How this side of the matter was produced (in the mathematical sense)

and maintained throughout the century would take many times the space

of the present paper to show in anything but the briefest and barest

epitome. Almost all Prior's own shorter later poems would have to be

quoted; Swift, though so much greater in prose, and though best in

verse on the severer side, especially in the magnificent and quite

sufficiently authenticated _Judgment Day_ verses, could not be left

out; and it might be possible to make more fight than even lovers of

the eighteenth century have recently made for Gray. But perhaps the

scraps and orts of lesser men of letters--though sometimes not lesser

_men_--show the strong point of the century even more convincingly.

Where will you find more musical lightness of a certain easy but far

from unpoetical kind than in those verses on Strawberry Hill in which

Pulteney almost paid his rather heavy debts in more serious ways to the

House of Walpole? Or than in the others in which he and Chesterfield

combined to estimate "Hanover Bremen and Verden," that is to say, the

whole continental dominions for which George the Second was making

England fight, as worthless compared with the charms of Molly Lepell?

Go lower still, take a professional littérateur and laureate like

William Whitehead, to whom hardly anybody save Mr. Austin Dobson (and

it is certainly no small exception) has been favourable, and read

the piece on Celia, which is a more or less independent expansion

of Ausonius on Crispa. It begins with a sort of pettish avowal of

ignorance how the mischief of love came, and goes on with rather rude

depreciations of the lady's face, figure, air, and even sense. Then it

slides rapidly into a sort of grudging allowance:

Her voice, her touch, _might_ give the alarm--

'Twas both perhaps or neither,

and then capitulates headlong:

In short 'twas that provoking charm

Of Celia altogether!

Trivial, of course, but then it ought to be trivial, and the trivial

can be, and is, here super-trivialised.

One might go on, even in this skipping fashion, for a long time till

one came to the great political satires of the close of the century,

but once more time and space forbid. As it has been frivolously said:

You have only to search

In Dodsley and Pearch

(the standard ten volumes of eighteenth-century miscellaneous poetry)

and you will find; though, of course, if you only look for bad things

you will find them, too, in plenty. But even this collection is by

no means exhaustive, and with some of the more famous verse-writers

it does not deal at all; while we have in this survey confessedly

left most of them alone. What has been intended is to show that

making of the common uncommon by means of treatment in verse was not

an unknown thing between 1700 and 1800; that it was attempted and

achieved in various kinds. Finally, if the attempts were rarely and the

achievements hardly ever in kinds that can be called the very highest,

one may at least urge that there is not an absolute vacuum between the

loftiest mountain-tops of poetry and the actual plain of prose--that

Parnassus has lower slopes, some of which are not so _very_ low

SAMUEL BUTLER[6]

[6] _Samuel Butler: a Memoir. By H. Festing Jones. 2 vols.

Macmillan. 42s. net._

By EDWARD SHANKS

Samuel Butler was a philosopher whose favourite doctrine was expressed

in the words _pas trop de zèle_; and he spent a great part of his life

complaining a little too eagerly that the world was not sufficiently

zealous in the appreciation of his works. His reception and his

reputation did indeed deserve a considerable part of the almost

excessive attention which he lavished on them; for at this moment, now

that the first is accomplished and the second enormous, they make a

very curious subject for study. In his notebooks they occur again and

again as themes for his meditation. "I am the _enfant terrible_," he

says, "of literature and science. If I cannot, and I know I cannot,

get the literary and scientific big-wigs to give me a shilling, I

can, and I know I can, heave bricks into the middle of them." "I

have chosen the fighting-road," he says elsewhere, "rather than the

hang-on-to-a-great-man road, and what can a man who does this look for

except that people should try to silence him in whatever way they think

will be most effectual? In my case they have thought it best to pretend

that I am non-existent." There is something pathetic in the spectacle

of a man pursuing "the fighting-road" with no one to fight him and

heaving bricks into the middle of persons who obstinately continue to

ignore his existence. There is something more pathetic in the spectacle

of an original thinker and a great wit sitting down in isolation to

pen these apologies for his obscure position, always affecting to

be indifferent to it and never deceiving anyone. For Butler was not

indifferent to his lack of success. Had his been a true and not an

assumed indifference he could not have returned to the subject so

often as he does and in so many keys. He betrays himself again and

again beyond mistake. He was an intensely, a morbidly sensitive man,

one to whom success would have been very pleasant. He was damaged, and

confirmed in oddity, by the want of it. He missed it because of what

first started him in oddity--that is to say, an unfortunate childhood.

