And we shall know more of him, far more, than we shall ever know of

Tamerlane and Genghiz Khan: as much very likely as we know of Napoleon.

He has no physical attributes and no material accoutrements which

might lend him adventitious aid as the centre of a pageant of power,

struggle, or woe: a short, bowed man in a black coat, vivacious, hedged

by no formalities of ceremonial. Yet to the imagination--and it must

surely be so when he is seen backward--this little fanatic, who for

twenty years was hunted from exile to exile, and returned to overthrow

a government and enthrone himself on the ruins of a great Empire, is

the centre of Russia, seated in the middle of that enormous web of

conflict and suffering like an impassive and implacable spider. We

hear this and that of him. He is genial in conversation. He is not

personally cruel. He is willing to slaughter thousands at a blow to

realise his ideas, for he looks at human affairs historically, if with

but one eye. He is a poor speaker, but his words whip audiences into

enthusiasm. He thought he would be overturned in three weeks, but

adapted himself with instant decision when a longer lease was offered.

This man and that is jealous of him and has tried to upset him; he has

said this or that about his success and his failure; he will fly; or

he knows he will be executed. The reports contradict each other, but

the picture remains and strengthens, the picture of a man in the grip

of an idea, with one of the strongest wills in the world, indifferent

to the pains and pleasures of ordinary people. That ugly little face,

with its swollen bald forehead, its slanting lids closing on straight

penetrating eyes, its squat nose, its fleshy mouth between moustache

and goatee, its smile mechanical as a mask's, will be more familiar to

our descendants than to us. They will see in reverie the revolution,

with vast ancient Russia as its background, and this doctrinaire tyrant

as its centre, with his ragged armies, his spies and Chinamen, his

motley gang of clever Jews, brigands, and mild, bearded, spectacled

professors around him. They will feel his magnetism, and, whether as

"hero of legend" or devil of legend, they will celebrate him.

Of these things perhaps men will write two hundred or two thousand

years hence. But the duration of human life on our planet is measured,

as we suppose, in tens of thousands of years.

We go to the grave. The sunlight comes into this room; it shines on

the table and the books and the papers. I listen to the twittering of

the birds, shorter lived than ourselves, and the intermittent rushing

of the wind, which, while life lasts, goes on always the same. A car

moans past; its noise begins, swells, and dies away. The trees wave

about; a horse's feet plod by; the sunlight sparkles on the river

and glorifies the mud. Clouds come over. The sun, unseen, sets; the

evening grows bluer and lamps twinkle out over the misty river. So,

noiselessly, proceeds time, and the earth revolves and revolves through

its alternations of sun and shade. These airs, these lights and sounds,

will be the same; but we, alive and immortal as we feel, shall have

gone and the clamour that we made will recede. To an epoch we shall

be the coloured strutters of history and of legend; to a later age,

however remote and whatever the accumulation of our records, we must

become august shadows like the dim kings and fabulous empires that

passed before Babylon and Egypt. "Truly ye are the people, and wisdom

shall die with you." The sentence was written more than two thousand

years ago; the author is unknown and receding. Yet, obliterated in the

end though all remembrance of us may be, we shall not even on this

earth die with our bodies, and for some interval, not to be computed,

certain actions at this moment in progress will endure in a sublimated

state, and certain men with whom we may even have spoken will enlarge

to a more than human stature and communicate, as they could never do in

life, their essence to the enduring tradition of men. Are they those

whom we have mentioned; or are they, as they may be, others who to us

are insignificant and obscured?

