CHAPTER III

AMERICANS AT CHATEAU THIERRY

_Personal Accounts of Battle--Gas and Shell Shock--Marines Under

Fire--Americans Can Fight and Yell--Getting to the Front

Under Difficulties--The Big Day Dawns--The Shells Come

Fast--A Funeral at the Front--_Impression of a French Lieutenant--

Keeping the Germans on the Run._

The name of Chateau Thierry will be long remembered in the United

States, for it was there the American fighting quality was for the first

time clearly impressed upon the Germans, to their immense astonishment,

and with far-reaching effect. The German people and the German army had

been told that the United States had no army, navy, or fighting quality;

that the talk of an American army in Europe was "Yankee bluff," and

nothing more; that even if we could raise an army we could not send it

across the ocean, first because we had no ships, second because if we

had ships the submarines of Germany would surely sink them. Yet here at

Chateau Thierry they were confronted by United States troops and soundly

beaten.

That effect upon the Germans was in itself of tremendous significance;

but the historic effect was greater, and will grow in importance with

the passage of time, for it is a fact, unperceived by onlooking nations

at the moment, that it was the turning point of the war; and that the

turning was accomplished by troops of a nation that hated war and was

supposed to be incapable of military development; and that these troops

had met and whipped the choicest troops of a power that above all things

was military, that had assumed proprietary rights in the art of war, and

believed itself invincible.

Late in February, 1918, General Ludendorff had told a Berlin newspaper

correspondent that on the first of April he would be in Paris. It was

inconceivable to the Germans that with the thorough preparation of a

mighty army for an offensive that by sheer weight of numbers should

drive through an opposition twenty times as strong as that which then

confronted them, they could not with ease push in between the French

and British forces, thrust straight through to Paris (as a spectacular

performance rather than a vital military operation), and then walk over

to the channel ports of France and bring both France and England to a

plea for mercy.

From the 21st of March until along in May, 1918, it looked as though

they might succeed. That is, to anyone unaware of the strategy of

Marshal Foch, who sold terrain by the foot for awful prices in German

lives, and held an unbroken front until such time as American forces

could be brought into action, instead of wearing out his reserves and

weakening his power for an offensive.

Unity of command had been accomplished by that time at the urgent demand

of the United States Government. Foch had saved France and the world at

the first battle of the Marne. Being given supreme authority over all

the allied forces, as soon as the arrival of American troops in great

numbers had been thoroughly established, he was ready; and the offensive

passed from German to allied hands.

The tremendous German drive, which Ludendorff had confidently promised

the German people would bring a smashing and decisive victory, was

stopped. Retrocession began. On the Marne again, in July, 1918, in the

sector held by Americans an action began at Chateau Thierry which

forced the German retreat that in a few weeks was to shake the heart of

Germany, scare out Bulgaria, Austria and Turkey, in the early autumn

bring Germany to a plea for peace, send Ludendorff himself into

retirement, dethrone the Kaiser, do away with the imperial form of

government, set up a republic, and create conditions that would quash

for all time the power of Prussia to disturb a decent world.

Floyd Gibbons, correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, a noncombatant who

wanted to see the combat he was there to report, was in that memorable

action. He lost his left eye there, and was otherwise severely

shattered, but he got his story through. His home paper some months

afterward gave Gibbons well earned credit for that contribution to

current history. It said he "helped to put the Marines where they belong

in the war's history, for he was with them in their early exploits and

fell in one of their battles. Six thousand out of 8,000 engaged was

their toll. They fought with the French through Belleau Wood, heartening

the brave, tired, discouraged poilus, and after they came out upon the

other side the name of the battlefield was changed to the 'Wood of the

American Marines.' Mr. Gibbons says that when Marshal Foch began his

great offensive, which in cosmic importance is second only to creation,

he selected the units in which he had the most faith. These units were

chosen not because they were braver nor more sacrificial, but because

they knew. They were the Foreign Legion of France, two divisions of

American Regulars, and the United States Marines."

From that day there was no change in the favorable fortunes of war on

the western front.

AMERICANS CAN FIGHT AND YELL

An eyewitness of the first days of the Chateau Thierry battle thus

describes the capture of the Beauleau wood:

"The Americans moved stealthily with fixed bayonet until they got into

the edge of the woods and atop of the German machine gun-tiers. Then

the farm boys cheered, and the lumberjacks shouted, and the Indians

yelled. They were where they could mix it at close range with the Boche,

and that was what they wanted.

"Their yells could be heard a mile away. They were up against two of the

Kaiser's redoubtable divisions, the Two Hundredth Jaegers and the Two

Hundred and Sixteenth reserve division. They fought with vim and joy.

"They had lost comrades at the hands of the Germans and now were to

avenge them. No quarter was asked or expected. The Germans had orders to

fight to the death and the Americans needed no such order.

