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The New York Times
CURRENT HISTORY
A Monthly Magazine
THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOLUME II
April, 1915-September, 1915
With Index
Number I, April 1915
[Illustration: [logo] THE N.Y. TIMES]
New York
The New York Times Company
1915
CONTENTS
NUMBER I. APRIL, 1915.
Page
GERMANY'S WAR ZONE AND NEUTRAL FLAGS 1
The German Decree and Interchange of Notes
GERMANY'S SUBMARINE WAR (With Map) 20
GERMAN PEOPLE NOT BLINDED 22
By Karl Lamprecht
REVEILLE 24
By John Galsworthy
CAN GERMANY BE STARVED OUT? 25
An Answer by Sixteen German Specialists
HOCH DER KAISER (Poem) 28
By George Davies
THE SUBMARINE OF 1578 29
THE TORPEDO (Poem) 30
By Katherine D.M. Simons, Jr.
"GOD PUNISH ENGLAND, BROTHER" 31
A New Hymn of Germany's Gospel of Hatred
THE GREAT HOUR (Poem) 32
By Hermann Sudermann
THE PEACE OF THE WORLD 33
By H.G. Wells
ZEPPELIN RAIDS ON LONDON (With Map) 46
By the Naval Correspondent of The London Times
JULIUS CAESAR ON THE AISNE 48
SIR JOHN FRENCH'S OWN STORY (With Map) 49
Continuing the Famous Dispatches of the British Commander
THE CATHEDRAL OF RHEIMS 60
By Emile Verhaeren
MUSIC OF WAR 61
By Rudyard Kipling
AMERICA AND A NEW WORLD STATE 63
By Norman Angell
SIR CHRISTOPHER CRADOCK (Poem) 84
By John E. Dolson
BATTLE OF THE SUEZ CANAL (With Map) 85
First-hand Account of the Turkish Invasion
A FULL-FLEDGED SOCIALIST STATE 89
By J. Laurence Laughlin
LETTERS FROM WIVES 92
"WAR CHILDREN" 92
NO PREMATURE PEACE FOR RUSSIA 93
Proceedings at Opening of the Duma, Feb. 9
TO THE VICTOR BELONG THE SPOILS (Poem) 96
By Madeleine Lucette Ryley
LESSONS OF THE WAR TO MARCH NINTH 97
By Charles W. Eliot
BELGIUM'S KING AND QUEEN 100
By Paul Hervieu
THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS 101
THE CHANCES OF PEACE AND THE PROBLEM OF POLAND (With Map) 123
By J. Ellis Barker
THE REDEMPTION OF EUROPE (Poem) 128
By Alfred Noyes
GERMANY WILL END THE WAR 129
By Maximilian Harden
LOUVAIN'S NEW STREETS 133
THE STATE OF HOLLAND 134
By Hendrik Willem van Loon
HUNGARY AFTER THE WAR (With Map) 137
By a Correspondent of The London Times
THE WATCHERS OF THE TROAD (Poem) 139
By Harry Lyman Koopman
THE UNION OF CENTRAL EUROPE 140
By Franz von Liszt
TWO POOR LITTLE BELGIAN FLEDGLINGS 143
By Pierre Loti
WHAT THE GERMANS DESIRE 144
By Gustaf Sioesteen
ADDRESS TO KING ALBERT OF BELGIUM 147
By Emile Verhaeren
FORESHADOWING A NEW PHASE OF WAR 148
By Lloyd George, British Chancellor of the Exchequer
BRITAIN'S UNSHEATHED SWORD 153
By H.H. Asquith, England's Prime Minister
SWEDEN'S SCANDINAVIAN LEADERSHIP (With Map) 160
By a Swedish Political Expert
FROM ENGLAND (Poem) 164
By Maurice Hewlett
WAR CORRESPONDENCE 165
THE DRAGON'S TEETH (Poem) 181
By Caroline Duer
THE GREATEST OF CAMPAIGNS (With Map) 182
The French Official Account
BY THE NORTH SEA (Poem) 185
By W.L. Courtney
WHEN MARTHE CHENAL SANG THE "MARSEILLAISE" 187
By Wythe Williams
A WAR OF COMMERCE TO FOLLOW 189
By Sir William Ramsay
BELGIUM (Poem) 192
By Edith Wharton
DESIRED PEACE TERMS FOR EUROPE 193
By Proponents for the Allies and for Germany
THE BRITISH VOLUNTEERS (Poem) 195
By Katherine D.M. Simons, Jr.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE WAR 196
[Illustration: H.M. HUSSEIN KEMAL
The New Sultan of Egypt, Which Was Recently Declared a British
Protectorate]
[Illustration: THE RUSSIAN ROYAL FAMILY
The Children of the Czar Have Inherited the Regal Beauty of Their Mother
(Photo from Paul Thompson)]
The New York Times
CURRENT HISTORY
A MONTHLY MAGAZINE
THE EUROPEAN WAR
APRIL, 1915
Germany's War Zone and Neutral Flags
The German Decree and Interchange of Notes Answering American Protests
to Germany and Britain
_BERLIN, Feb. 4, (by wireless to Sayville, L.I.)--The German
Admiralty today issued the following communication:_
The waters around Great Britain and Ireland, including the whole English
Channel, are declared a war zone on and after Feb. 18, 1915.