HORACE WALPOLE[1]

[1] _Letters of Horace Walpole; Oxford University Press,

16 vols., 96s. Supplementary Letters, 1919; Oxford

University Press, 2 vols., 17s._

By ROBERT LYND

Horace Walpole was a dainty rogue in porcelain who walked badly. In

his best days, as he records in one of his letters, it was said of

him that he "tripped like a pewit." "If I do not flatter myself," he

wrote when he was just under sixty, "my march at present is more like

a dabchick's." A lady has left a description of him entering a room,

"knees bent, and feet on tiptoe as if afraid of a wet floor." When his

feet were not swollen with the gout, they were so slender, he said,

that he "could dance a minuet on a silver penny." He was ridiculously

lean, and his hands were crooked with his unmerited disease. An

invalid, a caricature of the birds, and not particularly well dressed

in spite of his lavender suit and partridge silk stockings, he has

nevertheless contrived to leave in his letters an impression of almost

perfect grace and dandyism. He had all the airs of a beau. He affected

coolness, disdain, amateurishness, triviality. He was a china figure of

insolence. He lived on the mantelpiece, and regarded everything that

happened on the floor as a rather low joke that could not be helped.

He warmed into humanity in his friendships and in his defence of the

house of Walpole; but if he descended from his mantelpiece, it was more

likely to be in order to feed a squirrel than to save an Empire. His

most common image of the world was a puppet-show. He saw kings, prime

ministers, and men of genius alike about the size of dolls. When George

II. died, he wrote a brief note to Thomas Brand: "Dear Brand--You love

laughing; there is a king dead; can you help coming to town?" That

represents his measure of things. Those who love laughing will laugh

all the more when they discover that, a week earlier, Walpole had

written a letter, rotund, fulsome, and in the language of the bended

knee, begging Lord Bute to be allowed to kiss the Prince of Wales's

hand. His attitude to the Court he described to George Montagu as

"mixing extreme politeness with extreme indifference." His politeness,

like his indifference, was but play at the expense of a solemn world.

"I wrote to Lord Bute," he informed Montagu; "thrust in all the

_unexpecteds, want of ambition, disinterestedness, etc._, that I could

amass, gilded with as much duty, affection, zeal, etc., as possible."

He frankly professed relief that he had not after all to go to Court

and act out the extravagant compliments he had written. "Was ever so

agreeable a man as King George the Second," he wrote, "to die the very

day it was necessary to save me from ridicule?" "For my part," he adds

later in the same spirit, "my man Harry will always be a favourite; he

tells me all the amusing news; he first told me of the late Prince of

Wales's death, and to-day of the King's." It is not that Walpole was

a republican of the school of Plutarch. He was merely a toy republican

who enjoyed being insolent at the expense of kings, and behind their

backs. He was scarcely capable of open rudeness in the fashion of Beau

Brummell's "Who's your fat friend?" His ridicule was never a public

display; it was a secret treasured for his friends. He was the greatest

private entertainer of the eighteenth century, and he ridiculed the

great, as people say, for the love of diversion. "I always write the

thoughts of the moment," he told the dearest of his friends, Conway,

"and even laugh to divert the person I am writing to, without any ill

will on the subjects I mention." His letters are for the most part

those of a good-natured man.

It is not that he was above the foible--it was barely more than

that--of hatred. He did not trouble greatly about enemies of his own,

but he never could forgive the enemies of Sir Robert Walpole. His

ridicule of the Duke of Newcastle goes far beyond diversion. It is the

baiting of a mean and treacherous animal, whose teeth were "tumbling

out," and whose mouth was "tumbling in." He rejoices in the exposure of

the dribbling indignity of the Duke, as when he describes him going to

Court on becoming Prime Minister in 1754:

On Friday this august remnant of the Pelhams went to Court for the

first time. At the foot of the stairs he cried and sunk down; the

yeomen of the guard were forced to drag him up under the arms. When

the closet-door opened, he flung himself at his length at the King's

feet, sobbed, and cried, "God bless your Majesty God preserve your

Majesty!" and lay there howling and embracing the King's knees, with

one foot so extended that my Lord Coventry, who was _luckily_ in

waiting, and begged the standers-by to retire, with, "For God's sake,

gentlemen, don't look at a great man in distress!" endeavouring to

shut the door, caught his grace's foot, and made him roar with pain.

