncertain as concerns their private
emolument, must, at any rate, redound to the public security and
advantage. If their undertaking shall appear to be of the description
given, they would further suggest to your honorable bodies, that unless
they can procure a regular supply for the trade in which they are
engaged, it may languish, and be finally abandoned by American citizens;
when it will revert to its former channel, with additional, and perhaps
with irresistible, power.
Under these circumstances, and upon all those considerations of public
policy which will present themselves to your honorable bodies, in
connection with those already mentioned, your petitioners respectfully
pray that a law may be passed to enable the President, or any of the
heads of departments acting under his authority, to grant permits for
the introduction of goods necessary for the supply of the Indians, into
the Indian country that is within the boundaries of the United States,
under such regulations, and with such restrictions, as may secure the
public revenue and promote the public welfare.
And your petitioners shall ever pray, &c.
In witness whereof, the common seal of the American Fur Company is
hereunto affixed, the day of March, 1812.
By order of the Corporation.
AN ACT to enable the American Fur Company,
and other citizens, to introduce goods necessary for the Indian trade
into the territories within the boundaries of the United State.
WHEREAS, the public peace and welfare require that the native Indian
tribes, residing within the boundaries of the United States, should
receive their necessary supplies under the authority and from the
citizens of the United States: Therefore, be it enacted by the
Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress
assembled, that it shall be lawful for the President of the United
States, or any of the heads of departments thereunto by him duly
authorized, from time to time to grant permits to the American Fur
Company, their agents or factors, or any other citizens of the United
States engaged in the Indian trade, to introduce into the Indian
country, within the boundaries of the United States, such goods, wares,
and merchandise, as may be necessary for the said trade, under
such regulations and restrictions as the said President or heads of
departments may judge proper; any law or regulation to the contrary, in
anywise, notwithstanding.
Letter from Mr. Gallatin to Mr. Astor
New York, August 5, 1835.
DEAR SIR,--In compliance with your request, I will state such facts as I
recollect touching the subjects mentioned in your letter of 28th ult.
I may be mistaken respecting dates and details, and will only relate
general facts, which I well remember.
In conformity with the treaty of 1794 with Great Britain, the citizens
and subjects of each country were permitted to trade with the Indians
residing in the territories of the other party. The reciprocity was
altogether nominal. Since the conquest of Canada, the British had
inherited from the French the whole fur trade, through the great lakes
and their communications, with all the western Indians, whether residing
in the British dominions or the United States. They kept the important
western posts on those lakes till about the year 1797. And the defensive
Indian war, which the United States had to sustain from 1776 to 1795,
had still more alienated the Indians, and secured to the British their
exclusive trade, carried through the lakes, wherever the Indians in that
quarter lived. No American could, without imminent danger of property
and life, carry on that trade, even within the United States, by the way
of either Michilimackinac or St. Mary’s. And independent of the loss
of commerce, Great Britain was enabled to preserve a most dangerous
influence over our Indians.
It was under these circumstances that you communicated to our government
the prospect you had to be able, and your intention, to purchase one
half of the interest of the Canadian Fur Company, engaged in trade by
the way of Michilimackinac with our own Indians. You wished to know
whether the plan met with the approbation of government, and how far
you could rely on its protection and encouragement. This overture
was received with great satisfaction by the administration, and
Mr. Jefferson, then President, wrote you to that effect. I was also
directed, as Secretary of the Treasury, to write to you an official
letter to the same purpose. On investigating the subject, it was found
that the Executive had no authority to give you any direct aid; and I
believe you received nothing more than an entire approbation of your
plan, and general assurances of the protection due to every citizen
engaged in lawful and useful pursuits.
You did effect the contemplated purchase, but in what year I do not
recollect. Immediately before the war, you represented that a large
quantity of merchandise, intended for the Indian trade, and including
arms and munitions of war, belonging to that concern of which you owned
one half, was deposited at a post on Lake Huron, within the British
dominions; that, in order to prevent their ultimately falling into the
hands of Indians who might prove hostile, you were desirous to try to
have them conveyed into the United States; but that you were prevented
by the then existing law of non-intercourse with the British dominions.
