CHAPTER XXVIII.

DEPRECIATION OF THE CURRENCY.--INTRODUCTION OF THE

SPINNING-JENNY.--BITTER OPPOSITION TO THE FEDERAL UNION.--RHODE

ISLAND FINALLY ACCEPTS THE CONSTITUTION.

The question of finance meets us at every turn, and in every phase

bears fatal witness to the demoralizing effects of paper money

unsustained by hard money capital. At the Spring election of 1786,

the triumph of the paper money party was complete. A new bank was

established of a hundred thousand pounds. And soon a Forcing Act became

necessary to give the bills currency under heavy penalties. A complete

stagnation of business presently followed. The old hostility between

town and country revived. Commerce was suspended. Shops were closed.

The farmers who had mortgaged their farms for the bills, found that

they had got nothing but bits of paper in return for fruitful acres.

To retaliate upon the tradesmen they refused to bring their produce to

market. The necessaries of life fell short and much suffering ensued.

In Providence a town meeting was held to devise a remedy, and it was

resolved that the farmers should be left to make their own bargains,

and that to relieve the immediate demand five hundred dollars should

be borrowed and sent abroad to buy corn for the sufferers. At Newport

an attempt was made to force the bills upon the grain dealers, which

led to a riot. At a meeting in South Kingstown farmers were advised to

break off their intercourse with the merchants.

A convention of the country towns of Providence County was held at

Scituate and adjourned to meet the State convention at East Greenwich.

Sixteen towns were represented and resolved "to support the acts of the

General Assembly," and enforce the penal acts in favor of paper money.

Providence was represented by five of its best and most popular men,

but they were powerless against the torrent.

When the question came before the Assembly a new Forcing Act was

passed, in which the right to trial by jury was withheld and all the

common forms of justice violated. The protest of the indignant minority

was refused a place on the records; and pushing their recklessness

to the utmost, the triumphant majority enacted that the arrears of

Continental taxes might be paid in the new bills, and proposed a system

by which all trade was to be carried on by a committee in the name

of the State. This, however, was a step too far even for these wild

schemers, and when the Force Act was brought to trial, it was condemned

by a full bench as unconstitutional.

But the Assembly persevered, summoned the judges to answer fofr their

interference, and under the name of Test Act passed a new Forcing

Act more outrageous than the last. It was something like a pause in

this reckless career that the new act was referred to the towns for

discussion. Only three towns accepted it. An attempt at conciliation

failed.

The lowest deep of financial degredation was reached when the treasurer

was ordered to pay one-fourth part of the State debt in the bills

received for taxes. Never had party spirit assumed so dangerous a form.

Among the bad doings of the Assembly was the resumption of the charter

of Newport.

It was at this critical moment, when rents were paid in corn and trade

seemed about to return to its original form of barter, that the first

spinning-jenny in the United States was constructed by Daniel Jackson,

of Providence, and the foundations of Rhode Island's manufacturing

prosperity securely laid. History is full of compensations.

We reach the beginning of a still greater struggle. The convention

that was to transform the Confederation into a Union was to meet in

May. Should Rhode Island be represented in it? Those who had faith in

the Confederation, and there were many such, believed that with some

amendments it might be made to answer all the purposes of a stable

government. Those who were more impressed with its weakness called

for a thorough and radical change. The first, who in the sequel were

known as States Rights men, were also the advocates of paper money. The

second, the Federalists of a later day, were in favor of hard money.

The motion to send delegates was lost, and another step taken towards

repudiation. "All holders of State securities were required to present

them to the treasurer within six weeks and receive five shillings in

the pound thereupon, or to forfeit that amount, and interest was to

cease immediately upon the rising of the Assembly. The paper was now

passing at the rate of six dollars in paper for one in silver." Never

had the honor of the State been so imperilled. Fortunately, though, the

Assembly was divided, the courts were firm, and it was only by removing

four judges out of five that a decision in favor of paper payments

was obtained. Meanwhile the bills continued to fall, and soon reached

eight for one. But the moral sense of the community was not altogether

stifled. Some churches refused to receive as communicants men who paid

their debts in paper.