"Without much artillery on either side and without gas, the Americans

fought the Germans through that woods, four kilometers (nearly three

miles) long, for six hours. At last we got through and took up a

position across the northern end of the woods.

"Perhaps the most sensational part of the fight was when about

Germans got around behind our men. They were chased into a clearing,

where the Americans went at them from all sides with the bayonet, and I

am told that three prisoners were all that were left of the Germans."

"How did you do it?" inquired a dazed Prussian officer, taken prisoner

at Chateau Thierry by an American soldier. "We are storm troops."

"Storm hell!" said the American. "I come from Kansas, where we have

cyclones."

That was and is the idea. This spirit enabled American soldiers to go

wherever they wanted to go. A European officer on observation duty

with the United States force at Chateau Thierry wanted to know how our

soldiers got through as they did.

"They seem to have been trained somewhere," he said, "for they fight all

right. But that doesn't explain to me the way they keep going."

The American officer with whom he was talking gave this explanation:

"They were thoroughly trained in our camps at home in all but one thing.

They were not trained to stop going."

It was a splendid exhibition, the first of many of its kind.

A PERSONAL ACCOUNT

The following is one of hundreds of thrilling experience stories that

could be told by officers and men who fought at that front.

Details of the participation of the United States Marines in the

counter-attack of the allies against German forces on the Marne, July

18, are given in a letter written shortly afterward by Major Robert L.

Denig, of the United States Marines, to his wife, in Philadelphia,

and which had been forwarded to Washington for the historical files of

the Marine Corps.

It is the best and truest form of war history, and important in that

it gives details of action during those July days when American troops

stopped the German drive.

It also establishes the fact that the Marines who helped stop the German

drive on Paris at Belleau wood early in June were honored by being

brought from this wood to Vierzy and Tigny, near Soissons, for

participation with a crack French division in the great counter-attack

which started the disintegration of the German front in the west.

Names that became familiar through the fighting in Belleau wood are

mentioned in Major Denig's letter as being prominent in the allied

counter-attack--Lieut. Col. Thomas Holcomb, Lieut. Col. Benton W.

Sibley, Lieut. Col. John A. Hughes, Capt Pere Wilmer and others who took

a prominent part in the fighting. The letter in substance follows:

"We took our positions at various places to wait for camions that were

to take us somewhere in France, when or for what purpose we did not

know. Our turn to enbus came near midnight.

GETTING TO THE FRONT UNDER DIFFICULTIES

"We at last got under way after a few big 'sea bags' had hit near by.

We went at a good clip and nearly got ditched in a couple of new shell

holes. Shells were falling fast by now and as the tenth truck went

under the bridge a big one landed near with a crash and wounded the two

drivers, killed two Marines and wounded five more.

"We did not know it at the time and did not notice anything wrong till

we came to a crossroad, when we found we had only eleven cars all told.

We found the rest of the convoy after a hunt, but even then were not

told of the loss, and did not find it out till the next day.

"After twelve hours' ride we were dumped in a big field, and after a

few hours' rest started our march. It was hot as hades and we had had

nothing to eat since the day before. We at last entered a forest; troops

seemed to converge on it from all points. We marched some six miles in

the forest. A finer one I have never seen--deer would scamper ahead and

we could have eaten one raw.

"At 10 that night, without food, we lay down in a pouring rain to sleep.

Troops of all kinds passed us in the night--a shadowy stream, more than

a half-million men. Some French officers told us that they had never

seen such concentration since Verdun, if then.

THE BIG DAY DAWNS

"The next day, July 18, we marched ahead through a jam of troops,

trucks, etc., and came at last to a ration dump, where we fell to and

ate our heads off for the first time in nearly two days. When we left

there the men had bread stuck on their bayonets. I lugged a ham. All

were loaded down.

"We finally stopped at the far end of the forest, nearing a dressing

station. This station had been a big, fine stone farmhouse, but was now

a complete ruin--wounded and dead lay all about. Joe Murray came by with

his head all done up--his helmet had saved him. The lines had gone on

ahead, so we were quite safe.

"Late in the afternoon we advanced again. Our route lay over an open

field covered with dead.

"We lay down on a hillside for the night near some captured German guns,

and until dark I watched the cavalry, some 4,000, come up and take

positions.

"At 3:30 the next morning the regiment was soon under way to attack. We

picked our way under cover of a gas infected valley to a town where we

got our final instructions and left our packs.

GAS AND SHELL SHOCK

"We formed up in a sunken road on two sides of a valley that was

perpendicular to the enemy's front. We now began to get a few wounded;

one man with ashen face came charging to the rear with shell shock. He

shook all over, foamed at the mouth, could not speak. I put him under a

tent and he acted as if he had a fit.