The Executive could not annul the provisions of that law. But I was
directed to instruct the collectors on the lakes, in case you and your
agents should voluntarily bring in and deliver to them any part of the
goods above mentioned, to receive and keep them in their guard, and not
to commence prosecutions until further instructions: the intention
being then to apply to Congress for an act remitting the forfeiture and
penalties. I wrote accordingly, to that effect, to the collectors of
Detroit and Michilimackinac.
The attempt to obtain the goods did not, however, succeed; and I cannot
say how far the failure injured you. But the war proved fatal to another
much more extensive and important enterprise.
Previous to that time, but I also forget the year, you had undertaken
to carry on a trade on your own account, though I believe under the New
York charter of the American Fur Company, with the Indians west of the
Rocky Mountains. This project was also communicated to government, and
met, of course, with its full approbation, and best wishes, for your
success. You carried it on, on the most extensive scale, sending several
ships to the mouth of the Columbia River, and a large party by land
across the mountains, and finally founding the establishment of Astoria.
This unfortunately fell into the hands of the enemy during the war, from
circumstances with which I am but imperfectly acquainted--being then
absent on a foreign mission. I returned in September, 1815, and sailed
again on a mission to France in June, 1816. During that period I visited
Washington twice--in October or November, 1815, and in March, 1816. On
one of these occasions, and I believe on the last, you mentioned to
me that you were disposed once more to renew the attempt, and to
reestablish Astoria, provided you had the protection of the American
flag; for which purpose, a lieutenant’s command would be sufficient to
you. You requested me to mention this to the President, which I did.
Mr. Madison said he would consider the subject, and, although he did not
commit himself, I thought that he received the proposal favorably. The
message was verbal, and I do not know whether the application was ever
renewed in a more formal manner. I sailed soon after for Europe, and
was seven years absent. I never had the pleasure, since 1816, to see
Mr. Madison, and never heard again anything concerning the subject in
question.
I remain, dear sir, most respectfully, Your obedient servant,
ALBERT GALLATIN.
John Jacob Astor, Esq., New York.
Notices of the Present State of the Fur Trade,
chiefly extracted from an article published in Silliman’s Magazine
for January, 1834.
THE Northwest Company did not long enjoy the sway they had acquired
over the trading regions of the Columbia. A competition, ruinous in
its expenses, which had long existed between them and the Hudson’s Bay
Company, ended in their downfall and the ruin of most of the partners.
The relict of the company became merged in the rival association, and
the whole business was conducted under the name of the Hudson’s Bay
Company.
This coalition took place in 1821. They then abandoned Astoria, and
built a large establishment sixty miles up the river, on the right
bank, which they called Fort Vancouver. This was in a neighborhood where
provisions could be more readily procured, and where there was less
danger from molestation by any naval force. The company are said to
carry on an active and prosperous trade, and to give great encouragement
to settlers. They are extremely jealous, however, of any interference
or participation in their trade, and monopolize it from the coast of the
Pacific to the mountains, and for a considerable extent north and south.
The American traders and trappers who venture across the mountains,
instead of enjoying the participation in the trade of the river and its
tributaries, that had been stipulated by treaty, are obliged to keep to
the south, out of the track of the Hudson’s Bay parties.
Mr. Astor has withdrawn entirely from the American Fur Company, as he
has, in fact, from active business of every kind. That company is
now headed by Mr. Ramsay Crooks; its principal establishment is at
Michilimackinac, and it receives its furs from the posts depending on
that station, and from those on the Mississippi, Missouri, and Yellow
Stone Rivers, and the great range of country extending thence to the
Rocky Mountains. This company has steamboats in its employ, with which
it ascends the rivers, and penetrates to a vast distance into the
bosom of those regions formerly so painfully explored in keel-boats
and barges, or by weary parties on horseback and on foot. The first
irruption of steamboats in the heart of these vast wildernesses is said
to have caused the utmost astonishment and affright among their savage
inhabitants.