But soon all questions became absorbed in the question of the

acceptance or rejection of the Convention. In the Senate it was voted

to send delegates, but the bill was lost in the House, whose action

was defended by a State Rights letter, setting forth the doctrine of

popular sovereignty and "the entire subserviency of the legislature

to the public will." None but the people could send delegates to a

convention.

Meanwhile, the Convention, with Washington at its head, and Franklin,

Hamilton and Madison among its working members, had reached the end

of its arduous labors. The next step was to submit it to the people.

The Assembly met and a bill was introduced for printing it for

distribution, and appointing delegates as recommended by the Convention

itself. The last was voted down by a large majority. The fruit was not

yet ripe. But a resolve to print a thousand copies for distribution was

agreed to, and thus the question was brought squarely before the people.

And now for three years it was the chief question in all public

meetings, and was sure to come in either directly or indirectly

wherever two or three met together for business or for pleasure. The

merchants accepted it cheerfully, for they saw progress and development

and protection in it. But it was opposed by the farmers, who saw in it

a sacrifice of the rights of the State. Rhode Island had stood alone

so long, had been so firm and self-reliant through the dark days of

her long contest with Massachusetts and Connecticut, that she failed

to see how completely the relations of the colonies to each other were

changed, when from colonies they became states. There was no place for

independent states in the domain occupied by a Federal Union.

The first to accept the Constitution was Delaware. Pennsylvania came

next, and then New Jersey. The opening of 1788 was marked by the

accession of Georgia. Connecticut followed close. In Massachusetts

the contest was long and bitter. In June New Hampshire gave in her

adherence.

We have seen in what a dark hour Rhode Island first turned her

attention to cotton spinning. In this hour of even deeper gloom she

first opened a direct trade with India. About the same time a rolling

and a slitting-mill was established near Providence. Women of all

classes met together to spin flax, and men of all classes took pride in

wearing homespun. Nor was the promise of navigation less. Providence

already counted a hundred and ten sail in her waters, exclusive of

river craft. In spite of all her errors her faith in the future was

unimpaired.

Meanwhile the contest continued. Town was arrayed against country, the

States Rights men still holding the majority in the Assembly, although

in Providence the Federalists were strongest. The tidings of New

Hampshire's acceptance was received with exultation. The Constitution

was sure. In Providence it was resolved to unite the celebration of the

Fourth of July with that of the completion of the National Union. The

States Rights men took this for an intentional insult and marched upon

the town. Nothing but the good sense of the leaders prevented a bloody

collision. The rejoicings it was agreed, were for the Declaration of

Independence, not for the Declaration of the Union. Then from five to

six thousand people sat down in a tent a thousand feet long to feast

upon a sumptuous banquet, the most attractive part of which was an ox

roasted whole. On the very next day came tidings from Virginia. She

also had accepted the Constitution. New York followed and then North

Carolina, and the warmest enthusiasm welcomed each new declaration of

acceptance. But a bitter party spirit still held Rhode Island back.

Thus month followed month. New assemblies and new town meetings came

together and fought over the same ground. In all the other states

of the old thirteen the Constitution had been accepted, and was in

successful operation. It was clear that Rhode Island could not long

preserve her insulation. She was already compelled to ask vital favors

of the Union, and petition Congress to exempt her commerce from paying

duties in Union ports. For a while Congress bore with her and granted

her prayer. Slowly but surely the decisive day drew nigh. All the

artifices of parliamentary tactics were brought into play. In the midst

of intense excitement and by the casting vote of Governor Collins, it

was decided on the Sabbath morning of January 17th, 1790, to call a

convention. But even in the convention the friends of the Constitution

were in a minority. The familiar ground was to be fought over again

with no less bitterness than in the beginning. Loud murmurs came from

Congress. Shall this little strip of land prevent us from completing

a union so full of promise? Louder still were the murmurs from the

seats of commerce--Providence and Newport. We will break away from

these impracticable men and go into the Union alone with our ships and

our spinning-jennies. A coalition ticket was formed. So great was the

eager crowd, in which each man had his opinion, that the State House

was found too small to hold them, and the convention was compelled

to adjourn to the Second Baptist Church. It still took three days

more before a vote was reached; and then, at five o'clock of Saturday

afternoon, on the 29th of May, 1790, Rhode Island declared her adhesion

to the Union.

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