"The subject of this memoir," so Butler once suggested that his

biography ought to begin, "was the son of rich but dishonest

parents." Dishonest they may have been: respectable they certainly

were. Dr. Butler, the first distinguished member of the family, was

for twenty-seven years headmaster of Shrewsbury, a man with all the

attributes of the great schoolmasters of the early nineteenth century,

an imposing figure, who, towards the end of his life, became Bishop

of Lichfield. His son was not so distinguished. His sole claim to be

remembered, if his canonry be disregarded, is the fact that somehow

or other he became the father of Samuel Butler. There is much detail,

in Mr. Festing Jones's enormous book, on Butler's early life and his

relation to his parents; but there is nothing quite so significant as

an anecdote which occurs in the second volume:

At Saas he made the acquaintance of Mr. and Mrs. MacCarthy, who were

staying in the hotel with their son, an Eton boy. One day the father

and son had been for an excursion and the father returned alone. The

anxious mother, hearing that her boy preferred speculating in short

cuts to accompanying his father, borrowed a red umbrella to make

herself conspicuous, and went out "to look for Desmond." Presently

she came upon Butler loaded up with his camera and toiling along on

his way back after a fatiguing day. He told her he had seen a little

white figure among the trees on the mountain-side and had no doubt it

was her son who, he assured her, would be all right, and he himself

was loitering, intending to be overtaken so that they might arrive at

the hotel together.

"You see," he explained, "I know he will be late for dinner, and it

may make things a little easier for him if he does not come in alone."

Years afterwards Mrs. MacCarthy told me that she had been reading

_The Way of All Flesh_, and had remembered this incident and had

for the first time understood why Butler thought that her son would

require the presence of an elderly gentleman to protect him from his

parents if he came in late for dinner.

This throws a curious and unexpected sidelight on Butler's childhood

from the effects of which he never recovered. His parents learnt the

art of bringing up children from a book which adjured them to "Break

your child's will early or he will break yours later on." They did

not break it, but unquestionably they deformed it. This may have been

done on principle. To Butler, however, it sometimes seemed to spring

from other motives. "I have felt," he once said of his father, "that

he has always looked upon me as something which he could badger with

impunity." He said that, like Ernest Pontifex, with regard to his

father he could remember no feeling during his childhood except fear

and shrinking.

Nor was this life of terror and pain lightened by any gracious or

liberal influences. The world which Mr. Festing Jones exhibits to us

in his opening chapters is full of the drabbest and most depressing

horrors of Early Victorianism. Its measure can be taken by a single

story which Butler preserved:

Archdeacon Bather was lunching with my grandfather some two or three

years after the Archdeacon had lost his first wife. Dr. Butler dearly

loved a hard crust of bread baked nearly black, and it so happened

that a piece was set by his plate with hardly any crust, and what

little there was, very thin. My aunt, then Miss Butler, observing

what had happened, at once said:

"Oh, Papa, this won't do at all! I will find you a piece more to your

liking." Whereon she went to the kitchen and returned with a crust

baked exactly to Dr. Butler's taste.

When Archdeacon Bather saw this he said to himself: "That is the

young woman for me"; and shortly afterwards he proposed and was

accepted.