The caricature of the Duke is equally merciless in the description of

George II.'s funeral in the Abbey, in which the "burlesque Duke" is

introduced as comic relief into the solemn picture:

He fell into a fit of crying the moment he came into the chapel, and

flung himself back in a stall, the Archbishop hovering over him with

a smelling-bottle; but in two minutes his curiosity got the better of

his hypocrisy, and he ran about the chapel with his glass to spy who

was or was not there, spying with one hand and mopping his eyes with

the other. Then returned the fear of catching cold; and the Duke of

Cumberland, who was sinking with heat, felt himself weighed down, and

turning round found it was the Duke of Newcastle standing upon his

train to avoid the chill of the marble.

Walpole, indeed, broke through his habit of public decorum in his

persecution of the Duke; and he tells how on one occasion at a ball

at Bedford House he and Brand and George Selwyn plagued the pitiful

old creature, who "wriggled, and shuffled, and lisped, and winked, and

spied" his way through the company, with a conversation at his expense

carried on in stage whispers. There was never a more loyal son than

Horace Walpole. He offered up a Prime Minister daily as a sacrifice at

Sir Robert's tomb.

At the same time, his aversions were not always assumed as part of a

family inheritance. He had by temperament a small opinion of men and

women outside the circle of his affections. It was his first instinct

to disparage. He even described his great friend Madame du Deffand, at

the first time of meeting her, as "an old blind debauchée of wit." His

comments on the men of genius of his time are almost all written in a

vein of satirical intolerance. He spoke ill of Sterne and Dr. Johnson,

of Fielding and Richardson, of Boswell and Goldsmith. Goldsmith he

found "silly"; he was "an idiot with once or twice a fit of parts."

Boswell's _Tour of the Hebrides_ was "the story of a mountebank and

his zany." Walpole felt doubly justified in disliking Johnson owing

to the criticism of Gray in the _Lives of the Poets_. He would not

even, when Johnson died, subscribe to a monument. A circular letter

asking for a subscription was sent to him, signed by Burke, Boswell,

and Reynolds. "I would not deign to write an answer," Walpole told the

Miss Berrys, "but sent down word by my footman, as I would have done

to parish officers with a brief, that I would not subscribe." Walpole

does not appear in this incident the "sweet-tempered creature" he had

earlier claimed to be. His pose is that of a school-girl in a cutting

mood. At the same time his judgment of Johnson has an element of truth

in it. "Though he was good-natured at bottom," he said of him, "he was

very ill-natured at top." It has often been said of Walpole that, in

his attitude to contemporary men of genius, he was influenced mainly

by their position in society--that he regarded an author who was not a

gentleman as being necessarily an inferior author. This is hardly fair.

The contemporary of whom he thought most highly was Gray, the son of a

money broker. He did not spare Lady Mary Wortley Montagu any more than

Richardson. If he found an author offensive, it was more likely to be

owing to a fastidious distaste for low life than to an aristocratic

distaste for low birth; and to him Bohemianism was the lowest of low

life. It was certainly Fielding's Bohemianism that disgusted him. He

relates how two of his friends called on Fielding one evening and found

him "banqueting with a blind man, a woman, and three Irishmen, on some

cold mutton and a bone of ham, both in one dish, and the dirtiest

cloth." Horace Walpole's daintiness recoiled from the spirit of an

author who did not know how to sup decently. If he found Boswell's

_Johnson_ tedious, it was no doubt partly due to his inability to

reconcile himself to Johnson's table manners. It can hardly be denied

that he was unnaturally sensitive to surface impressions. He was a

great observer of manners, but not a great portrayer of character. He

knew men in their absurd actions rather than in their motives--even

their absurd motives. He never admits us into the springs of action in

his portraits as Saint-Simon does. He was too studied a believer in

the puppetry of men and women to make them more than ridiculous. And

unquestionably the vain race of authors lent itself admirably to his

love of caricature. His account of the vanity of Gibbon, whose history

he admired this side enthusiasm, shows how he delighted in playing with

an egoistic author as with a trout.