Every enemy merchant ship found in this war zone will be destroyed, even
if it is impossible to avert dangers which threaten the crew and
passengers.
Also neutral ships in the war zone are in danger, as in consequence of
the misuse of neutral flags ordered by the British Government on Jan.
31, and in view of the hazards of naval warfare, it cannot always be
avoided that attacks meant for enemy ships endanger neutral ships.
Shipping northward, around the Shetland Islands, in the eastern basin of
the North Sea, and a strip of at least thirty nautical miles in breadth
along the Dutch coast, is endangered in the same way.
AMERICAN NOTE TO GERMANY.
Feb. 10, 1915.
_The Secretary of State has instructed Ambassador Gerard at Berlin to
present to the German Government a note to the following effect:_
The Government of the United States, having had its attention directed
to the proclamation of the German Admiralty, issued on the 4th of
February, that the waters surrounding Great Britain and Ireland,
including the whole of the English Channel, are to be considered as
comprised within the seat of war; that all enemy merchant vessels found
in those waters after the 18th inst. will be destroyed, although it may
not always be possible to save crews and passengers; and that neutral
vessels expose themselves to danger within this zone of war because, in
view of the misuse of neutral flags said to have been ordered by the
British Government on the 31st of January and of the contingencies of
maritime warfare, it may not be possible always to exempt neutral
vessels from attacks intended to strike enemy ships, feels it to be its
duty to call the attention of the Imperial German Government, with
sincere respect and the most friendly sentiments, but very candidly and
earnestly, to the very serious possibilities of the course of action
apparently contemplated under that proclamation.
The Government of the United States views those possibilities with such
grave concern that it feels it to be its privilege, and, indeed, its
duty, in the circumstances to request the Imperial German Government to
consider before action is taken the critical situation in respect of the
relation between this country and Germany which might arise were the
German naval forces, in carrying out the policy foreshadowed in the
Admiralty's proclamation, to destroy any merchant vessel of the United
States or cause the death of American citizens.
It is, of course, not necessary to remind the German Government that the
sole right of a belligerent in dealing with neutral vessels on the high
seas is limited to visit and search, unless a blockade is proclaimed and
effectively maintained, which this Government does not understand to be
proposed in this case. To declare or exercise a right to attack and
destroy any vessel entering a prescribed area of the high seas without
first certainly determining its belligerent nationality and the
contraband character of its cargo would be an act so unprecedented in
naval warfare that this Government is reluctant to believe that the
Imperial Government of Germany in this case contemplates it as possible.
The suspicion that enemy ships are using neutral flags improperly can
create no just presumption that all ships traversing a prescribed area
are subject to the same suspicion. It is to determine exactly such
questions that this Government understands the right of visit and search
to have been recognized.
This Government has carefully noted the explanatory statement issued by
the Imperial German Government at the same time with the proclamation of
the German Admiralty, and takes this occasion to remind the Imperial
German Government very respectfully that the Government of the United
States is open to none of the criticisms for unneutral action to which
the German Government believes the Governments of certain other neutral
nations have laid themselves open; that the Government of the United
States has not consented to or acquiesced in any measures which may have
been taken by the other belligerent nations in the present war which
operate to restrain neutral trade, but has, on the contrary, taken in
all such matters a position which warrants it in holding those
Governments responsible in the proper way for any untoward effects on
American shipping which the accepted principles of international law do
not justify; and that it, therefore, regards itself as free in the
present instance to take with a clear conscience and upon accepted
principles the position indicated in this note.
If the commanders of German vessels of war should act upon the
presumption that the flag of the United States was not being used in
good faith and should destroy on the high seas an American vessel or the
lives of American citizens, it would be difficult for the Government of
the United States to view the act in any other light than as an
indefensible violation of neutral rights, which it would be very hard,
indeed, to reconcile with the friendly relations now happily subsisting
between the two Governments.
If such a deplorable situation should arise, the Imperial German
Government can readily appreciate that the Government of the United
States would be constrained to hold the Imperial Government of Germany
to a strict accountability for such acts of their naval authorities, and
to take any steps it might be necessary to take to safeguard American
lives and property and to secure to American citizens the full enjoyment
of their acknowledged rights on the high seas.
