_National and Race Prejudices--The Triple Alliance--The Triple
Entente--Teuton vs. Slav--Influence of Russian Diplomacy--Russia vs.
Austria--Control of Balkan Seaports--England's Commercial Supremacy
Challenged by Germany--Assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand of
Austria by a Serb_.
Within the space of less than a week from August 1, 1914, five of the
six "great powers" of Europe became involved in a war that quickly
developed into the greatest and most sanguinary struggle of all time.
The European conflagration, long foreseen by statesmen and diplomats,
and dreaded of all alike, had broken out.
Beginning with the thunder of Austrian guns at Belgrade, the
reverberations of war were heard in every capital of the Old World.
Austria's declaration of war against Servia was followed by the
alignment of Germany with its Teuton neighbor against the forces of
Russia, France and England. Italy alone, of the six great powers,
declined to align itself with its formal allies and made a determined
effort at the outset to maintain its neutrality.
Soon the highways of Europe resounded with the hoof-beats and the tramp
of marching hosts, with the rattle of arms and the rumble of artillery.
Of such a war, once begun, no man could predict the end. But the world
realized that it was a catastrophe of unparalleled proportions, a
failure of civilization in its stronghold, a disaster to humanity.
For more than forty years the great powers of Europe had been at peace
with one another. Though war had threatened now and then, diplomacy
had avoided the actual outbreak. But that the dreaded conflict was
inevitable had long been recognized. For its coming immense armaments
had been prepared, until the burdens of taxation laid upon the people
had become in themselves a source of danger. But behind it all lay the
sinister influence of the "junker" element of Germany--the military
party, swollen with pride in the development of the German army by more
than forty years of preparation for conflict, and the naval party, eager
for "der Tag" which should bring a trial of the new German navy
against the battle fleets of an enemy. Fostering and encouraging these
militaristic sentiments was the growing desire of Germany for "a
place in the sun," which was translatable only as a desire for world
domination. Greater and wider markets for German commerce were urgently
demanded, and visions of Germany as mistress of the seas, with a great
colonial empire, and of the Kaiser as the undisputed military overlord
of Europe, already filled and fired the Teuton imagination.
The political alignment of the great powers prior to the war was as
follows: On the one side was the Triple Alliance, including Germany,
Austria-Hungary, and Italy; while on the other was the Triple Entente,
comprising Great Britain, France and Russia. As the event proved, the
uncertain element in this line-up was Italy, which had a real grievance
against Austria in the latter's possession of the former Italian
territory known as the Trentino, and which was not consulted by Germany
and Austria prior to the outbreak of hostilities. She therefore declined
to enter the war as a member of the Triple Alliance, but was later found
in the field against Austria, and thenceforth rendered powerful aid to
the cause of "the Allies," as the members of the Triple Entente and
their supporters soon came to be known.
It was in the Balkans, long regarded as the zone of danger to European
peace, that the war-clouds gathered and darkened rapidly. For
generations Austria and Russia had struggled diplomatically for the
control of Balkan seaports, with the Balkan states acting as buffers in
the diplomatic strife. Servia acted as a bar to Austria's commercial
route to the Ægean, by way of the Sanjak of Novi Bazar to Saloniki,
while Russia was Servia's great ally and stood stoutly behind the little
Slav kingdom in its opposition to Austrian aggression.
AMBITIONS OF SERVIA
Then came the recent Balkan Wars, and their outcome was viewed with
alarm. Austria uneasily watched the approach of Servia to the Adriatic
and the Aegean. The formation of the new new autonomous state of
Albania, between Servia and the Adriatic, was all that prevented Austria
from attacking Servia during that crisis. The terms of peace left the
situation, as it concerned Austria and Russia, practically as it had
been. Austria made no further progress toward the sea, and Russia
remained the ally of Servia. Bulgaria had failed in its efforts to reach
Salonica.