Readers will remember the scene in _The Way of All Flesh_ in which

Theobald, driving away for his honeymoon, insists that Christina shall

order their dinner at the first stop, and in which Christina protests

with tears her nervousness, and Theobald replies, "It is a wife's duty

to order her husband's dinner; you are my wife, and I shall expect you

to order mine." A sensitive child, neglected or even ill-treated by its

parents, might, if the relations of the parents between themselves had

anything beautiful or kindly, see some possibilities of happiness in

the institution of the family. But Samuel Butler was brought up in a

world where no such possibilities seemed to exist. He came to believe,

Mr. Festing Jones tells us, that, like Habakkuk, _le père de famille

est capable de tout_. It has often been maintained that the greatest

poets and artists do nothing throughout life but draw on those fresh

and lovely impressions which they have gathered in childhood. When

he was a child Butler acquired habits of suspicion against all those

surrounding him who were not connected with him by freely-chosen bonds

of friendship. Canon Butler bullied him on moral grounds; and he grew

to suspect every claim made on him, every exhortation addressed to

him, on moral grounds. Ernest Pontifex is described on one occasion

as assuming the expression of a puppy which is being scolded for

something it does not understand; and Butler did indeed develop some

of the habits of an ill-treated dog. He shied and snarled at a lifted

hand, which might have been lifted in kindness or in ignorance of his

existence. Having, as he supposed, penetrated the fraud of the family,

he felt a distrust of all human institutions. He suspected the world of

being in a conspiracy to pretend that parents were naturally kind to

their children, that Christ rose from the dead, and that Tennyson was a

great poet. And, turning from all these discredited shows, he devoted

himself in isolation to the care of his own idiosyncrasies and the

companionship of a very few, very intimate friends.

Here, where he might in one case have suspected with justice, he was

all blind trust. The story of Charles Paine Pauli is one of the most

extraordinary that have been brought to light in human records in

recent years. A correspondent who knew him and admired him wrote not

long ago to the _Times_, not to controvert Mr. Festing Jones's account

of the relations between him and Butler, but to protest, in an almost

agonised manner, that there must be some explanation of it; and this is

precisely what the reader, who did not know Pauli, feels when he comes

upon these pages. But there seems to be no explanation.

In 1859 Butler rebelled against his father, and finally decided that he

could not take Orders, basing his refusal on "doubts," which in after

years seemed to him no less absurd than the doctrines against which

they were directed. As a result of this, he emigrated to New Zealand,

taking with him an allowance from Canon Butler and a promise of support

in capital, in order that he might establish himself as a sheep-farmer.

In this occupation he was, against all the probabilities, moderately

successful and, largely owing to the rapidly-developing condition of

the colony, managed to turn an original capital of £4400 into the sum

of £8000. But finding the life uncongenial, he concluded that it would

be wiser to invest his money in New Zealand, where the current rate of

interest was 10 per cent., and go home and live on the proceeds. While

he was making preparations to this end, a previous slight acquaintance

with Pauli developed into an intimate friendship. Pauli was handsome,

fascinating, well dressed, ineffably well mannered. He was, in fact,

the Towneley of _The Way of All Flesh_, though Providence, not doing

as well by him as by Towneley, had omitted to make him rich. He was

actually poor and in ill-health, and anxious to go to England in order

that he might recover. He then proposed to get called to the Bar and

to return to New Zealand to practise. Butler, who believed himself

to be worth about £800 a year, promptly lavished on this creature

the generosity and tenderness which had found no outlet during his

childhood. He offered to lend him £100 for his passage, and to allow

him £200 a year for three years--that is, until his return to New

Zealand as a barrister. They accordingly made the passage together;

and Butler kept his promise, and more than kept it, extending the

allowance, even through the time of his acutest financial difficulties,

until Pauli's death in 1897. It was then discovered that at one time

Pauli had been earning £900 a year, and that even at the last he earned

between £500 and £700. He left a fortune of £9000; but Butler was not

mentioned in the will and received his invitation to the funeral from

the undertaker.