In addition to the main companies already mentioned, minor associations
have been formed, which push their way in the most intrepid manner to
the remote parts of the far West, and beyond the mountain barriers. One
of the most noted of these is Ashley’s company, from St. Louis, who
trap for themselves, and drive an extensive trade with the Indians. The
spirit, enterprise, and hardihood of Ashley are themes of the highest
eulogy in the far West, and his adventures and exploits furnish
abundance of frontier stories.
Another company of one hundred and fifty persons from New York, formed
in 1831, and headed by Captain Bonneville of the United States army,
has pushed its enterprise into tracts before but little known, and has
brought considerable quantities of furs from the region between the
Rocky Mountains and the coasts of Monterey and Upper California, on the
Buenaventura and Timpanogos rivers.
The fur countries, from the Pacific, east to the Rocky Mountains, are
now occupied (exclusive of private combinations and individual trappers
and traders) by the Russians; and on the northwest from Behring’s Strait
to Queen Charlotte’s Island, in north latitude fifty-three degrees, and
by the Hudson’s Bay Company thence, south of the Columbia River; while
Ashley’s company, and that under Captain Bonneville, take the remainder
of the region to California. Indeed, the whole compass from the
Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean is traversed in every direction. The
mountains and forests, from the Arctic Sea to the Gulf of Mexico, are
threaded through every maze, by the hunter. Every river and tributary
stream, from the Columbia to the mouth of the Rio del Norte, and from
the M’Kenzie to the Colorado of the West, from their head springs to
their junction, are searched and trapped for beaver. Almost all the
American furs, which do not belong to the Hudson’s Bay Company, find
their way to New York, and are either distributed thence for home
consumption, or sent to foreign markets.
The Hudson’s Bay Company ship their furs from their factories of York
Fort and from Moose River, on Hudson’s Bay; their collection from Grand
River, &c., they ship from Canada; and the collection from Columbia goes
to London. None of their furs come to the United States, except through
the London market.
The export trade of furs from the United States is chiefly to London.
Some quantities have been sent to Canton, and some few to Hamburg; and
an increasing export trade in beaver, otter, nutria, and vicunia wool,
prepared for the hatter’s use, is carried on in Mexico. Some furs are
exported from Baltimore, Philadelphia, and Boston; but the principal
shipments from the United States are from New York to London, from
whence they are sent to Leipsic, a well-known mart for furs, where they
are disposed of during the great fair in that city, and distributed to
every part of the continent.
The United States import from South America, nutria, vicunia,
chinchilla, and a few deer-skins; also fur seals from the Lobos Islands,
off the river Plate. A quantity of beaver, otter, &c., are brought
annually from Santa Fe. Dressed furs for edgings, linings, caps,
muffs, &c., such as squirrel, genet, fitch-skins, and blue rabbit, are
received from the north of Europe; also cony and hare’s fur; but the
largest importations are from London, where is concentrated nearly the
whole of the North American fur trade.
Such is the present state of the fur trade, by which it will appear that
the extended sway of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and the monopoly of
the region of which Astoria was the key, has operated to turn the main
current of this opulent trade into the coffers of Great Britain, and
to render London the emporium instead of New York, as Mr. Astor had
intended.
We will subjoin a few observations on the animals sought after in this
traffic, extracted from the same intelligent source with the preceding
remarks.