The Government of the United States, in view of these considerations,
which it urges with the greatest respect and with the sincere purpose of
making sure that no misunderstandings may arise, and no circumstances
occur, that might even cloud the intercourse of the two Governments,
expresses the confident hope and expectation that the Imperial German
Government can and will give assurance that American citizens and their
vessels will not be molested by the naval forces of Germany otherwise
than by visit and search, though their vessels may be traversing the sea
area delimited in the proclamation of the German Admiralty. It is stated
for the information of the Imperial Government that representations have
been made to his Britannic Majesty's Government in respect to the
unwarranted use of the American flag for the protection of British
ships.
AMERICAN NOTE TO ENGLAND.
Feb. 10, 1915.
_The Secretary of State has instructed Ambassador Page at London to
present to the British Government a note to the following effect:_
The department has been advised of the declaration of the German
Admiralty on Feb. 4, indicating that the British Government had on Jan.
31 explicitly authorized the use of neutral flags on British merchant
vessels, presumably for the purpose of avoiding recognition by German
naval forces. The department's attention has also been directed to
reports in the press that the Captain of the Lusitania, acting upon
orders or information received from the British authorities, raised the
American flag as his vessel approached the British coasts, in order to
escape anticipated attacks by German submarines. Today's press reports
also contain an alleged official statement of the Foreign Office
defending the use of the flag of a neutral country by a belligerent
vessel in order to escape capture or attack by an enemy.
Assuming that the foregoing reports are true, the Government of the
United States, reserving for future consideration the legality and
propriety of the deceptive use of the flag of a neutral power in any
case for the purpose of avoiding capture, desires very respectfully to
point out to his Britannic Majesty's Government the serious consequences
which may result to American vessels and American citizens if this
practice is continued.
The occasional use of the flag of a neutral or an enemy under the stress
of immediate pursuit and to deceive an approaching enemy, which appears
by the press reports to be represented as the precedent and
justification used to support this action, seems to this Government a
very different thing from an explicit sanction by a belligerent
Government for its merchant ships generally to fly the flag of a neutral
power within certain portions of the high seas which are presumed to be
frequented with hostile warships. The formal declaration of such a
policy of general misuse of a neutral's flag jeopardizes the vessels of
the neutral visiting those waters in a peculiar degree by raising the
presumption that they are of belligerent nationality regardless of the
flag which they may carry.
In view of the announced purpose of the German Admiralty to engage in
active naval operations in certain delimited sea areas adjacent to the
coasts of Great Britain and Ireland, the Government of the United States
would view with anxious solicitude any general use of the flag of the
United States by British vessels traversing those waters. A policy such
as the one which his Majesty's Government is said to intend to adopt
would, if the declaration of the German Admiralty be put in force, it
seems clear, afford no protection to British vessels, while it would be
a serious and constant menace to the lives and vessels of American
citizens.
The Government of the United States, therefore, trusts that his
Majesty's Government will do all in their power to restrain vessels of
British nationality in the deceptive use of the United States flag in
the sea area defined by the German declaration, since such practice
would greatly endanger the vessels of a friendly power navigating those
waters and would even seem to impose upon the Government of Great
Britain a measure of responsibility for the loss of American lives and
vessels in case of an attack by a German naval force.
You will impress upon his Majesty's Government the grave concern which
this Government feels in the circumstances in regard to the safety of
American vessels and lives in the war zone declared by the German
Admiralty.
You may add that this Government is making earnest representations to
the German Government in regard to the danger to American vessels and
citizens if the declaration of the German Admiralty is put into effect.
GERMANY'S ANSWER.
_BERLIN, (via London,) Feb. 18.--German Government's reply to the
American note follows:_
The Imperial Government has examined the communication from the United
States Government in the same spirit of good-will and friendship by
which the communication appears to have been dictated. The Imperial
Government is in accord with the United States Government that for both
parties it is in a high degree desirable to avoid misunderstandings
which might arise from measures announced by the German Admiralty and to
provide against the occurrence of incidents which might trouble the
friendly relations which so far happily exist between the two
Governments.
With regard to the assuring of these friendly relations, the German
Government believes that it may all the more reckon on a full
understanding with the United States, as the procedure announced by the
German Admiralty, which was fully explained in the note of the 4th
inst., is in no way directed against legitimate commerce and legitimate
shipping of neutrals, but represents solely a measure of self-defense,
imposed on Germany by her vital interests, against England's method of
warfare, which is contrary to international law, and which so far no
protest by neutrals has succeeded in bringing back to the generally
recognized principles of law as existing before the outbreak of war.
In order to exclude all doubt regarding these cardinal points, the
German Government once more begs leave to state how things stand. Until
now Germany has scrupulously observed valid international rules
regarding naval warfare. At the very beginning of the war Germany
immediately agreed to the proposal of the American Government to ratify
the new Declaration of London, and took over its contents unaltered, and
without formal obligation, into her prize law.