A singular and enlightening circumstance in the intercourse between

Butler and Pauli unhappily prevents Mr. Festing Jones from making this

astonishing but veracious narrative entirely lifelike. The charming

young man did not reciprocate the feelings of his pathetic and somewhat

uncouth adorer. "I had felt from the very beginning," says Butler,

"that my intimacy with Pauli was only superficial, and I also perceived

more and more that I bored him." Pauli confessed that he had never

been more miserable in his life than once when he spent a holiday with

Butler at Dieppe. Consequently it soon came about that the essential

part of the relations between them was the punctual payment of the

allowance. Latterly, they only met three times a week, when Pauli

lunched in Butler's chambers. He discontinued informing Butler of his

changes of address, so that at the end Butler did not know where he was

living, and Mr. Festing Jones met him "only on business, for he would

have nothing to do with any of Butler's friends in any other way."

Butler learnt of his death from an announcement in the _Times_.

Truly a mysterious creature! And his friend is very comprehensible in

supposing that there must be some explanation. Possibly Mr. Festing

Jones, if he had met him otherwise than purely on business, might have

given us some impression of his personality which would have let in

light on this dark business. As it is, we must content ourselves with

wonder at the extraordinary situations which human nature is capable of

creating. But this unhappy friendship is worth examining, apart from

its intrinsic curiosity, because it presents in extremity an essential

and determining part of Butler's life. His devotion and loyalty to his

friends were perhaps the most beautiful things in his character and do

much to redeem his somewhat unlovely attitude of snarling and suspicion

towards all strangers.

Life might be thought to have treated him savagely in following up

his parents with the hardly less cruel Pauli. He disguised the shock

of his discovery on Pauli's death by remarking that he would now save

not only £200 a year, but also the cost of those three lunches a week

in Clifford's Inn. Yet a nature that opened itself so trustingly, so

defencelessly, must have suffered on finding its bounty abused. But in

his other friends, in Miss Savage, in his clerk, Alfred Emery Cathie,

and in Mr. Festing Jones he had ample compensations. He was a man who

at first sight was not readily liked. He was awkward and nervous in

the company of strangers, and it is likely that he did not disguise

so well as he supposed his grave misgivings that they were either

pretentious scoundrels or conceited hypocrites. He was always badly

and carelessly dressed; and though his portraits, when one is used to

them and can associate them with the best one knows of his mind, become

attractive, there can be no denial that his appearance was on the most

lenient showing decidedly grotesque, that of a difficult, taciturn,

maliciously observant gnome, roughly carved in a hard wood. It took

some time and some degree of intuition to penetrate behind this mask.

Those who did so were rewarded and rewarded him. Miss Savage, who used

to meet him first at Heatherley's art-classes, was not attracted by him

for a considerable time. When at last she was, it was by a flash of

remarkable intuition. In commenting on one of his books, she writes:

I like the cherry-eating scene, too, because it reminded me of your

eating cherries when first I knew you. One day when I was going to

the gallery, a very hot day, I remember, I met you on the shady side

of Berners Street eating cherries out of a basket. Like your Italian

friends, you were perfectly silent with content, and you handed the

basket to me as I was passing, without saying a word. I pulled out a

handful and went on my way rejoicing, without saying a word either. I

had not before perceived you to be different from anyone else.

It is not certain whether Miss Savage became a Butlerian or whether

Butler acquired something of what we consider his characteristic

attitude of mind from her. If it was not so, then her spirit leapt at

once to answer his as soon as she had perceived the possibility of

common interests between them, for her first letters to him are written

in his own vein. She entered immediately into his concerns, read all

his books in manuscript, criticised them, gave them more praise than

they received from anyone else, and abused his enemies with a gusto

equal to his. The only trouble between them in their long connection

was his gnawing fear that she wanted to marry him. And he did not want

to marry anyone, let alone her who was

Plain and lame and fat and short,

Forty and overkind.

But if all these disabilities had been removed, he would still have

been disinclined to marry her. He did not believe in marriage, had a

hatred of the family; and he slunk away snarling from the danger like a

terror-stricken wild animal at the sight of a trap, only to reproach

himself in after years for unkindness to his friend. But his relations

with women were not, and he did not intend that they should be, of the

sort that lead to marriage. He had mistresses, whom he visited. Mr. J.