Of the fur-bearing animals, “the precious ermine,” so called by way of
preeminence, is found, of the best quality, only in the cold regions of
Europe and Asia. * Its fur is of the most perfect whiteness, except the
tip of its tail, which is of a brilliant shining black. With these back
tips tacked on the skins, they are beautifully spotted, producing an
effect often imitated, but never equalled in other furs. The ermine is
of the genus mustela (weasel), and resembles the common weasel in its
form, is from fourteen to sixteen inches from the tip of the nose to the
end of the tail. The body is from ten to twelve inches long. It lives
in hollow trees, river banks, and especially in beech forests; preys
on small birds, is very shy, sleeping during the day, and employing the
night in search of food. The fur of the older animals is preferred to
the younger. It is taken by snares and traps, and sometimes shot with
blunt arrows. Attempts have been made to domesticate it; but it is
extremely wild and has been found untameable.
The sable can scarcely be called second to the ermine. It is a native
of Northern Europe and Siberia, and is also of the genus mustela. In
Samoieda, Yakutsk, Kamtschatka, and Russian Lapland, it is found of
the richest quality, and darkest color. In its habits, it resembles the
ermine. It preys on small squirrels and birds, sleeps by day, and prowls
for food during the night. It is so like the marten in every particular
except its size, and the dark shade of its color, that naturalists have
not decided whether it is the richest and finest of the marten tribe,
or a variety of that species: It varies in dimensions from eighteen to
twenty inches.
The rich dark shades of the sable, and the snowy whiteness of the
ermine, the great depth, and the peculiar, almost flowing softness of
their skins and fur, have combined to gain them a preference in all
countries, and in all ages of the world. In this age, they maintain the
same relative estimate in regard to other furs, as when they marked the
rank of the proud crusader, and were emblazoned in heraldry: but in most
European nations, they are now worn promiscuously by the opulent.
The martens from Northern Asia and the Mountains of Kamtschatka are much
superior to the American, though in every pack of American marten skins
there are a certain number which are beautifully shaded, and of a dark
brown olive color, of great depth and richness.
Next these in value, for ornament and utility, are the sea-otter, the
mink, and the fiery fox.
The fiery fox is the bright red of Asia; is more brilliantly colored and
of finer fur than any other of the genus. It is highly valued for
the splendor of its red color and the fineness of its fur. It is the
standard of value on the northeastern coast of Asia.
The sea-otter which was first introduced into commerce in 1725, from the
Aleutian and Kurile Islands, is an exceedingly fine, soft, close fur,
jet black in winter, with a silken gloss. The fur of the young animal
is of a beautiful brown color. It is met with in great abundance in
Behring’s Island, Kamtschatka, Aleutian and Fox Islands, and is also
taken on the opposite coasts of North America. It is sometimes taken
with nets, but more frequently with clubs and spears. Their food is
principally lobster and other shell-fish.
In 1780 furs had become so scarce in Siberia that the supply was
insufficient for the demand in the Asiatic countries. It was at this
time that the sea-otter was introduced into the markets for China.
The skins brought such incredible prices, as to originate immediately
several American and British expeditions to the northern islands of the
Pacific, to Nootka Sound, and the northwest coast of America; but the
Russians already had possession of the tract which they now hold, and
had arranged a trade for the sea-otter with the Koudek tribes. They do
not engross the trade, however; the American northwest trading ships
procure them, all along the coast, from the Indians.
At one period, the fur seals formed no inconsiderable item in the trade.
South Georgia, in south latitude fifty-five degrees, discovered in
1675, was explored by Captain Cook in 1771. The Americans immediately
commenced carrying seal skins thence to China, where they obtained the
most exorbitant prices. One million two hundred thousand skins have been
taken from that island alone, and nearly an equal number from the Island
of Desolation, since they were first resorted to for the purpose of
commerce.
The discovery of the South Shetlands, sixty-three degrees south
latitude, in 1818, added surprisingly to the trade in fur seals. The
number taken from the South Shetlands in 1821 and 1822 amounted to three
hundred and twenty thousand. This valuable animal is now almost extinct
in all these islands, owing to the exterminating system adopted by the
hunters. They are still taken on the Lobos Islands, where the provident
government of Montevideo restrict the fishery, or hunting, within
certain limits, which insures an annual return of the seals. At certain
seasons, these amphibia, for the purpose of renewing their coat, come up
on the dark frowning rocks and precipices, where there is not a trace of
vegetation. In the middle of January, the islands are partially cleared
of snow, where a few patches of short straggling grass spring up in
favorable situations; but the seals do not resort to it for food. They
remain on the rocks not less than two months, without any sustenance,
when they return much emaciated to the sea.