At this stage another element exerted its influence. Servia awoke to the
possibility of a Greater Servia. An Empire of the Slavs had long been
dreamed of. In Austria-Hungary itself millions of Slavs were dreaming of
it and awaiting the disruption of Austria-Hungary, held together now,
as they argue, only by the indomitable will of the old Emperor, Franz
Joseph. The hatred between the Slavs and the Teutonic Austrians is
intense. The annexation by Austria of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which
Servians predominate, increased the Servian hatred and the indignation
of the whole Slav world to the point of violence. A conflict was avoided
with difficulty. These principalities had hoped to form part of a
Greater Servia. Had not Russia been exhausted by the war with Japan,
Servia would have called upon her ally and the crisis would have come
then. As it was, the Balkans teemed with plots and counterplots against
the Austrians, culminating in the assassination of the Arch-Duke and
heir-apparent to the Austrian throne, Francis Ferdinand, known for his
anti-Slav principles, and therefore feared and hated as the king to
be. The assassination occurred at Serajevo in Bosnia, where Servian
disaffection was seething. Austria immediately laid the crime on the
Servian government.
AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR
Failing in her peremptory demands for satisfaction, Austria declared
war, July 28, 1914, apparently for revenge, but behind her righteous
indignation she still held in view her traditional ambition, a port on
the Mediterranean, to be secured by the complete control of the
Novi Bazar route to Salonica, a route which, besides its commercial
importance, is of tremendous strategic value to the nation which
commands it. The treaty of Berlin of 1878, after the Russo-Turkish War,
had given Austria the military, political, and commercial control of the
route within the Sanjak of Novi Bazar, then a part of Turkey.
But now, in the division of spoils following the Balkan Wars, Servia
gained control of Novi Bazar, Pristina, Uskub, and Istip, or practically
the entire route to a short distance north of Salonica, where the new
boundaries of Greece had been extended. This meant that Austria saw
herself shut out from the Sanjak, and only by the destruction and
subsequent occupation of Servia could Austria regain her ascendancy over
the route. Victory would mean a long step by Austria toward the sea.
PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS
The "balance of power" among European nations has hitherto been
maintained because the formation of a single nation out of the Balkan
States has not been possible. Although the people of these states
have similar pursuits, and live much alike in all regions, they have
preserved their original racial differences. A village of Albanians may
be within a few miles of a village of Greeks. Yet through centuries both
have remained racially distinct. Here and there the barriers have given
way somewhat, but in general the races persist side by side, sometimes
peaceably, more often in mutual distrust or open feud. Such division has
been fostered by the great nations, and new states have been created, as
recently Albania, since the formation of a great state in the Balkans by
the union of all or the absorbing greatness of one, would overthrow
the balance of power, and besides interpose an insurmountable obstacle
between Austria and Russia, and the sea.
Thus the states have been played against each other. Sometimes the game
has been one of diplomacy, or one of force, hurling the states at each
other's throats.
HOW WAR WAS DECLARED
_Ultimatum, by Austria to Servia--War Declared by Austria--
Russia Mobilizes--Germany Declares War on Russia
August 1--France and England Involved--Germans
Enter Belgium--Scenes in European Capitals_.
On Sunday, June 28, 1914, a Servian student named Prinzep shot
and killed the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the thrones of
Austria-Hungary, and his morganatic wife, the Duchess of Hohenberg, in
the streets of Serajevo, a town in Bosnia which the royal couple were
visiting.
Nearly four weeks later, on July 23, the Austro-Hungarian government,
fixing responsibility for the assassination upon Servian intrigues,
presented to Servia a number of demands which formed a very drastic
ultimatum, requiring compliance within forty-eight hours, with the
alternative of war. Servia was required to condemn "the propaganda
directed against Austria" and to take proceedings against all
accessories to the plot against the Archduke Francis Ferdinand who were
in Servia. Austrian delegates were to supervise the proceedings, and
Servia was also to arrest certain Servian officials whose guilt was
alleged. These exorbitant conditions made it quite obvious that no
concessions on Servians part would be accepted. It was a plain prelude
to war.
Nevertheless, a virtual acceptance by Servia followed. Acting on the
advice of Russia, Servia acceded to all that was required of her,
making only two reservations of the most reasonable character. These
reservations were found enough to serve as an excuse for war. Austria at
once declared herself dissatisfied and though the actual declaration of
war was delayed for a brief period, a state of war practically existed
between the two countries from Saturday evening, July 25.