B. Yeats, in a recent paper of reminiscences, has repeated his avowals

on this point in a manner which conveys well enough Butler's view that

his lapses were caused by a necessity of the flesh. Mr. Festing Jones

reinforces this impression. One of his mistresses, referred to as

"Madame," was, after a long connection, allowed to visit his chambers

in Clifford's Inn. No other gained this privilege; and Butler extended

it to her as he might have done to an old and well-tried servant.

Butler did not love these women, he frequented them. He was insensible

to the notion that there might be anything beautiful in the relations

between the sexes, as he was insensible to the notion that there might

be anything of value written in verse. Theobald and Christina pretended

to like poetry: Theobald and Christina pretended to love one another

and him. It was all of a piece with their pretence that Christianity

was a religion of kindliness and enlightenment.

So he remained a bachelor, and, when Miss Savage was dead, contented

himself with the intimate companionship of Mr. Jones and Alfred, his

clerk. After he had resigned the ambition of becoming a painter, after

his odd and disastrous excursion in the world of business, his daily

life was that of an eccentric gentleman with a small independent

income. He read and wrote in the British Museum, he went for walks in

the country and took holidays in Italy, he published his books at his

own expense, and he scrambled out of invitations to dinner as best he

could. For a hobby he wrote music in collaboration with Mr. Festing

Jones, oratorios which were to be as much like Handel's oratorios as

possible. The first of them, _Narcissus_, was inspired by his own

misfortunes in business, and the final chorus ran:

How blest the prudent man, the maiden pure,

Whose income is both ample and secure,

Arising from consolidated Three

Per Cent. Annuities, paid quarterly!

"We remembered Handel's treatment of 'continually,'" says Mr. Festing

Jones, "and thought we could not do better than imitate it for our

words 'paid quarterly.'"

And so his life went on and his interests drifted through the theory

of evolution, the authorship of the _Odyssey_, the life of his

grandfather, and the meaning of Shakespeare's Sonnets. The sales of his

books pursued a course by no means so varied, but steadily declined. In

1899, when he drew up a statement of profit and loss, the average sales

of his eleven books, excluding _Erewhon_, which was the first, amounted

to 306 copies each. Of his _Selections from Previous Works_, 120 copies

were sold in fifteen years. Of _The Authoress of the Odyssey_, 165

copies were sold. He might well have added discouragement to his first

cause of bitterness. The religion of Christ produced Canon Butler, the

religion of science produced Darwin, the religion of good looks and

good breeding produced Pauli. On paper he was indomitable. He swore he

had enjoyed life, that on the balance his good luck overbalanced the

bad. But he swore a little too often, he explained a little too much

in detail for this to have been quite true. And then, at the very end

of his life, the luck turned, and his last book, by a strange irony,

was produced at the publisher's own risk, the greatest triumph in his

literary career which Butler was able to see since the success of his

first book. After he was dead his reputation, magically assisted with

incantations by Mr. Bernard Shaw and others, sprang up to an amazing

height, like the plant grown from the Indian enchanter's bean.

Now the world is confronted with a situation in which the neglected

philosopher of Clifford's Inn has attained an importance he never

dreamt of and perhaps would not have approved. "Above all things," he

said, "let no unwary reader do me the injustice of believing in _me_."

This useful motto was printed on the menu of the first Erewhon dinner;

but a great number of his disciples have disregarded the admonition.

I was once the witness of one undergraduate trying to proselytise

another and telling him that it was a worthy ambition to desire to

be like Christ. "I don't want to be like anyone else," replied the

second undergraduate, "but if I did, I shouldn't choose Christ, I

should choose Samuel Butler." This is at once an extreme instance and

one strictly guarded against Butler's own disapproval: for the kernel

of the remark would meet with his applause. But it illustrates the

direction in which many of his admirers have more frenetically rushed.

It is an ironic fate for so ironic a philosopher that his teaching

should have become a sort of Tom Tiddler's ground for so many solemn

and ridiculous persons.

The London Mercury, Vol. I, Nos. 1-6, November 1919 to April 1920 · 第 20 / 95 段