Bears of various species and colors, many varieties of the fox, the
wolf, the beaver, the otter, the marten, the raccoon, the badger, the
wolverine, the mink, the lynx, the muskrat, the woodchuck, the rabbit,
the hare, and the squirrel, are natives of North America.
The beaver, otter, lynx fisher, hare, and raccoon, are used principally
for hats; while the bears of several varieties furnish an excellent
material for sleigh linings, for cavalry caps, and other military
equipments. The fur of the black fox is the most valuable of any of the
American varieties; and next to that the red, which is exported to China
and Smyrna. In China, the red is employed for trimmings, linings, and
robes; the latter being variegated by adding the black fur of the paws,
in spots or waves. There are many other varieties of American fox, such
as the gray, the white, the cross, the silver, and the dun-colored. The
silver fox is a rare animal, a native of the woody country below the
falls of the Columbia River. It has a long, thick, deep lead-colored
fur, intermingled with long hairs, invariably white at the top, forming
a bright lustrous silver gray, esteemed by some more beautiful than any
other kind of fox.
The skins of the buffalo, of the Rocky Mountain sheep, of various deer
and of the antelope, are included in the fur trade with the Indians and
trappers of the north and west.
Fox and seal skins are sent from Greenland to Denmark. The white fur of
the arctic fox and polar bear is sometimes found in the packs brought
to the traders by the most northern tribes of Indians, but is not
particularly valuable. The silver-tipped rabbit is peculiar to England,
and is sent thence to Russia and China.
Other furs are employed and valued according to the caprices of fashion,
as well in those countries where they are needed for defenses against
the severity of the seasons, as among the inhabitants of milder
climates, who, severely of Tartar or Sclavonian descent, are said to
inherit an attachment to furred clothing. Such are the inhabitants of
Poland, of Southern Russia, of China, of Persia, of Turkey, and all
the nations of Gothic origin in the middle and western parts of Europe.
Under the burning suns of Syria and Egypt, and the mild climes of
Bucharia and Independent Tartary, there is also a constant demand, and a
great consumption, where there exists no physical necessity. In our own
temperate latitudes, besides their use in the arts, they are in request
for ornament and warmth during the winter, and large quantities are
annually consumed for both purposes in the United States.
From the foregoing statements, it appears that the fur trade must
henceforward decline. The advanced state of geographical science shows
that no new countries remain to be explored. In North America the
animals are slowly decreasing, from the persevering efforts and
the indiscriminate slaughter practiced by the hunters, and by the
appropriation to the uses of man of those forests and rivers which have
afforded them food and protection. They recede with the aborigines,
before the tide of civilization; but a diminished supply will remain in
the mountains and uncultivated tracts of this and other countries, if
the avidity of the hunter can be restrained within proper limitations.
* An animal called the stoat, a kind of ermine, is said to
be found in North America, but very inferior to the European
and Asiatic.
* * The finest fur and the darkest color are most esteemed;
and whether the difference arises from the age of the
animal, or from some peculiarity of location, is not known.
They do not vary more from the common marten than the
Arabian horse from the shaggy Canadian.
Height of the Rocky Mountains.
VARIOUS estimates have been made of the height of the Rocky Mountains,
but it is doubtful whether any have, as yet, done justice to their
real altitude, which promises to place them only second to the highest
mountains of the known world. Their height has been diminished to the
eye by the great elevation of the plains from which they rise. They
consist, according to Long, of ridges, knobs, and peaks, variously
disposed. The more elevated parts are covered with perpetual snows,
which contribute to give them a luminous, and, at a great distance,
even a brilliant appearance; whence they derive, among some of the first
discoverers, the name of the Shining Mountains.