"So much," he concludes, "for literature and its fops." The comic

spirit leans to an under-estimate rather than an over-estimate of

human nature, and the airs the authors gave themselves were not only

a breach of his code, but an invitation to his contempt. "You know,"

he once wrote, "I shun authors, and would never have been one myself

if it obliged me to keep such bad company. They are always in earnest

and think their profession serious, and will dwell upon trifles and

reverence learning. I laugh at all these things, and write only

to laugh at them and divert myself. None of us are authors of any

consequence, and it is the most ridiculous of all vanities to be vain

of being _mediocre_." He followed the Chinese school of manners and

made light of his own writings. "What have I written," he asks, "that

was worth remembering, even by myself?" "It would be affected," he

tells Gray, "to say I am indifferent to fame. I certainly am not, but

I am indifferent to almost anything I have done to acquire it. The

greater part are mere compilations; and no wonder they are, as you say,

incorrect when they were commonly written with people in the room."

It is generally assumed that, in speaking lightly of himself, Walpole

was merely posturing. To me it seems that he was sincere enough. He

had a sense of greatness in literature, as is shown by his reverence

of Shakespeare, and he was too much of a realist not to see that his

own writings at their best were trifles beside the monuments of the

poets. He felt that he was doing little things in a little age. He was

diffident both for his times and for himself. So difficult do some

writers find it to believe that there was any deep genuineness in him

that they ask us to regard even his enthusiasm for great literature as

a pretence. They do not realise that the secret of his attraction for

us is that he was an enthusiast disguised as an eighteenth-century man

of fashion. His airs and graces were not the result of languor, but of

his pleasure in wearing a mask. He was quick, responsive, excitable,

and only withdrew into the similitude of a china figure, as Diogenes

into his tub, through philosophy. The truth is, the only dandies who

are tolerable are those whose dandyism is a cloak of reserve. Our

interest in character is largely an interest in contradictions of

this kind. The beau capable of breaking into excitement awakens our

curiosity, as does the conqueror stooping to a humane action, the

Puritan caught in the net of the senses, or the pacifist in a rage of

violence. The average man, whom one knows superficially, is a formula,

or seems to live the life of a formula. That is why we find him dull.

The characters who interest us in history and literature, on the other

hand, are perpetually giving the lie to the formulæ we invent, and are

bound to invent, for them. They give us pleasure not by confirming us,

but by surprising us. It seems to me absurd, then, to regard Walpole's

air of indifference as the only real thing about him and to question

his raptures. From his first travels among the Alps with Gray down to

his senile letters to Hannah More about the French Revolution, we see

him as a man almost hysterical in the intensity of his sensations,

whether of joy or of horror. He lived for his sensations like an

æsthete. He wrote of himself as "I, who am as constant at a fire as

George Selwyn at an execution." If he cared for the crownings of kings

and such occasions, it was because he took a childish delight in the

fireworks and illuminations.

He had the keen spirit of a masquerader. Masquerades, he declared,

were "one of my ancient passions," and we find him as an elderly man

dressing out "a thousand young Conways and Cholmondeleys" for an

entertainment of the kind, and going "with more pleasure to see them

pleased than when I formerly delighted in that diversion myself." He

was equally an enthusiast in his hobbies and his tastes. He rejoiced

to get back in May to Strawberry Hill, "where my two passions,

lilacs and nightingales, are in bloom." He could not have made his

collections or built his battlements in a mood of indifference. In

his love of mediæval ruins he showed himself a Goth-intoxicated man.

As for Strawberry Hill itself, the result may have been a ridiculous

mouse, but it took a mountain of enthusiasm to produce it. Walpole's

own description of his house and its surroundings has an exquisite

charm that almost makes one love the place as he did. "It is a little

plaything house," he told Conway, "that I got out of Mrs. Chenevix's

shop, and is the prettiest bauble you ever saw. It is set in enamelled

meadows, with filigree hedges:

A small Euphrates through the piece is roll'd,

And little finches wave their wings in gold."