MARINES ADVANCE UNDER FIRE

"At 8:30 we jumped off with a line of tanks in the lead. For two 'kilos'

the four lines of Marines were as straight as a die, and their advance

over the open plain in the bright sunlight was a picture I shall never

forget. The fire got hotter and hotter, men fell, bullets sung, shells

whizzed-banged and the dust of battle got thick.

"Lieut. Overton was hit by a big piece of shell and fell. Afterwards

I heard he was hit in the heart. He was buried that night and the pin

found, which he had asked to have sent to his wife.

"A man near me was cut in two. Others when hit would stand, it seemed,

an hour, then fall in a heap. I yelled to Wilmer that each gun in the

barrage worked from right to left, then a rabbit ran ahead and I watched

him, wondering if he would get hit. Good rabbit--it took my mind off the

carnage.

"About sixty Germans jumped up out of a trench and tried to surrender,

but their machine guns opened up, we fired back, they ran and our left

company after them. That made a gap that had to be filled, so Sibley

advanced one of his to do the job, then a shell lit in a machine gun

crew of ours and cleaned it out completely.

DIGGING IN

"At 10:30 we dug in--the attack just died out, I found a hole or old

trench and when I was flat on my back I got some protection Holcomb

was next me; Wilmer some way off. We then tried to get reports. Two

companies we never could get in touch with. Lloyd came in and reported

he was holding some trenches near a mill with six men.

"Gates, with his trousers blown off, said he had sixteen men of various

companies; another officer on the right reported he had and could see

some forty men, all told. That, with the headquarters, was all we could

find out about the battalion of nearly 800. Of the twenty company

officers who went in, three came out, and one, Cates, was slightly

wounded.

THE SHELLS COME FAST

"From then on to about 8 p. m. life was a chance and mighty

uncomfortable. It was hot as a furnace, no water, and they had our range

to a 'T.' Three men lying in a shallow trench near me were blown to

bits.

"You could hear men calling for help in the wheat fields. Their cries

would get weaker and weaker and die out. The German planes were thick in

the air; they were in groups of from three to twenty. They would look us

over and then we would get a pounding.

"We had a machine gun officer with us, and at 6 o'clock a runner came

up and reported that Sumner was killed. He commanded the machine gun

company with us. He was hit early in the fight, by a bullet, I hear. At

the start he remarked: 'This looks easy; they do not seem to have much

art.'

"Well, we just lay there all through the hot afternoon.

"It was great--a shell would land near by and you would bounce in your

hole.

"As twilight came we sent out water parties for the relief of the

wounded. At 9 o'clock we got a message congratulating us, and saying the

Algerians would take us over at midnight. We then began to collect our

wounded. Some had been evacuated during the day, but at that, we soon

had about twenty on the field near us.

"A man who had been blinded wanted me to hold his hand. Another, wounded

in the back, wanted his head patted; and so it went; one man got up on

his hands and knees; I asked him what he wanted. He said: 'Look at the

full moon,' then fell dead. I had him buried, and all the rest I could

find.

"The Algerians came up at midnight and we pushed out. They went over at

daybreak and got all shot up. We made the relief under German flares and

the light from a burning town.

"We went out as we came, through the gully and town, the latter by now

all in ruins. The place was full of gas. We pushed on to the forest and

fell down in our tracks and slept all day.

A FUNERAL, AT THE FRONT

"That night the Germans shelled us and got three killed and seventeen

wounded. We move a bit farther back to the cross road and after burying

a few Germans, some of whom showed signs of having been wounded before,

we settled down to a short stay.

"It looked like rain, and so Wilmer and I went to an old dressing

station to salvage some cover. We were about to go when we stopped to

look at a new grave. A rude cross made of two slats from a box had

written on it:

"Lester S. Wass, Captain U. S. Marines. July 18, 1918."

"The old crowd at St. Nazaire and Bordeaux--Wass and Sumner killed,

Baston and Capt. LeRoy T. Hunt wounded. We then moved further to the

rear and camped for the night. Dunlap came to look us over. A carrier

pigeon perched on a tree with a message. We decided to shoot him. It was

then quite dark, so the shot missed. I then heard the following remarks

as I tried to sleep: 'Hell! he only turned around!' 'Send up a flare!'

'Call for a barrage!' etc.

"The next day we were back in a town for some rest and to lick our

wounds."

IMPRESSION OF A FRENCH LIEUTENANT

A French lieutenant thus describes the American fighting quality:

"The finest thing in the combat was the dash of the Americans. It was

splendid to see those grand fellows, with their tunics thrown off and

their shirt sleeves rolled up above their elbows, wading the rivers with

the water to their shoulders and throwing themselves on the Boche like

bulldogs.

"Any one who has seen such a sight knows what the American army is good

for henceforth and to the end of the war. At the sight of these men,

magnificent in their youth, physical force, good temper and dash, the

Germans fled 'with every leg' or surrendered without awaiting the order

to throw away their arms and take off their suspenders, which is the

first thing a prisoner is told to do, in order that he may be compelled

to keep his hands employed and out of mischief.