James’s Peak has generally been cited as the highest of the chain;
and its elevation above the common level has been ascertained, by a
trigonometrical measurement, to be about eight thousand five hundred
feet. Mr. Long, however, judged, from the position of the snow near the
summits of other peaks and ridges at no great distance from it, that
they were much higher. Having heard Professor Renwick, of New York,
express an opinion of the altitude of these mountains far beyond what
had usually been ascribed to them, we applied to him for the authority
on which he grounded his observation, and here subjoin his reply:
Columbia College, New York, February 23, 1836.
Dear Sir,--In compliance with your request, I have to communicate some
facts in relation to the heights of the Rocky Mountains, and the sources
whence I obtained the information.
In conversation with Simon M’Gillivray, Esq., a partner of the Northwest
Company, he stated to me his impression, that the mountains in the
vicinity of the route pursued by the traders of that company were nearly
as high as the Himalayas. He had himself crossed by this route, seen
the snowy summits of the peaks, and experienced a degree of cold which
required a spirit thermometer to indicate it. His authority for the
estimate of the heights was a gentleman who had been employed for
several years as surveyor of that company. This conversation occurred
about sixteen years since.
A year or two afterwards, I had the pleasure of dining, at Major
Delafield’s with Mr. Thompson, the gentleman referred to by Mr.
M’Gillivray. I inquired of him in relation to the circumstances
mentioned by Mr. M’Gillivray, and he stated that, by the joint means
of the barometric and trigonometric measurement, he had ascertained the
height of one of the peaks to be about twenty-five thousand feet, and
there were others of nearly the same height in the vicinity.
I am, dear sir, To W. Irving, Esq. Yours truly, JAMES RENWICK.
Suggestions with respect to the Indian tribes,
and the protection of our Trade.
IN the course of this work, a few general remarks have been hazarded
respecting the Indian tribes of the prairies, and the dangers to be
apprehended from them in future times to our trade beyond the Rocky
Mountains and with the Spanish frontiers. Since writing those remarks,
we have met with some excellent observations and suggestions, in
manuscript, on the same subject, written by Captain Bonneville, of the
United States army, who had lately returned from a long residence among
the tribes of the Rocky Mountains. Captain B. approves highly of
the plan recently adopted by the United States government for the
organization of a regiment of dragoons for the protection of our western
frontier, and the trade across the prairies. “No other species of
military force,” he observes, “is at all competent to cope with these
restless and wandering hordes, who require to be opposed with swiftness
quite as much as with strength; and the consciousness that a troop,
uniting these qualifications, is always on the alert to avenge their
outrages upon the settlers and traders, will go very far towards
restraining them from the perpetration of those thefts and murders which
they have heretofore committed with impunity, whenever stratagem or
superiority of force has given them the advantage. Their interest
already has done something towards their pacification with our
countrymen. From the traders among them, they receive their supplies in
the greatest abundance, and upon very equitable terms; and when it
is remembered that a very considerable amount of property is yearly
distributed among them by the government, as presents, it will readily
be perceived that they are greatly dependent upon us for their most
valued resources. If, superadded to this inducement, a frequent display
of military power be made in their territories, there can be little
doubt that the desired security and peace will be speedily afforded
to our own people. But the idea of establishing a permanent amity and
concord amongst the various east and west tribes themselves, seems to
me, if not wholly impracticable, at least infinitely more difficult than
many excellent philanthropists have hoped and believed. Those nations
which have so lately emigrated from the midst of our settlements to live
upon our western borders, and have made some progress in agriculture and
the arts of civilization, have, in the property they have acquired,
and the protection and aid extended to them, too many advantages to be
induced readily to take up arms against us, particularly if they can be
brought to the full conviction that their new homes will be permanent
and undisturbed; and there is every reason and motive, in policy as well
as humanity, for our ameliorating their condition by every means in
our power. But the case is far different with regard to the Osages, the
Kanzas, the Pawnees, and other roving hordes beyond the frontiers of the
settlements. Wild and restless in their character and habits, they are
