Patrick Henry, 1730-1799, was born in Hanover County, Virginia, He
received instruction in Latin and mathematics from his father, but seemed
to develop a greater fondness for hunting, fishing, and playing the fiddle
than for study. Twice he was set up in business, and twice failed before
he was twenty-four. He was then admitted to the bar after six weeks' study
of the law. He got no business at first in his profession, but lived with
his father-in-law. His wonderful powers of oratory first showed themselves
in a celebrated case which he argued in Hanover Courthouse, his own father
being the presiding magistrate. He began very awkwardly, but soon rose to
a surprising height of eloquence, won his case against great odds, and was
carried off in triumph by the delighted spectators. His fame was now
established; business flowed in, and he was soon elected to the Virginia
Legislature. He was a delegate to the Congress of 1774, and in 1775 made
the prophetic speech of which the following selection is a portion. It
was his own motion that the "colony be immediately put in a state of
defense." During the Revolution he was, for several years, Governor of
Virginia. In 1788 he earnestly opposed the adoption of the Federal
Constitution. When he died, he left a large family and an ample fortune.
In person, Mr. Henry was tall and rather awkward, with a face stern and
grave. When he spoke on great occasions, his awkwardness forsook him, his
face lighted up, and his eyes flashed with a wonderful fire. In his life,
he was good-humored, honest, and temperate. His patriotism was of the
noblest type; and few men in those stormy times did better service for
their country than he.
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It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to
shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that
siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be
of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear
not the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my
part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the
whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past;
and, judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those
hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the
house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately
received? Trust it not: it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not
yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves, how this gracious
reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which
cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a
work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to
be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us
not deceive ourselves. These are the implements of war and subjugation,--
the last arguments to which kings resort.
I ask, gentlemen, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to
force us into submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive
for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call
for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, she has none. They are
meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind
and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so
long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument?
We have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to
offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every
light in which it was capable; but it has been all in vain.
Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we
find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you,
deceive ourselves longer. We have done everything that could be done, to
avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have
remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves at the
foot of the throne, and implored its interposition to arrest the
tyrannical bands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been
slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult;
our supplications disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt from
the foot of the throne.
In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for
which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to abandon
the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we
have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our
contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, we must fight! An
appeal to arms and the God of Hosts, is all that is left us.
They tell us that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an
adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British
guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by
irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive
phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? We
are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of
nature hath placed in our power.
Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such
a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our
enemy can send against us. Besides, we shall not fight our battles alone.
There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who
will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle is not to
the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides,
we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too
late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and
slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains
of Boston! The war is inevitable; and; let it come! I repeat it, let it
come!
It is in vain to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace; but
there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps
from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our
brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that
gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet,
as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty
God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me
liberty, or give me death.
Notes.--Observe, in this lesson, the all-controlling power of emphasis in
determining the falling inflection. The words "see," "hear," and "my," in
the first paragraph, the word "that" in the second, and "spurned" and
"contempt" in the fourth paragraph, are examples of this. Let the reader
remember that a high degree of emphasis is sometimes expressed by a
whisper; also, that emphasis is often expressed by a pause.
It will be well to read in this connection some good history of the
opening scenes of the Revolution.