The German Government has obeyed these rules, even when they were
diametrically opposed to her military interests. For instance, Germany
allowed the transportation of provisions to England from Denmark until
today, though she was well able, by her sea forces, to prevent it. In
contradistinction to this attitude, England has not even hesitated at a
second infringement of international law, if by such means she could
paralyze the peaceful commerce of Germany with neutrals. The German
Government will be the less obliged to enter into details, as these are
put down sufficiently, though not exhaustively, in the American note to
the British Government dated Dec. 29, as a result of five months'
experience.
All these encroachments have been made, as has been admitted, in order
to cut off all supplies from Germany and thereby starve her peaceful
civil population--a procedure contrary to all humanitarian principles.
Neutrals have been unable to prevent the interruption of their commerce
with Germany, which is contrary to international laws.
The American Government, as Germany readily acknowledges, has protested
against the British procedure. In spite of these protests and protests
from other neutral States, Great Britain could not be induced to depart
from the course of action she had decided upon. Thus, for instance, the
American ship Wilhelmina recently was stopped by the British, although
her cargo was destined solely for the German civil population, and,
according to the express declaration of the German Government, was to be
employed only for this purpose.
Germany is as good as cut off from her overseas supply by the silent or
protesting toleration of neutrals, not only in regard to such goods as
are absolute contraband, but also in regard to such as, according to
acknowledged law before the war, are only conditional contraband or not
contraband at all. Great Britain, on the other hand, is, with the
toleration of neutral Governments, not only supplied with such goods as
are not contraband or only conditional contraband, but with goods which
are regarded by Great Britain, if sent to Germany, as absolute
contraband, namely, provisions, industrial raw materials, &c., and even
with goods which have always indubitably been regarded as absolute
contraband.
The German Government feels itself obliged to point out with the
greatest emphasis that a traffic in arms, estimated at many hundreds of
millions, is being carried on between American firms and Germany's
enemies. Germany fully comprehends that the practice of right and the
toleration of wrong on the part of neutrals are matters absolutely at
the discretion of neutrals, and involve no formal violation of
neutrality. Germany, therefore, did not complain of any formal violation
of neutrality, but the German Government, in view of complete evidence
before it, cannot help pointing out that it, together with the entire
public opinion of Germany, feels itself to be severely prejudiced by the
fact that neutrals, in safeguarding their rights in legitimate commerce
with Germany according to international law, have up to the present
achieved no, or only insignificant, results, while they are making
unlimited use of their right by carrying on contraband traffic with
Great Britain and our other enemies.
If it is a formal right of neutrals to take no steps to protect their
legitimate trade with Germany, and even to allow themselves to be
influenced in the direction of the conscious and willful restriction of
their trade, on the other hand, they have the perfect right, which they
unfortunately do not exercise, to cease contraband trade, especially in
arms, with Germany's enemies.
In view of this situation, Germany, after six months of patient
waiting, sees herself obliged to answer Great Britain's murderous method
of naval warfare with sharp counter-measures. If Great Britain in her
fight against Germany summons hunger as an ally, for the purpose of
imposing upon a civilized people of 70,000,000 the choice between
destitution and starvation or submission to Great Britain's commercial
will, then Germany today is determined to take up the gauntlet and
appeal to similar allies.
Germany trusts that the neutrals, who so far have submitted to the
disadvantageous consequences of Great Britain's hunger war in silence,
or merely in registering a protest, will display toward Germany no
smaller measure of toleration, even if German measures, like those of
Great Britain, present new terrors of naval warfare.
Moreover, the German Government is resolved to suppress with all the
means at its disposal the importation of war material to Great Britain
and her allies, and she takes it for granted that neutral Governments,
which so far have taken no steps against the traffic in arms with
Germany's enemies, will not oppose forcible suppression by Germany of
this trade.
Acting from this point of view, the German Admiralty proclaimed a naval
war zone, whose limits it exactly defined. Germany, so far as possible,
will seek to close this war zone with mines, and will also endeavor to
destroy hostile merchant vessels in every other way. While the German
Government, in taking action based upon this overpowering point of view,
keeps itself far removed from all intentional destruction of neutral
lives and property, on the other hand, it does not fail to recognize
that from the action to be taken against Great Britain dangers arise
which threaten all trade within the war zone, without distinction. This
a natural result of mine warfare, which, even under the strictest
observance of the limits of international law, endangers every ship
approaching the mine area. The German Government considers itself
entitled to hope that all neutrals will acquiesce in these measures, as
they have done in the case of the grievous damages inflicted upon them
by British measures, all the more so as Germany is resolved, for the
protection of neutral shipping even in the naval war zone, to do
everything which is at all compatible with the attainment of this
object.
In view of the fact that Germany gave the first proof of her good-will
in fixing a time limit of not less than fourteen days before the
execution of said measures, so that neutral shipping might have an
opportunity of making arrangements to avoid threatening danger, this can
most surely be achieved by remaining away from the naval war zone.