"The Germans hurried toward our lines gripping their trousers, haggard

and mad with terror.

"Would that every mother in France who has lost a son in the war could

have seen that epic sight. They would have seen themselves revenged, and

it would have been some consolation to them in their sorrow."

KEEPING THE GERMANS ON THE RUN

The trench deadlock in northern France and Belgium was broken by

Ludendorff's fatuous drive in March, 1918. After the allies had stopped

it and inaugurated their counter-offensive all Europe made a startling

discovery. The Germans were tenacious enough in trench warfare; in

open fighting, known as war of maneouvre, they could not stand before

American and the allied troops. Incessant attacks, rapidly delivered at

the same time at many points on the long line between the North Sea and

the Swiss border, were more than they could withstand. The mechanically

trained troops of the central empires were futile before armies of men

who did their own thinking and delighted in fighting an enemy they could

see from the feet up. German armies had twice been almost at the gates

of Paris. The first time they were driven back they dug themselves in.

That was in 1915. The second time, in the spring of 1918, they were

allowed no time for digging in. From the July days of 1918, when

American soldiers at Chateau Thierry beat the best troops that ever

were trained in Prussia, they were kept going. How industriously may be

inferred from the story of the young corporal who was sitting on the

roadside trying to tie the soles of his shoes to the uppers, in a hurry.

Somebody asked him what was the matter.

"O, nothing much," said he. "Only I came over here to kill Germans, but

they never told me I'd have to run 'em to death."

A STRANGER TO HIS OWN CHILD

There never was a war so prolific of personal incident in every shade of

experience possible to human life. The devastated provinces of France

offer perhaps more of these happenings than any other part of the

steel-swept, shell-wrecked fronts of all Europe. An Associated Press

correspondent tells one that is especially touching.

He was motoring toward Denaen, one of the cities the Germans had

occupied through four hard years, when a French officer going in the

same direction asked him for a lift, explaining that he had lived there

but had neither seen nor heard from his wife during all that time.

Entering the city and turning into his street the officer saw the first

house was in ruins. He gave a nervous start. A few doors farther on was

his home. The officer climbed out with an effort, his eyes fixed on the

place.

There was no sign of life. The windows were shuttered and on the door

was a sign showing German officers had been living there. The officer

pulled the bell with shaking hand. No one answered. He backed away like

a man in a trance and leaned against the car, trembling.

Suddenly the door opened and an aged servant appeared, leading a

beautiful baby girl with a wealth of golden curls. The officer took one

step toward the child and halted. He was a stranger to his own flesh and

blood. The child hid behind the nurse, peering out in fright.

The half blind eyes of the old nurse had recognized her master and she

held out her hands, repeating, "Monsieur! Monsieur!" in ecstasy. He

crossed the road and grasped her hands, but the baby drew back.

A door opened end a comely young matron came to see what was going on.

She caught sight of her husband, then stopped. Her hands flew to her

breast. She swayed for a second. With a sob of joy she hurled herself

into his arms.

The correspondent moved away. And thus they were left, the nurse beaming

on the happy couple and the curly headed youngster looking with troubled

eyes at this strong man who had appropriated her mother so completely

without a word.

WHAT PERSHING THOUGHT OF HIS YANKS

An American newspaper man who returned from Europe about the time

hostilities ceased was informed that General Pershing suggested to

Marshal Foch in June 1918, that he thought it bad policy to stick around

waiting for the boche and that he felt the time had come to jump in and

attack--"But" he was told, "we have not got the troops."

"Whats the matter with the Americans?" Pershing asked.

"They are not yet trained" was Foch's reply.

"Try them and see" said General Pershing. "They will go, anywhere you

send them, and I will bet my life on it."

Pershing took the initiative in urging the offensive, supplied the

troops that gave Foch his mobile reserve enabling him to strike his

blow, and those American troops "delivered the goods."

HEALTH OF ARMY SURPRISING

Official reports to the war department show that the general health of

the American army during the war had been surprisingly good. The death

rate for all forces at home and abroad up to August 30th, 1918, was 5.

per 1,000 men per year, or little more than the civilian death rate for

men of the same age groups.

There were 316,000 cases of influenza among the troops in the United

States during the late summer and fall of 1918 and of 20,500 deaths,

between September 14th and November 8th, 19,800 were ascribed to the

epidemic.

ARMY REACHED TOTAL OF 3,664

An official report shows that on the day the Armistice was signed more

than twenty-five per cent of the male population of the United States

between the ages of 19 and 31 years, were in military service, the army

having reached a total of 3,664,000, with more than 2,000,000 of this

number in Europe. As compared with an army strength of 189,674 in March

1917, one week before war was declared by the United States.

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