by no means so susceptible of control or civilization; and they are
urged by strong, and, to them, irresistible causes in their situation
and necessities, to the daily perpetuation of violence and fraud. Their
permanent subsistence, for example, is derived from the buffalo hunting
grounds, which lie a great distance from their towns. Twice a year
they are obliged to make long and dangerous expeditions, to procure the
necessary provisions for themselves and their families. For this purpose
horses are absolutely requisite, for their own comfort and safety, as
well as for the transportation of their food, and their little stock
of valuables; and without them they would be reduced, during a great
portion of the year, to a state of abject misery and privation. They
have no brood mares, nor any trade sufficiently valuable to supply their
yearly losses, and endeavor to keep up their stock by stealing horses
from the other tribes to the west and southwest. Our own people, and the
tribes immediately upon our borders, may indeed be protected from
their depredations; and the Kanzas, Osages, Pawnees, and others, may
be induced to remain at peace among themselves, so long as they are
permitted to pursue the old custom of levying upon the Camanches and
other remote nations for their complement of steeds for the warriors,
and pack-horses for their transportation to and from the hunting ground.
But the instant they are forced to maintain a peaceful and inoffensive
demeanor towards the tribes along the Mexican border, and find that
every violation of their rights is followed by the avenging arm of our
government, the result must be, that, reduced to a wretchedness and want
which they can ill brook, and feeling the certainty of punishment for
every attempt to ameliorate their condition in the only way they as yet
comprehend, they will abandon their unfruitful territory and remove to
the neighborhood of the Mexican lands, and there carry on a vigorous
predatory warfare indiscriminately upon the Mexicans and our own people
trading or travelling in that quarter.
“The Indians of the prairies are almost innumerable. Their superior
horsemanship, which in my opinion, far exceeds that of any other people
on the face of the earth, their daring bravery, their cunning and skill
in the warfare of the wilderness, and the astonishing rapidity and
secrecy with which they are accustomed to move in their martial
expeditions, will always render them most dangerous and vexatious
neighbors, when their necessities or their discontents may drive them to
hostility with our frontiers. Their mode and principles of warfare will
always protect them from final and irretrievable defeat, and secure
their families from participating in any blow, however severe, which our
retribution might deal out to them.
“The Camanches lay the Mexicans under contribution for horses and
mules, which they are always engaged in stealing from them in incredible
numbers; and from the Camanches, all the roving tribes of the far West,
by a similar exertion of skill and daring, supply themselves in turn. It
seems to me, therefore, under all these circumstances, that the apparent
futility of any philanthropic schemes for the benefit of these nations,
and a regard for our own protection, concur in recommending that we
remain satisfied with maintaining peace upon our own immediate borders,
and leave the Mexicans and the Camanches, and all the tribes hostile to
these last, to settle their differences and difficulties in their own
way.
“In order to give full security and protection to our trading parties
circulating in all directions through the great prairies, I am under the
impression that a few judicious measures on the part of the government,
involving a very limited expense, would be sufficient. And, in attaining
this end, which of itself has already become an object of public
interest and import, another, of much greater consequence, might be
brought about, namely, the securing to the States a most valuable and
increasing trade, now carried on by caravans directly to Santa Fe.
“As to the first desideratum: the Indians can only be made to respect
the lives and property of the American parties, by rendering them
dependent upon us for their supplies; which alone can be done with
complete effect by the establishment of a trading post, with resident
traders, at some point which will unite a sufficient number of
advantages to attract the several tribes to itself, in preference to
their present places of resort for that purpose; for it is a well-known
fact that the Indians will always protect their trader, and those in
whom he is interested, so long as they derive benefits from him. The
alternative presented to those at the north, by the residence of the
agents of the Hudson’s Bay Company amongst them, renders the condition
of our people in that quarter less secure; but I think it will appear at
once, upon the most cursory examination, that no such opposition further
south could be maintained, so as to weaken the benefits of such an
establishment as is here suggested.