Neutral vessels which, despite this ample notice, which greatly affects
the achievement of our aims in our war against Great Britain, enter
these closed waters will themselves bear the responsibility for any
unfortunate accidents that may occur. Germany disclaims all
responsibility for such accidents and their consequences.
Germany has further expressly announced the destruction of all enemy
merchant vessels found within the war zone, but not the destruction of
all merchant vessels, as the United States seems erroneously to have
understood. This restriction which Germany imposes upon itself is
prejudicial to the aim of our warfare, especially as in the application
of the conception of contraband practiced by Great Britain toward
Germany--which conception will now also be similarly interpreted by
Germany--the presumption will be that neutral ships have contraband
aboard. Germany naturally is unwilling to renounce its rights to
ascertain the presence of contraband in neutral vessels, and in certain
cases to draw conclusions therefrom.
Germany is ready, finally, to deliberate with the United States
concerning any measures which might secure the safety of legitimate
shipping of neutrals in the war zone. Germany cannot, however, forbear
to point out that all its efforts in this direction may be rendered very
difficult by two circumstances: First, the misuse of neutral flags by
British merchant vessels, which is indubitably known to the United
States; second, the contraband trade already mentioned, especially in
war materials, on neutral vessels.
Regarding the latter point, Germany would fain hope that the United
States, after further consideration, will come to a conclusion
corresponding to the spirit of real neutrality. Regarding the first
point, the secret order of the British Admiralty, recommending to
British merchant ships the use of neutral flags, has been communicated
by Germany to the United States and confirmed by communication with the
British Foreign Office, which designates this procedure as entirely
unobjectionable and in accordance with British law. British merchant
shipping immediately followed this advice, as doubtless is known to the
American Government from the incidents of the Lusitania and the Laertes.
Moreover, the British Government has supplied arms to British merchant
ships and instructed them forcibly to resist German submarines. In these
circumstances, it would be very difficult for submarines to recognize
neutral merchant ships, for search in most cases cannot be undertaken,
seeing that in the case of a disguised British ship from which an attack
may be expected the searching party and the submarine would be exposed
to destruction.
Great Britain, then, was in a position to make the German measures
illusory if the British merchant fleet persisted in the misuse of
neutral flags and neutral ships could not otherwise be recognized beyond
doubt. Germany, however, being in a state of necessity, wherein she was
placed by violation of law, must render effective her measures in all
circumstances, in order thereby to compel her adversary to adopt methods
of warfare corresponding with international law, and so to restore the
freedom of the seas, of which Germany at all times is the defender and
for which she today is fighting.
Germany therefore rejoices that the United States has made
representations to Great Britain concerning the illegal use of their
flag, and expresses the expectation that this procedure will force
Great Britain to respect the American flag in the future. In this
expectation, commanders of German submarines have been instructed, as
already mentioned in the note of Feb. 4, to refrain from violent action
against American merchant vessels, so far as these can be recognized.
In order to prevent in the surest manner the consequences of
confusion--though naturally not so far as mines are concerned--Germany
recommends that the United States make its ships which are conveying
peaceful cargoes through the British war zone discernible by means of
convoys.
Germany believes it may act on the supposition that only such ships
would be convoyed as carried goods not regarded as contraband according
to the British interpretation made in the case of Germany.
How this method of convoy can be carried out is a question concerning
which Germany is ready to open negotiations with the United States as
soon as possible. Germany would be particularly grateful, however, if
the United States would urgently recommend to its merchant vessels to
avoid the British naval war zone, in any case until the settlement of
the flag question. Germany is inclined to the confident hope that the
United States will be able to appreciate in its entire significance the
heavy battle which Germany is waging for existence, and that from the
foregoing explanations and promises it will acquire full understanding
of the motives and the aims of the measures announced by Germany.
Germany repeats that it has now resolved upon the projected measures
only under the strongest necessity of national self-defense, such
measures having been deferred out of consideration for neutrals.
If the United States, in view of the weight which it is justified in
throwing and able to throw into the scales of the fate of peoples,
should succeed at the last moment in removing the grounds which make
that procedure an obligatory duty for Germany, and if the American
Government, in particular, should find a way to make the Declaration of
London respected--on behalf, also, of those powers which are fighting on
Germany's side--and there by make possible for Germany legitimate
importation of the necessaries of life and industrial raw material, then
the German Government could not too highly appreciate such a service,
rendered in the interests of humane methods of warfare, and would gladly
draw conclusions from the new situation.
BRITAIN'S ANSWER.
_LONDON, Feb. 19.--The full text of Great Britain's note regarding the
flag, as handed to the American Ambassador, follows:_
The memorandum communicated on the 11th of February calls attention in
courteous and friendly terms to the action of the Captain of the British
steamer Lusitania in raising the flag of the United States of America
when approaching British waters, and says that the Government of the
United States feels certain anxiety in considering the possibility of
any general use of the flag of the United States by British vessels
traversing those waters, since the effect of such a policy might be to
bring about a menace to the lives and vessels of United States citizens.