He goes on to decorate the theme with comic and fanciful properties:

Two delightful roads that you would call dusty supply me continually

with coaches and chaises; barges as solemn as barons of the exchequer

move under my window; Richmond Hill and Ham-walks bound my prospect;

but, thank God, the Thames is between me and the Duchess of

Queensberry. Dowagers as plenty as flounders inhabit all around, and

Pope's ghost is just now skimming under my window by a most poetical

moonlight. I have about land enough to keep such a farm as Noah's

when he set up in the Ark with a pair of each kind.

It is in the spirit of a child throwing its whole imagination into

playing with a Noah's Ark that he describes his queer house. It is

in this spirit that he sees the fields around his house "speckled

with cows, horses, and sheep." The very phrase suggests toy animals.

Walpole himself declared at the age of seventy-three: "My best wisdom

has consisted in forming a baby-house full of playthings for my second

childhood." That explains why one almost loves the creature. Macaulay

has severely censured him for devoting himself to the collection of

knick-knacks, such as King William III.'s spurs, and it is apparently

impossible to defend Walpole as a collector to be taken seriously.

Walpole, however, collected things in a mood of fantasy as much as

of connoisseurship. He did not take himself quite seriously. It was

fancy, not connoisseurship, that made him hang up Magna Charta beside

his bed and, opposite it, the Warrant for the execution of King

Charles I., on which he had written "Major Charta." Who can question

the fantastic quality of the mind that wrote to Conway: "Remember,

neither Lady Salisbury nor you, nor Mrs. Damer, have seen my new divine

closet, nor the billiard-sticks with which the Countess of Pembroke

and Arcadia used to play with her brother, Sir Philip," and ended: "I

never did see Cotchel, and am sorry. Is not the old wardrobe there

still? There was one from the time of Cain, but Adam's breeches and

Eve's under-petticoat were eaten by a goat in the ark. Good night." He

laughed over the knick-knacks he collected for himself and his friends.

"As to snuff-boxes and tooth-pick cases," he wrote to the Countess of

Ossory from Paris in 1771, "the vintage has entirely failed this year."

Everything that he turned his mind to in Strawberry Hill he regarded

in the same spirit of comic delight. He stood outside himself, like a

spectator, and nothing gave him more pleasure than to figure himself

as a master of the ceremonies among the bantams, and the squirrels and

the goldfish. In one of his letters he describes himself and Bentley

fishing in the pond for goldfish with "nothing but a pail and a basin

and a tea-strainer, which I persuade my neighbours is the Chinese

method." This was in order to capture some of the fish for Bentley, who

"carried a dozen to town t'other day in a decanter."

Among the various creatures with which he loved to surround himself,

it is impossible to forget either the little black spaniel, Tony, that

the wolf carried off near a wood in the Alps during his first travels,

or the more imperious little dog, Tonton, which he has constantly to

prevent from biting people at Madame du Deffand's, but which with

Madame du Deffand herself "grows the greater favourite the more people

he devours." "T'other night," writes Walpole, to whom Madame du Deffand

afterwards bequeathed the dog in her will, "he flew at Lady Barrymore's

face, and I thought would have torn her eye out, but it ended in biting

her finger. She was terrified; she fell into tears. Madame du Deffand,

who has too much parts not to see everything in its true light,

perceiving that she had not beaten Tonton half enough, immediately

told us a story of a lady whose dog having bitten a piece out of a

gentleman's leg, the tender dame, in a great fright, cried out, 'Won't

it make him sick?'" In the most attractive accounts we possess of

Walpole in his old age, we see him seated at the breakfast-table,

drinking tea out of "most rare and precious ancient porcelain of

Japan," and sharing the loaf and butter with Tonton (now grown almost

too fat to move, and spread on a sofa beside him), and afterwards going

to the window with a basin of bread and milk to throw to the squirrels

in the garden.

The London Mercury, Vol. I, Nos. 1-6, November 1919 to April 1920 · 第 6 / 95 段