EFFORTS TO LOCALIZE THE WAR
Then began efforts on the part of Great Britain to localize the war.
Sir Edward Grey, the able foreign secretary in Mr. Asquith's cabinet,
repeated solemn warnings in every chancellery of Europe. According to
the English "white book," the very day that he was notified of the
violent tone of Austria's note to Servia--the day it was presented--he
warned the Austrian Ambassador in London that if as many as four of
the Great Powers of Europe were to engage in war, it would involve the
expenditure of such a vast sum of money and such interference with
trade, that a complete collapse of European credit and industry would
follow. The reply of Russia to this warning was quite conciliatory. The
Russian foreign minister, M. Sazonoff, assured the British minister that
Russia had no aggressive intentions, and would take no action unless
forced. Austria's action, M. Sazonoff added, in reality aimed at
over-throwing Russia's influence in the Balkans.
Thus, on Monday, July 27, Sir Edward Grey was able to state in the House
of Commons that his suggestion of a joint conference, composed of the
Ambassadors of Germany, France and Italy, and himself, with a view to
mediation between Austria and Russia, had been accepted by all except
Germany, which power had expressed its concurrence with the plan in
principle, but opposed the details on the ground that there was a
prospect of direct "conversations" (diplomatic exchanges) between
Austria and Russia. This statement was believed in England to lack
sincerity. On that Monday afternoon the Russian Ambassador at Vienna
warned Austria that Russia would not give way and expressed his hope
that some arrangement might be arrived at before Servia was invaded.
Austria's reply came next day in the shape of a formal declaration of
war against Servia.
GERMANY'S ATTITUDE PRO-AUSTRIAN
On July 30 Sir M. de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, made the
following statement to Sir Edward Grey regarding the attitude of Germany
in the crisis: "Although I am not able to verify it, I have private
information that the German Ambassador (at Vienna) knew the text of the
Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was dispatched, and telegraphed
it to the German Emperor. I know from the German Ambassador himself that
he endorses every line of it."
Naturally enough the Russian foreign minister complained that
"conversations" with Austria were useless in the face of such facts.
Russia then declared that her forces would be mobilized the day that
Austria crossed the Servian frontier. The attitude of Germany at once
stiffened and it became evident that Germany meant to regard even the
partial mobilization of Russia as a ground for war, not only against
Russia, but also against the latter's ally, France.
In vain Russia protested that her partial mobilization was merely a
precaution. In vain did the Czar himself offer to give his word that no
use would be made of any of his forces. Germany was aware, as subsequent
facts have proved, that her own state of mobilization was very much
further advanced than that of Russia.
GERMAN ULTIMATUM TO RUSSIA
By Friday, July 31, Germany was ready for the fray and a final ultimatum
to St. Petersburg was launched. On the same day Russia declared war
against Austria. By six o'clock on Saturday evening, August 1, war
between Germany and Russia began, when Germany dismissed the Russian
Ambassador, and by Sunday morning Germany was invading France. The
next day, August 3, the German Ambassador left Paris and the French
Ambassador at Berlin was ordered to demand his passports.
At this point Great Britain passed from the position of general
peacemaker to that of a principal. In the House of Commons on Monday,
August 3, Sir Edward Grey stated that the question whether Austria
or Russia should dominate the Southern Slav races was no concern of
England, nor was she bound by any secret alliance to France. She was
absolutely free to choose her course with regard to the crisis which had
overtaken her. But there were two cardinal points in the situation
which had arisen which ultimately concerned Great Britain. The first
essential feature of British diplomacy, said Sir Edward, was that France
should not be brought into such a condition in Europe that she became
a species of vassal state to Germany. On the morning of July 31,
therefore, he had informed the German Ambassador that if the efforts to
maintain peace failed and France became involved Great Britain would be
drawn into the conflict.
In his speech of August 3 the British foreign minister also stated that
he had given France on the previous day the written assurance that if
the German fleet came into the English Channel or through the North Sea
to assail her, the British fleet would protect her to the uttermost.