It was understood that the German Government announced their intention
of sinking British merchant vessels at sight by torpedoes, without
giving any opportunity of making any provision for the saving of the
lives of non-combatant crews and passengers. It was in consequence of
this threat that the Lusitania raised the United States flag on her
inward voyage.
On her subsequent outward voyage a request was made by United States
passengers, who were embarking on board of her, that the United States
flag should be hoisted presumably to insure their safety. Meanwhile, the
memorandum from your Excellency had been received. His Majesty's
Government did not give any advice to the company as to how to meet this
request, and it understood that the Lusitania left Liverpool under the
British flag.
It seems unnecessary to say more as regards the Lusitania in particular.
In regard to the use of foreign flags by merchant vessels, the British
Merchant Shipping act makes it clear that the use of the British flag by
foreign merchant vessels is permitted in time of war for the purpose of
escaping capture. It is believed that in the case of some other nations
there is similar recognition of the same practice with regard to their
flag, and that none of them has forbidden it.
It would, therefore, be unreasonable to expect his Majesty's Government
to pass legislation forbidding the use of foreign flags by British
merchant vessels to avoid capture by the enemy, now that the German
Government have announced their intention to sink merchant vessels at
sight with their non-combatant crews, cargoes, and papers, a proceeding
hitherto regarded by the opinion of the world not as war, but piracy.
It is felt that the United States Government could not fairly ask the
British Government to order British merchant vessels to forgo a means,
always hitherto permitted, of escaping not only capture but the much
worse fate of sinking and destruction.
Great Britain always has, when a neutral, accorded to vessels of other
States at war the liberty to use the British flag as a means of
protection against capture, and instances are on record when United
States vessels availed themselves of this facility during the American
civil war. It would be contrary to fair expectation if now, when
conditions are reversed, the United States and neutral nations were to
grudge to British ships the liberty to take similar action.
The British Government have no intention of advising their merchant
shipping to use foreign flags as a general practice or to resort to them
otherwise than for escaping capture or destruction. The obligation upon
a belligerent warship to ascertain definitely for itself the nationality
and character of a merchant vessel before capturing it, and a fortiori
before sinking and destroying it, has been universally recognized.
If that obligation is fulfilled, the hoisting of a neutral flag on board
a British vessel cannot possibly endanger neutral shipping, and the
British Government holds that if loss to neutrals is caused by disregard
of this obligation it is upon the enemy vessel disregarding it and upon
the Government giving the orders that it should be disregarded that the
sole responsibility for injury to neutrals ought to rest.
ALLIES' DECLARATION OF REPRISALS.
_LONDON, March 1.--Following is the text of the statement read by
Premier Asquith in the House of Commons today and communicated at the
same time to the neutral powers in their capitals as an outline of the
Allies' policy of retaliation against Germany for her "war zone"
decree:_
Germany has declared the English Channel, the north and west coasts of
France, and the waters around the British Isles a war area, and has
officially given notice that all enemy ships found in that area will be
destroyed, and that neutral vessels may be exposed to danger.
This is, in effect, a claim to torpedo at sight, without regard to the
safety of the crew or passengers, any merchant vessel under any flag. As
it is not in the power of the German Admiralty to maintain any surface
craft in these waters, the attack can only be delivered by submarine
agency.
The law and customs of nations in regard to attacks on commerce have
always presumed that the first duty of the captor of a merchant vessel
is bringing it before a prize court, where it may be tried and where
regularities of the capture may be challenged, and where neutrals may
recover their cargo.
The sinking of prizes is, in itself, a questionable act, to be resorted
to only in extraordinary circumstances, and after provision has been
made for the safety of all crews and passengers.
The responsibility of discriminating between neutral and enemy vessels
and between neutral and enemy cargoes obviously rests with the attacking
ship, whose duty it is to verify the status and character of the vessel
and cargo, and to preserve all papers before sinking or capturing the
ship. So, also, the humane duty to provide for the safety of crews of
merchant vessels, whether neutral or enemy, is an obligation on every
belligerent.
It is upon this basis that all previous discussions of law for
regulating warfare have proceeded. The German submarine fulfills none of
these obligations. She enjoys no local command of the waters wherein she
operates. She does not take her captures within the jurisdiction of a
prize court. She carries no prize crew which can be put aboard prizes
which she seizes. She uses no effective means of discriminating between
neutral and enemy vessels. She does not receive on board for safety the
crew of the vessel she sinks. Her methods of warfare, therefore, are
entirely outside the scope of any international instruments regulating
operations against commerce in time of war.
The German declaration substitutes indiscriminate destruction for
regulated captures. Germany has adopted this method against the peaceful
trader and the non-combatant, with the avowed object of preventing
commodities of all kinds, including food for the civilian population,
from reaching or leaving the British Isles or Northern France.