“In considering this matter, the first question which presents itself
is, where do these tribes now make their exchanges, and obtain their
necessary supplies. They resort almost exclusively to the Mexicans, who,
themselves, purchase from us whatever the Indians most seek for. In this
point of view, therefore, coeteris paribus, it would be an easy matter
for us to monopolize the whole traffic. All that is wanted is some
location more convenient for the natives than that offered by the
Mexicans, to give us the undisputed superiority; and the selection of
such a point requires but a knowledge of the single fact, that these
nations invariably winter upon the head waters of the Arkansas, and
there prepare all their buffalo robes for trade. These robes are heavy,
and, to the Indian, very difficult of transportation. Nothing
but necessity induces them to travel any great distance with such
inconvenient baggage. A post, therefore, established upon the head
waters of the Arkansas, must infallibly secure an uncontested preference
over that of the Mexicans; even at their prices and rates of barter.
Then let the dragoons occasionally move about among these people in
large parties, impressing them with the proper estimate of our power to
protect and to punish, and at once we have complete and assured security
for all citizens whose enterprise may lead them beyond the border, and
an end to the outrages and depredations which now dog the footsteps
of the traveller, in the prairies, and arrest and depress the most
advantageous commerce. Such a post need not be stronger than fifty men;
twenty-five to be employed as hunters, to supply the garrison, and the
residue as a defense against any hostility. Situated here upon the good
lands of the Arkansas, in the midst of abundance of timber, while it
might be kept up at a most inconsiderable expense, such an establishment
within ninety miles of Santa Fe or Taos would be more than justified by
the other and more important advantages before alluded to, leaving the
protection of the traders with the Indian tribes entirely out of the
question.
“This great trade, carried on by caravans to Santa Fe, annually loads
one hundred wagons with merchandise, which is bartered in the northern
provinces or Mexico for cash and for beaver furs. The numerous articles
excluded as contraband, and the exorbitant duties laid upon all those
that are admitted by the Mexican government, present so many obstacles
to commerce, that I am well persuaded, that if a post, such as is here
suggested, should be established on the Arkansas, it would become the
place of deposit, not only for the present trade, but for one infinitely
more extended. Here the Mexicans might purchase their supplies, and
might well afford to sell them at prices which would silence all
competition from any other quarter.
“These two trades, with the Mexicans and the Indians, centring at this
post, would give rise to a large village of traders and laborers,
and would undoubtedly be hailed, by all that section of country, as a
permanent and invaluable advantage. A few pack-horses would carry all
the clothing and ammunition necessary for the post during the first
year, and two light field-pieces would be all the artillery required
for its defense. Afterwards, all the horses required for the use of the
establishment might be purchased from the Mexicans at the low price
of ten dollars each; and, at the same time, whatever animals might
be needed to supply the losses among the dragoons traversing the
neighborhood, could be readily procured. The Upper Missouri Indians can
furnish horses, at very cheap rates, to any number of the same troops
who might be detailed for the defense of the northern frontier; and, in
other respects, a very limited outlay of money would suffice to maintain
a post in that section of the country.
“From these considerations, and my own personal observations, I am,
therefore, disposed to believe that two posts established by the
government, one at the mouth of the Yellowstone River, and one on the
Arkansas, would completely protect all our people in every section of
the great wilderness of the West; while other advantages, at least with
regard to one of them, confirm and urge the suggestion. A fort at the
mouth of the Yellowstone, garrisoned by fifty men would be perfectly
safe. The establishment might be constructed simply with a view to the
stores, stables for the dragoons’ horses, and quarters for the regular
garrison; the rest being provided with sheds or lodges, erected in the
vicinity, for their residence during the winter months.”