TO PROTECT BELGIAN AUTONOMY
On the same afternoon, in the same place, Sir Edward Grey reiterated the
other dominant principle of British foreign policy--that England can
never look with indifference on the seizure by a great continental power
of any portion of Belgium and Holland. More than a hundred years ago it
was declared by Napoleon, who was a master of political geography, that
Antwerp was "a pistol leveled at the head of London."
When on July 31 the British foreign minister inquired by telegraph both
at Paris and Berlin whether the two governments would engage to respect
the neutrality of Belgium, France replied with an assurance that she was
resolved to do so unless compelled to act otherwise by reason of the
violation of Belgium's neutrality at the hands of another power. The
German secretary of state, Herr von Jagow, replied that he could give no
such assurance until he had consulted the Emperor and Chancellor, and
doubted whether he could give any answer without revealing the German
plan of campaign. He furthermore alleged the commission of hostile acts
by Belgium.
Developments quickly followed. The German government proposed that
Belgium should grant its armies free passage through Belgian territory.
The proposal was accompanied by an intimation that Belgium would be
crushed out of existence if it refused to comply. In fact, it was an
ultimatum presented at 7 o'clock on Sunday evening, August 2, to expire
within twelve hours.
Then came Sir Edward Grey's speech in parliament on August 3, when it
was fully realized that Germany and England were on the verge of war.
What followed was related in the House of Commons next day.
SCENES IN PARLIAMENT
Germany's reply to the speech by Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign
secretary, indicating the attitude of Great Britain in regard to the
contemplated violation of Belgian territory by Germany was a second
ultimatum from Berlin to Brussels, saying Germany was prepared to carry
through her plans by force of arms if necessary.
The British government was officially informed by Belgium on August
that German troops had invaded Belgium and that the violation of that
country's neutrality, which the British, foreign secretary had intimated
must be followed by action on the part of the British, had become an
accomplished fact.
Definite announcement of Great Britain's intentions under these
circumstances was expected in the house of commons that afternoon.
TELEGRAM SENT TO BERLIN
On the assembly of the house the premier, Mr. Asquith, said that a
telegram had been sent early in the morning to Sir Edward Goschen,
British ambassador in Berlin, to the following effect:
"The king of the Belgians has appealed to His Britannic Majesty's
government for diplomatic intervention on behalf of Belgium. The British
government is also informed that the German government has delivered to
the Belgian government a note proposing friendly neutrality pending a
free passage of German troops through Belgium and promising to maintain
the independence and integrity of the kingdom and its possessions on the
conclusion of peace, threatening in case of refusal to treat Belgium as
an enemy." Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign secretary, had requested
an answer within twelve hours.
Premier Asquith then read a telegram from the German foreign minister,
which the German ambassador in London had sent to Sir Edward Grey. It
was as follows:
"Please dispel any distrust that may subsist on the part
of the British government with regard to our intentions by
repeating most positively the formal assurance that even in
case of armed conflict with Belgium, Germany will under no
pretensions whatever annex Belgian territory."
The reading of this telegram was greeted with derisive laughter by the
members of the house.
Premier Asquith continued:
"We understand that Belgium categorically refused to
assent to a flagrant violation of the law of nations.
"His majesty's government was bound to protest against
this violation of a treaty to which Germany was a party in
common with England and must request an assurance that
the demand made upon Belgium by Germany be not proceeded
with and that Belgium's neutrality be respected by Germany
and we have asked for an immediate reply.
"We received this morning from our minister in Brussels
the following telegram:
"'The German minister has this morning addressed a
note to the Belgian minister for foreign affairs stating that as
the Belgian government has declined a well intentioned proposal
submitted to it by the imperial German government
the latter, deeply to its regret, will be compelled to carry out,
if necessary by force of arms, the measures considered indispensable
in view of the French menace.'"
ENGLAND AND GERMANY AT WAR
By 11 o'clock that evening England and Germany were at war. Their
respective ambassadors were handed their passports and Great Britain
braced herself for a conflict that was felt to threaten her very
existence as a nation.