Her opponents are, therefore, driven to frame retaliatory measures in
order in their turn to prevent commodities of any kind from reaching or
leaving Germany.
These measures will, however, be enforced by the British and French
Governments without risk to neutral ships or neutral or non-combatant
lives, and in strict observation of the dictates of humanity. The
British and French Governments will, therefore, hold themselves free to
detain and take into port ships carrying goods of presumed enemy
destination, ownership, or origin.
It is not intended to confiscate such vessels or cargoes unless they
would otherwise be liable to confiscation. Vessels with cargoes which
sailed before this date will not be affected.
Britain's New and Original Blockade
American Protests Following the "War Zone" Decrees Defined
The first definite statement of the real character of the
measures adopted by Great Britain and her allies for
restricting the trade of Germany was obtained at Washington on
March 17, 1915, when Secretary Bryan made public the text of
all the recent notes exchanged between the United States
Government and Germany and the Allies regarding the freedom of
legitimate American commerce in the war zones. These notes,
six in all, show that Great Britain and France stand firm in
their announced intention to cut off all trade with Germany.
The communications revealed that the United States Government,
realizing the difficulties of maintaining an effective
blockade by a close guard of an enemy coast on account of the
newly developed activity of submarines, asked that "a radius
of activity" be defined. Great Britain and France replied with
the announcement that the operations of blockade would not be
conducted "outside of European waters, including the
Mediterranean."
The definition of a "radius of activity" for the allied fleet
in European waters, including the Mediterranean, is the first
intimation of the geographical limits of the reprisal order.
Its limits were not given more exactly, the Allies contend,
because Germany was equally indefinite in proclaiming all the
waters surrounding Great Britain and Ireland a "war zone." The
measures adopted are those of a blockade against all trade to
and from Germany--not the historical kind of blockade
recognized in international law, but a new and original form.
The several notes between the United States and the
belligerent Governments follow. The stars in the German note
mean that as it came to the State Department in cipher certain
words were omitted, probably through telegraphic error. In the
official text of the note the State Department calls
attention to the stars by an asterisk and a footnote saying
"apparent omission." In the French note the same thing occurs,
and is indicated by the footnote "undecipherable group,"
meaning that the cipher symbols into which the French note was
put by our Embassy in Paris could not be translated back into
plain language by the State Department cipher experts. From
the context it is apparent that the omitted words in the
German note are "insist upon," or words to that effect.
AMERICAN NOTE TO THE BELLIGERENTS.
_The following identic note was sent by the Secretary of State to the
American Ambassadors at London and Berlin:_
WASHINGTON, Feb. 20, 1915.
You will please deliver to Sir Edward Grey the following identic note,
which we are sending England and Germany:
In view of the correspondence which has passed between this Government
and Great Britain and Germany, respectively, relative to the declaration
of a war zone by the German Admiralty, and the use of neutral flags by
the British merchant vessels, this Government ventures to express the
hope that the two belligerent Governments may, through reciprocal
concessions, find a basis for agreement which will relieve neutral ships
engaged in peaceful commerce from the great dangers which they will
incur in the high seas adjacent to the coasts of the belligerents.
The Government of the United States respectfully suggests that an
agreement in terms like the following might be entered into. This
suggestion is not to be regarded as in any sense a proposal made by this
Government, for it of course fully recognizes that it is not its
privilege to propose terms of agreement between Great Britain and
Germany, even though the matter be one in which it and the people of the
United States are directly and deeply interested. It is merely venturing
to take the liberty, which it hopes may be accorded a sincere friend
desirous of embarrassing neither nation involved, and of serving, if it
may, the common interests of humanity. The course outlined is offered in
the hope that it may draw forth the views and elicit the suggestions of
the British and German Governments on a matter of capital interest to
the whole world.
Germany and Great Britain to agree:
First--That neither will sow any floating mines, whether upon the high
seas or in territorial waters; that neither will plant on the high seas
anchored mines, except within cannon range of harbors for defensive
purposes only; and that all mines shall bear the stamp of the Government
planting them, and be so constructed as to become harmless if separated
from their moorings.
Second--That neither will use submarines to attack merchant vessels of
any nationality, except to enforce the right of visit and search.
Third---That each will require their respective merchant vessels not to
use neutral flags for the purpose of disguise or ruse de guerre.
Germany to agree: That all importations of food or foodstuffs from the
United States (and from such other neutral countries as may ask it) into
Germany shall be consigned to agencies to be designated by the United
States Government; that these American agencies shall have entire charge
and control without interference on the part of German Government of the
receipt and distribution of such importations, and shall distribute them
solely to retail dealers bearing licenses from the German Government
entitling them to receive and furnish such food and foodstuffs to
non-combatants only; that any violation of the terms of the retailers'
licenses shall work a forfeiture of their rights to receive such food
and foodstuffs for this purpose, and that such food and foodstuffs will
not be requisitioned by the German Government for any purpose
whatsoever, or be diverted to the use of the armed forces of Germany.
Great Britain to agree: That food and foodstuffs will not be placed
upon the absolute contraband list, and that shipments of such
commodities will not be interfered with or detained by British
authorities, if consigned to agencies designated by the United States
Government in Germany for the receipt and distribution of such cargoes
to licensed German retailers for distribution solely to the
non-combatant population.
In submitting this proposed basis of agreement this Government does not
wish to be understood as admitting or denying any belligerent or neutral
right established by the principles of international law, but would
consider the agreement, if acceptable to the interested powers, a modus
vivendi based upon expediency rather than legal right, and as not
binding upon the United States either in its present form or in a
modified form until accepted by this Government.
BRYAN.
II.
GERMANY'S REPLY.
_The German reply, handed to the American Ambassador at Berlin,
follows:_
BERLIN, March 1, 1915.
The undersigned has the honor to inform his Excellency, Mr. James W.
Gerard, Ambassador of the United States of America, in reply to the note
of the 22d inst., that the Imperial German Government have taken note
with great interest of the suggestion of the American Government that
certain principles for the conduct of maritime war on the part of
Germany and England be agreed upon for the protection of neutral
shipping. They see therein new evidence of the friendly feelings of the
American Government toward the German Government, which are fully
reciprocated by Germany.
It is in accordance with Germany's wishes also to have maritime war
conducted according to rules, which, without discriminatingly
restricting one or the other of the belligerent powers in the use of
their means of warfare, are equally considerate of the interests of
neutrals and the dictates of humanity. Consequently it was intimated in
the German note of the 16th inst. that observation of the Declaration
of London on the part of Germany's adversaries would create a new
situation from which the German Government would gladly draw the proper
conclusions.
Proceeding from this view, the German Government have carefully examined
the suggestion of the American Government and believe that they can
actually see in it a suitable basis for the practical solution of the
questions which have arisen.
With regard to the various points of the American note, they beg to make
the following remarks:
First--With regard to the sowing of mines, the German Government would
be willing to agree, as suggested, not to use floating mines and to have
anchored mines constructed as indicated. Moreover, they agree to put the
stamp of the Government on all mines to be planted. On the other hand,
it does not appear to them to be feasible for the belligerents wholly to
for ego the use of anchored mines for offensive purposes.
Second--The German Government would undertake not to use their
submarines to attack mercantile of any flag except when necessary to
enforce the right of visit and search. Should the enemy nationality of
the vessel or the presence of contraband be ascertained, submarines
would proceed in accordance with the general rules of international law.
Third--As provided in the American note, this restriction of the use of
the submarines is contingent on the fact that enemy mercantile abstain
from the use of the neutral flag and other neutral distinctive marks. It
would appear to be a matter of course that such mercantile vessels also
abstain from arming themselves and from all resistance by force, since
such procedure contrary to international law would render impossible any
action of the submarines in accordance with international law.
Fourth--The regulation of legitimate importations of food into Germany
suggested by the American Government appears to be in general
acceptable. Such regulation would, of course, be confined to
importations by sea, but that would, on the other hand, include
indirect importations by way of neutral ports. The German Government
would, therefore, be willing to make the declarations of the nature
provided in the American note so that the use of the imported food and
foodstuffs solely by the non-combatant population would be guaranteed.
The Imperial Government must, however, in addition (* * * * *)[1] having
the importation of other raw material used by the economic system of
non-combatants, including forage, permitted. To that end the enemy
Governments would have to permit the free entry into Germany of the raw
material mentioned in the free list of the Declaration of London, and to
treat materials included in the list of conditional contraband according
to the same principles as food and foodstuffs.
[Footnote 1: Apparent omission.]
The German Government venture to hope that the agreement for which the
American Government have paved the way may be reached after due
consideration of the remarks made above, and that in this way peaceable
neutral shipping and trade will not have to suffer any more than is
absolutely necessary from the unavoidable effects of maritime war. These
effects could be still further reduced if, as was pointed out in the
German note of the 16th inst., some way could be found to exclude the
shipping of munitions of war from neutral countries to belligerents on
ships of any nationality.
The German Government must, of course, reserve a definite statement of
their position until such time as they may receive further information
from the American Government enabling them to see what obligations the
British Government are, on their part, willing to assume.
The undersigned avails himself of this occasion, &c.
VON JAGOW.
Dated, Foreign Office, Berlin, Feb. 28, 1915.
GERARD.
III.
GREAT BRITAIN'S REPLY.
_The reply of Great Britain to the American note of Feb. 20, handed to
the American Ambassador at London, was as follows:_
LONDON, March 15, 1915.
Following is the full text of a memorandum dated March 13, which Grey
handed me today: