good luck, to render the commencement of an undertaking auspicious. The
continuance of good fortune must be carried on by omen influence to the
end.
“When any of these omens, either of bird, beast, or insect, are heard
or seen by the Dayak on his way to the _padi_ lands, he supposes they
foretell either good or ill to himself or to the farm; and in most cases
he will turn back and wait for the following day before proceeding again.
The _nendak_ is generally good, so is the _katupong_ on the right or
left, but the _papau_ (_Harpactes diardi_) is of evil omen, and the man
must beat a retreat. A _beragai_ heard once or twice matters not, but if
often, a day’s rest is necessary. The _mbuas_ (_Carcineutes melanops_)
on the right is wrong, and sometimes it portends so much blight and
destruction that the victim must rest five days. The ‘shout’ of the
_kutok_ (_Lepocestes porphyromelas_) is evil, and that of the _katupong_
so bad that it requires three days’ absence from the farm to allow
the evil to pass away; and even then a _beragai_ must be heard before
commencing work. The _beragai_ is a doctor among birds. If the cry of a
deer, a _pelandok_ (_Tragulus_) be heard, or if a rat crosses the path
before you on your way to the farm, a day’s rest is necessary, or you
will cut yourself, get ill, or suffer by failure of the crop. When a good
omen is heard, one which is supposed to foretell a plentiful harvest,
you must go on to the farm, and do some trifling work by way of ‘leasing
the work of your hands’ there, and then return; in this way you clench
the foreshadowed luck, and at the same time reverence the spirit which
promises it. And should a deer or _pelandok_ come out of the jungle and
on to the farm when you are working there, it means that customers will
come to buy the corn, and that therefore there will be corn for them to
buy. This is the best omen they can have, and they honour it by resting
from work for three days.
“But the worst of all omens is a dead beast of any kind, especially those
included in the omen list, found anywhere on the farm. It infuses a
deadly poison into the whole crop, and will kill some one or other of the
owner’s family within a year. When this terrible thing happens they test
the omen by killing a pig, and divining from the appearance of the liver
immediately after death. If the prediction of the omen be strengthened,
all the rice grown on that ground must be sold; and, if necessary, other
rice bought for their own consumption. Other people may eat it, for the
omen only affects those at whom it is directly pointed. A swarm of bees
lighting on the farm is an equally dreadful matter.”
THE OMEN ANIMALS OF SARAWAK
-------------------------+--------+---------------+--------+------------
SCIENTIFIC NAME. | KAYAN. | KENYAH. | PUNAN. | IBAN.
-------------------------+--------+---------------+--------+------------
Cervulus muntjac |Telaau |Telauoh |Telauoh |Kijang
Tragulus napu |Planok |Planok |Planok |Pelandok
” javanicus |Planok |Planok |Planok |Kamaya Panas
Arctogale leucotis |Munin |Munin | * | *
Haliastur intermedius |Niho |Flaki |Flaki |Senalong
(indus) | | | | Burong
Carcineutes melanops | * |Asi |Asi |Membuas
Berenicornis comatus |Makong |Kong |Makong | *
Harpactes diardi |Upau |Pengolong Bioh |Pengiok | Papau
” kasumba | * |Pengolong Bioh |Pengiok | —
” duvauceli | * |Pengolong Lomit|Pengiok |Beragai
Lepocestes porphyromelas | |Kieng or Usa |Kieng |Pangkas or
| * | Kieng |or Ratat| Kotok, or
| | | | rarely Jaloh
Sasia abnormis | * |Ukang |Bukang |Katupong
Cittocincla suavis | * | * | * |Nendak
Orthotomus cineraceus | * | * | * |Briak
Platylophus coronatus |Pajan |Telajan |Telajan |Bejampong or
| | | | Kajampong
Arachnothera longirostris|Isit |Isit or Sit |Sit |Enkrasak
” modesta |Isit |Sit Asa |Sit |Enkrasak
” chrysogenys |Isit |Sit Asa |Sit |Enkrasak
(Anthreptes malaccensis) |Isit | * | * | *
Coluber melanurus | — |Kusai | * | *
Simotes octolineatus |Batang | * | * | *
| Lima | | |
Doliophis bivirgatus | | | |
(flaviceps) | — |Semoi | * | *
” intestinalis | — |Nawan | * | *
Lachesis wagleri | — |Laun Nangur | * | *
Gryllacris nigrilabris | * | * | * |Malam or
| | | | Kundin
Chrysocoris eques | — |Turok Parai | — | —
Melipona vidua | * | * | * |Manyi
-------------------------+--------+---------------+--------+-------------
In the above table a blank space indicates that I am uncertain whether
that people use the particular omen animal; the * means that it is not
employed.
Omen animals are called _aman_ by the Kayan, Kenyan, and Punan, and
_burong_ by the Iban.
For the convenience of those who would like more precise information
about these animals I give a table showing their position in zoological
classification.
MAMMALIA
UNGULATA Artiodactyla Tragulina Tragulidæ Tragulus
” ” Pecora Cervidæ Cervulus
CARNIVORA Carnivora vera Æluroidea Viverridæ Arctogale
AVES
FALCONIFORMES Accipitres Falconidæ — Haliastur
CORACIIFORMES Coraciæ Alcedinidæ Halcyoninæ Carcineutes
” ” Bucerotidæ — Berenicornis
” Trogones Trogonidæ — Harpactes
— Pici Picidæ Picinæ Lepocestes
— ” ” Picumninæ Sasia
PASSERIFORMES Oscines Turdidæ Turdinæ Cittocincla
” ” ” Sylviinæ Orthotomus
” ” Laniidæ — Platylophus
” ” Nectariniidæ — Arachnothera
” ” ” — Anthreptes
REPTILIA
OPHIDIA Colubridæ Aglypha Colubrinæ Coluber
” ” ” ” Simotes
” ” Proteroglypha Elapinæ Doliophis
” Viperidæ — Crotalinæ Lachesis
INSECTA
ORTHOPTERA Locustodea Gryllacridæ — Gryllacris
HEMIPTERA — Scutelleridæ — Chrysocoris
HYMENOPTERA Petiolata Apidæ — Melipona
The “barking deer” (_Cervulus muntjac_) is very important as an omen to
all peoples, but least so to the Iban. The bark of the deer prevents
people from continuing their journey, and even divorces people who are
newly married.
The little chevrotains, _planok_ or _pelandok_ (_Tragulus napu_ and _T.
javanicus_), have the same function as the muntjac so far as a journey is
concerned, but otherwise they are not very important.
The Rev. W. Chalmers says: “If the cries of any of the three kinds of
deer found in Sarawak be heard when starting on a journey, or when going
to consult the birds by day or by night, it is a sure sign that, if the
matter in hand be followed up, sickness will be the result. Also if a
newly married couple hear them at night they must be divorced, as, if
this be not done, the death of the bride or bridegroom will ensue. I
myself have known instances of this omen causing a divorce, and I must
say the separation has always been borne most philosophically by the
parties most concerned; in fact, the morning of one of these divorces, I
remember seeing an ex-bridegroom working hard at shaping some ornamental
brass-work, which Dayak women are in the habit of wearing round their
waists, and he said he intended to bestow it on a certain damsel whom he
had in his eye for a _new_ wife.”
Sir Spenser St. John writes: “To hear the cry of a deer is at all times
unlucky, and to prevent the sound reaching their ears during a marriage
procession gongs and drums are loudly beaten. On the way to their farms,
should the unlucky omen be heard, they will return home and do no more
work for a day.”
A Malay told me: If a Sarawak Malay was striking a light in the evening
in his house, and a _pelandok_ made a noise at the same time, the whole
family would have to leave the house for three days; should they not do
so, the house would catch fire and be burned down, or sickness or other
calamity would overtake them.
On the second day of one of Hose’s journeys through the jungle, the chief
who was with him saw a _pelandok_ rush across the path. Hose being behind
did not observe it, but he saw all his party sitting on a log, and the
chief informed Hose that he could not proceed that day as his “legs were
tied up.” This was most inconvenient, as Hose was in a hurry; but the men
would not go on. Hose freely took upon himself all the responsibility,
and said he would go first and would explain to the _pelandok_ that he
was the person in fault. The chief would not agree even to this, and
did not budge, but said he would follow the next day. Hose went on with
some of the men as far as he could, and then camped. Next day the chief
caught Hose up at noon, and appeared very much surprised that no harm had
befallen him. Hose chaffed him about his legs, and was “pleased to see
that they had become untied”!
The small viverrine carnivore, _Arctogale leucotis_, is one of the most
important omens for Kenyahs and Kayans, who, however, have a particular
dread of coming in contact with it, lest it should produce sickness;
they will never so much as touch a piece of its dried skin. It is not an
omen for the Iban nor for the Punans, who even kill and eat it. After
having obtained other omens the Kayans are glad to see the _munin_, as it
is useful in conjunction with other omens, but they do not like to hear
it squealing.
The screeching of the large hawk (_Haliastur intermedius_), which is
closely allied to or a sub-species of Brahminy kite (_H. indus_), is a
cautionary sign with the Kayans, and though it is not in itself a bad
sign, they will generally return home from any enterprise on hearing
it if they are still taking omens, or at all events they will remain
where they are for the day. What the Kayan and Kenyahs most desire when
“owning” a hawk is to see it skim silently, without moving its wings
either to the right or to the left, as they wish it. Any other action
than this, such as a swoop down or continued flapping of the wings, is
considered unfavourable. Something bad is going to take place, they do
not know what it may be or to whom it will happen, so everyone who sees
the hawk do this turns away his face, or retires to some place out of the
sight of the hawk, lest on being observed he should be the one on whom
the misfortune will fall. On such an occasion no one speaks a word, and
all return into the house and wait from ten minutes to half an hour. If
they are very anxious to go on again that day they slip quietly out of
the house so that the hawk may not see them, get into their boats, and
start on their journey.
If the hawk appears on the wrong side when men are paddling a few days
away from home and nearing another village, they immediately turn the
boat right round and pull to the bank and light a fire. By turning round
they put the hawk on the right side, and being satisfied in their own
minds they proceed on their journey as before.
The hawk, or, as the Iban call it, _Sengalong Burong_, is a very
important being. The little woodpecker (_Sasia abnormis_), _Katupong_, is
his son-in-law, being married to Dara Inchin Temaga Indu Monkok Chilebok
China, a poetical _hantu_ who mentions in her songs the names of all the
mouths of the rivers in their order, from Sarawak River to some distance
up the coast. This is probably the remnant of a migration saga. The
smallest of the trogons (_Harpactes duvauceli_), _beragai_, also married
another daughter of _Sengalong Burong_.
Although this is the most important of any Iban omen bird, it is his
sons-in-law that are most used. Food is offered to _Sengalong Burong_.
I believe that other large hawk-like birds are used as omens.
The Brahminy kite is popularly supposed in India to be the sacred Garuda,
the mythical bird, half eagle and half man, which in Hindu mythology is
the _vahana_, or “vehicle,” of Vishnu. Whenever Bengali children see one
of these birds they cry out—
“Let drinking vessels and cups be given to the _Shankar Chil_” (Brahminy
kite); “but let the common kite get a kick on its face.”
There is a kingfisher that lives in the jungle (_Carcineutes melanops_)
which is not a particularly lucky bird. If, when they are making a trap,
the Iban hear the long, mournful whistle of the _membuas_ they know that
although the trap will catch things, it will only be after an interval
of ten or fourteen days that they will have any luck. On other occasions
it is not unusual for them to catch little partridges, such as _Rollulus
rouloul_, directly they have set up the trap, but often, under ordinary
circumstances, it will be a day before they catch anything.
The Kenyahs apparently dislike this bird, which they call _asi_, as it is
not very favourable; in fact, they would rather not see it.
The white-crested hornbill (_Berenicornis comatus_), which has a
moderate-sized, black-keeled casque on its beak, and bare, blue orbits
and throat, is an _aman_, that is sought for by Kenyahs and Kayans,
particularly by the latter, when felling jungle for planting, and when
going on the war-path. The Kenyahs use it slightly, and the Iban not at
all; it is in any case an omen bird of secondary importance.
The trogon, called by the Iban _papau_ (_Harpactes diardi_), is
particularly useful to these people when hunting in the jungle for deer,
pig, etc., as it is a sure sign that they will obtain something that
day. The bird’s note of “pau, pau, pau,” infuses fresh energy into them.
Supposing some Iban were making a spring-trap (_panjok_), the moment one
of them heard the cry of the _papau_, or _beragai_ (_H. duvauceli_), he
would at once snap off or cut off a small twig with a _parang_—the small
piece of wood thus cut or broken off is used for the release of the
trap—the man would at the same time remark to the bird, “Here we are!”
Other tribes, such as the Kenyahs and Punans, use _H. diardi_ as an
omen, but it is not an important one; but _H. duvauceli_ is of very
considerable importance to the Kenyahs when going on the war-path, it
being one of the omens of which it is imperative to obtain a sight or
hearing. _H. kasumba_ is employed indifferently with _H. diardi_.
_Lepocestes porphyromelas_ is one of the most important of the omen
birds, as it makes two perfectly distinct notes, one of which is
favourable and the other unfavourable. On a rainy day it calls “tok, tok,
tok,” but when the sun comes out it bursts into a long “kieng, kieng.”
_Tok_ is bad, but _kieng_ is good.
When a Kenyah hears the _tok_ cry he immediately stops, lights a fire,
and takes the usual precautions in talking to it. He knows perfectly well
that the same bird makes the two notes, and he waits for the _kieng_.
His explanation is that when the bird calls “tok” it is angry, and
in a good temper when it sings “kieng,” and therefore it is well not
to go contrariwise to the omen. The Iban behave in a similar manner.
The Kenyahs regard it as a bird of warning, but not one that assists
in getting anything. If a man was doing anything with a _parang_, or
a knife, or other sharp-edged tool, and heard even “kieng,” he would
probably desist from further use of it for that day.
The little woodpecker (_Sasia abnormis_) is in high favour among the
Iban; in fact, they consider it most important, as he represents his
father-in-law, _Senalong Burong_. The _katupong_ appears to produce
whatever result they require. It is of less importance with other peoples
of Sarawak.
Mr. Crossland informs us if a _katupong_ enters a house at one end and
flies out by the other, men and women snatch up a few necessaries, such
as mats and rice, and stampede, leaving everything unsecured and the
doors unfastened. If anyone approaches the house at night he will see
large and shadowy demons chasing each other through it, and hear their
unintelligible talk. After a while the people return and erect the ladder
they have overthrown, and the women sprinkle the house with water “to
cool it.”
A kind of thrush (_Cittocincla suavis_) is particularly useful to the
Iban when looking for gutta or other jungle produce. _Nendak_ is a good
bird to own, as it is a _burong chelap_, and on hearing it they would not
be afraid of any sickness.
Before starting on a gutta expedition they would require to see something
before _beragai_ (_Harpactes duvauceli_), as this is a _burong tampak_,
that is, an omen animal that is potent for hunting. What they like is:
first to get _nendak_; then wait three days while they are “owning”
it; finally, to get _beragai_ on the right. This combination signifies
certain success; not only would they find gutta, but would obtain plenty
of it, and no harm or sickness would befall them. If, however, they went
for gutta on _beragai_ alone, and that perhaps appeared on the left, they
would obtain a fair amount of gutta, but they would stand a good chance
of some misfortune happening to them, and one of their party might fall
sick or even die.
The tailor bird (_Orthotomus cineraceus_), although employed by Iban
only, is of very little use, as it is only a secondary _burong_. It may
be employed as an additional argument when deciding for _selam_, or trial
by the water ordeal. This consists in the two disputants putting their
heads under water, and the one who has the most staying power has right
on his side.
The Bornean shrike, which has an erectile crest of long and broad
feathers on its head (_Platylophus coronatus_), is used by the Iban as
a weather prophet on account of its unerring faculty of foretelling a
storm, for whenever its whistle is heard rain is always to be expected.
It is very important for Kenyahs and Kayans in connection with tilling
farms. When Kayans are clearing away undergrowth for a farm, after having
offered to _niho_ (_Haliastur intermedius_) and other _aman_, it is
desirable they should hear _pajan_, the shrike, for then they know they
will get plenty of _padi_ of good quality, but there will be a good deal
of hard work, and possibly a considerable amount of sickness and cuts and
wounds. If they procure this omen they take the precaution of building
very substantial granaries.
Three species of sun birds (_Arachnothera longirostris_, _A. modesta_,
and _A. chrysogenys_) are very important to Kayans, Kenyahs, and Punans.
Any one of these species is used impartially, and they bear the name of
_sit_ or _isit_.
The _sit_ is always the first bird to look for when undertaking anything.
Fortunately an individual of one of the three species is almost always
to be seen crossing the river. It is one of the least important omen
birds with the Iban. When Kayans, Punans, and Mĕlanaus go in search of
camphor it is first necessary to see a _sit_ fly from right to left, and
then from left to right. A Mĕlanau who is intending to start on such an
expedition sits in the bow of his boat and chants—
_O Sit, Sit, ta-au, Kripan murip, Sit._
_Ano senigo akau, ano napan akau._
(“O Sit, Sit, on the right, give me a long life, Sit.
Help me to obtain what I require, make me plenty of that for
which I am looking.”)
An allied bird, _Anthreptes malaccensis_, is commonly mistaken by Kayans,
but by them only, for _Arachnothera longirostris_, who then use it as an
omen bird, but it is not so used by the Kenyahs, by whom it is called
_manok obah_.
All the snake _aman_ are bad omens, and in the case of a Kayan seeing
_batang lima_ (_Simotes octolineatus_) he will endeavour to kill it, and
if successful no evil will follow; should he fail to kill it then “look
out”!
I believe that the Sea Dayaks pay some regard to _sawa_, a large python
(_Python reticulatus_), and to _tuchok_, a kind of gecko or house lizard
(_Ptychozoon homalocephalum_), and to _brinkian_, another kind of gecko;
but I do not know whether these are, strictly speaking, _burong_.
The omen _padi_ bug, _turok parai_ (_Chrysocoris eques_), is of
importance to the Kenyahs alone, and that only because it injures the
crops.
The bee _manyi_ is an Iban _burong_ only. If a swarm of bees settled
underneath a house that had recently been built it would be considered a
bad sign, and probably it would be necessary to destroy that particular
section of the house or to leave the house altogether.
Many Land Dayaks, on the contrary, keep bees in their houses, and among
most of the peoples of Borneo, including the Iban, it is most lucky in
planting time to dream of an abundance of bees.
There are other creatures whose appearance, cry, or movements may signify
good or bad luck, which are not omen animals (_i.e._ _burong_ or _aman_)
in the strict sense of the term. For example, the hawk owl (_Ninox
scutulata_) makes a melancholy cry at night, on account of which it is
very much disliked by the natives, who regard it as a foreteller of
death. Its native name is _pongok_.
If the Malay bear (_Heliarctos malayanus_) climbs into an Iban’s house
it is a bad sign, and the house would have to be pulled down.
According to Perham, in answer to the question of the origin of this
system of “birding,” some Dayaks [Iban] have given the following. In
early times the ancestor of the Malays and the ancestor of the Dayaks
had, on a certain occasion, to swim across a river. Both had books. The
Malay tied his firmly in his turban, kept his head well out of water, and
reached the opposite bank with his book intact and dry. The Dayak, less
wise, fastened his to the end of his waist cloth, and the current washed
it away. But the fates intervened to supply the loss, and gave the Dayak
this system of omens as a substitute for the book.
Another story relates the following. Some Dayaks [Iban] in the Batang
Lupar made a great feast, and invited many guests. When everything was
ready and arrivals expected, a tramp and hum, as of a great company of
people, was heard close to the village. The hosts, thinking it to be the
invited friends, went forth to meet them with meat and drink, but found
with some surprise they were all utter strangers. However, without any
questioning, they received them with due honour, and gave them all the
hospitalities of the occasion. When the time of departing came, they
asked the strange visitors who they were and from whence, and received
something like the following reply from their chief: “I am _Sengalong
Burong_, and these are my sons-in-law and other friends. When you hear
the voices of the birds (giving their names), know that you hear us,
for they are our deputies in this lower world. Thereupon the Dayaks
discovered they had been entertaining spirits unawares, and received as
reward of their hospitality the knowledge of the omen system.”
Archdeacon Perham is perfectly right in his statement that “the
sacredness of the omen birds is thus explained: they are forms of animal
life possessed with the spirit of certain invisible beings above, and
bearing their names; so that when a Dayak [Iban] hears a _beragai_,
for instance, it is really the voice of _Beragai_ the son-in-law of
_Sengalong Burong_; nay, more, the assenting nod or dissenting frown
of the great spirit himself. ‘These birds,’ says _Sengalong Burong_,
‘possess my mind and spirit, and represent me in the lower world. When
you hear them, remember it is I who speak for encouragement or for
warning.’ The object of the bird-cultus is like that of all other rites:
to secure good crops, freedom from accidents and falls and diseases,
victory in war, profit in exchange and trade, skill in discourse, and
cleverness in all native craft.”
We know that such very distinct peoples in Sarawak alone as the Iban,
Land Dayaks, Muruts, Punans, Kayans, and Kenyahs pay attention to omen
animals, and in most cases to the same animals. This points to a common
origin of the cult, for in some cases there is no specially obvious
reason why that particular species of animal should have been selected.
In the three last-mentioned peoples the names of the omen animals are
practically similar, but many of the Iban names are different.
There is no doubt that this cult is indigenous to Borneo; it is probable
that it formed part of the fundamental religious equipment of the Iban,
but it is also probable that the Iban have borrowed somewhat from
neighbouring indigenous tribes. Much more information must be obtained
before a satisfactory history of this interesting cult can be written.
The question may be asked whether the cult of omen animals in Borneo is
connected with totemism. Personally I do not think this is the case,
as there is in the omen cult no direct relationship between a species
of animal and a group of men or a single individual. Neither does it
enter at all into social organisation nor marriage restrictions. It is
extremely probable that totemism, in the true sense of the term, is only
one of several cults of animals; but this is not the place to enter into
a discussion of these difficult and polemical problems.
CHAPTER XXIV
THE CULT OF SKULLS IN SARAWAK
A good deal has been written on the subject of head-hunting in Borneo,
and Ling Roth has collected together the available information about the
practice in Sarawak.
There can be little doubt that one of the chief incentives to procure
heads was to please the women. Among some tribes it was said to be an
indispensable necessity for a young man to procure a skull before he
could marry, and the possession of a head decapitated by himself seemed
to be a fairly general method employed by a young man to ingratiate
himself with the maiden of his choice. The fact of a young man being
sufficiently brave and energetic to go head-hunting would promise
well for his ability to protect a wife. This is, at all events, one
sufficiently rational reason for the custom, and there may be others as
yet not even guessed at.
The pride women feel in their men-folk who have taken heads is not
confined to these people of Borneo; formerly amongst the western tribe of
Torres Straits a young man who had taken a skull would very soon receive
a proposal of marriage from some eligible young woman.
Some tribes believe that the persons whose heads they take will become
their slaves in the next world. In this case head-collecting would mean
for them a wise precaution for the future.
A desire for reprisal of injuries, the vendetta or blood feud is a very
common reason for going on the war-path and bringing home the appropriate
trophies.
The following incident was recorded in the _Sarawak Gazette_ (vol.
xxv., 1895, p. 91): A low-class Kayan named Boi Wan at Long Lama had
taken a head from the Kayan graveyard and hung it up near his farm, and
another Kayan named Jelivan said he had killed a man under the house,
but this was a false statement, no one having been killed. The reason
for these two men acting in this way was that they might wear hornbills’
feathers, and have their hands tattooed, which is allowed by Kayan custom
only to those who have taken a head. These two men caused a great deal
of trouble, and the neighbourhood was in a very disturbed state. The
Resident fined each man fifty dollars, and made them put the head in the
grave whence it had been stolen.
It is the custom amongst the Kayans and Kenyahs that, before the
people can go out of mourning for a chief or for one of a chief’s near
relations, either a new head must be taken or an old one, or some portion
of one must be obtained.
If the people obtain an old head from some friendly community they go
through the same ceremony as if they had recently taken the head of an
enemy. The head, by-the-by, is always given, never sold. A head that has
once been given in this way, or even only lent, is seldom returned to
the place from which it has been taken. If a skull should be returned it
is generally put under the house or in some separate shed. Kayans and
Kenyahs, however, generally take skulls back into the house.
As Rajah Brooke will not permit the taking of a fresh head to enable
a community to go out of mourning, and as there is sometimes great
difficulty in borrowing a skull, or even a portion of one, the dilemma
has been overcome and custom satisfied, I have been informed, by the
village borrowing a skull from the collection kept at certain Government
forts for this purpose. These skulls are labelled A, B, C, etc., and a
record kept of each borrowing transaction. When all the ceremonies are
over the skull has to be returned to the fort, where it is available for
another occasion.
When a skull is given to a friend the following ceremony has to be gone
through. A living chicken is waved over the man who takes down the head,
over the ladder, the basket or framework that contains the head, as well
as over the skull itself. The owner talks to the fowl, telling it to
explain to the head that they are parting with it to friends who will
treat it even better than it was treated in its own house. That the new
owners will feast it, and it must not consider itself to be slighted in
the least degree. All then present join in a war-whoop.
A piece of iron is taken, an old parang blade, or a spear-head, or
anything made of _iron_, and the head and wings of the chicken are torn
off with the iron, which thus becomes covered with blood. The hand of the
owner of the skull, who is generally the chief or headman of the house,
is next smeared with the bloody iron. This ceremony is called _urip_,
that is, “life,” and has for its object the prevention of harm coming
to the original owner. Finally, some of the wing feathers of the fowl
are pulled out, and stuck into the framework or basket containing the
remaining skulls.
The skull is brought into the house of mourning with all the ceremony
that would ensue if the head had been captured on the war-path, and the
_urip_ rite is again performed.
After the sprinkling ceremony everybody in the house and all relations
in neighbouring houses take off their old mourning clothes, which are
usually made of bark cloth; they then wash themselves and put on clean
clothes. They also shave the hair round the crown and make themselves
smart. Every “door,” that is every family, kills a pig or a fowl, and all
eat, drink, and are merry. Very often after this ceremony the head is
taken out of the house, and hung up at the grave of the deceased chief.
After a good harvest, or after a successful head-hunting expedition, or
when one or more skulls are added to the collection, a cube of cooked fat
pork, with a skewer of wood thrust through it to keep it in position, is
placed in the nose of each skull, and borak, the spirit made from rice,
is put into a small bamboo receptacle about an inch and a half long,
which is placed by the skull. Wooden hooks (_kawit_) are hung up near the
skulls, with the idea that they will help the head-hunters to obtain more
skulls on their forays. It is an example of sympathetic magic, the object
of the wooden hooks being to hook in fresh heads.
I cannot refrain from mentioning what strikes one as being, to say the
least of it, an illogical action on the part of the Sarawak Government.
Head-hunting is rigorously put down, and rightly so; but when the
Government organises a punitive expedition, say, to punish a recalcitrant
head-hunting chief, the natives (generally Iban) comprising the
Government force are always allowed to keep what heads they can secure.
This is their perquisite. Surely it would be a more dignified position
not to allow a single head to be taken away by anyone in the Raj under
any pretext whatever, and to remunerate the punitive force in some more
direct manner.
[Illustration: PLATE XXX
SKULL TROPHY IN A KAYAN HOUSE
SKULL TROPHIES IN ABAN ABIT’S HOUSE AT LONG TISAM, BARAWAN TRIBE]
According to the Kayans and Kenyahs, head-hunting has been in vogue only
for some eight to ten generations, certainly not earlier. Hose would put
the time of its introduction to these tribes not more than two hundred
years ago.
A Kenyah version of the origin of the custom is as follows; it was
narrated by Aban Jau, a Sĕbop.
In olden days—and they still continue the practice—the Kenyahs took only
the hair of a man killed on the war-path, and with this they decorated
their shields.
One Rajah Tokong determined to retaliate on a neighbouring tribe that
had killed some of his people, and having made all the customary
preparations, he set out with his followers. They started, as is usually
the case when going on the war-path, just after the _padi_ had been
planted, as this is a slack season, and paddled down the river and
entered the jungle. On the third or fourth day, whilst they were cooking
their rice on the bank of a small brook, they heard a frog croaking,
“Wang kok kok tatak batok, Wang kok kok tatak batok” (_tatak batok_
signifies “cut the neck,” in other words, “cut off the head”). Tokong
listened to the frog and said, “What do you mean?” The frog replied, “You
Kenyahs are dreadful fools; you go on the war-path and kill people, and
only take their hair, which is of very little use, whilst if you were to
take away the whole skull you would have everything that you required—a
good harvest and no sickness, and but very little trouble of any kind. If
you do not know how to take a head, I will show you.” Thus spoke the frog
taunting them, and catching a little frog, he chopped off its head.
Tokong did not think much of this, but one of his _bakis_, or right-hand
men, who was an elderly man, pondered long over the incident, and during
the night he had a strange dream. He dreamt that he saw fields of _padi_,
the plants being weighted down with their heavy grain, and in addition
he saw an abundance of other food—sugar-cane, sweet potatoes, and what
not. Next morning he said to Tokong, “I am very much concerned about what
the frog said,” and then he narrated his dream. Tokong still appeared to
think very little of it, but the other men strongly advised him, if they
were successful, to bring back one or two of the heads.
Eventually they attacked the hostile house and killed seven people.
The old _bakis_ put three of the heads in his basket with the consent
of Tokong, who had been persuaded that no harm could be done in trying
this new venture. They returned at the usual breakneck pace, and found
that they were able to travel at a great rate without much fatigue.
On reaching the river they witnessed a phenomenon they had never seen
before; the stream, although it was far above the reach of the tide,
commenced running up immediately they got into their boats, and with very
little exertion in the way of poling they quickly reached their farms.
To their surprise they saw the _padi_ had grown knee-deep, and whilst
walking through the fields it continued to grow rapidly, and ultimately
burst into ear.
The usual war-whoops were shouted as they neared their home, and were
answered by a din of gongs from the house. The people, one and all, came
out to welcome them, the lame commenced dancing, and those who had been
sick for years were sufficiently energetic to go and fetch water, and
everybody appeared to be in perfect health.
The heads were hung up and a fire lighted underneath to warm them, and
everything was very jolly.
Seeing all this, Tokong remarked, “The frog was certainly right, and in
future we must bring back the heads.”
* * * * *
Suppose the members of a community of Kenyahs are intending to move into
a new house and do not wish to take all the old skulls with them, it is
necessary to devise some means for keeping the fact of their proposed
removal from the knowledge of the skulls, for otherwise, should the
skulls find out that they had been deserted, they would avenge themselves
on the people of the house by causing many to go mad, and various other
calamities would also ensue.
The skulls are deceived in the following manner. After the new site has
been selected, and favourable omens obtained, but before any actual work
has been commenced, a small hut is built close to the old house; this is
well roofed, but only partly walled with leaves; a fireplace is made on
the ground with large pebbles, and if necessary a new board or framework
is suspended above it for the reception of the skulls. A fire is lit
and the place made what they consider snug. The skulls that are to be
left behind are then taken down by some very old man and with great care
are hung up in the new hut. A pig or chicken is killed, and the usual
ceremony (as described above) is performed.
The skulls are left in the hut, and each day a fire is lit beneath them,
and apparently they are very comfortable and pleased with their new home;
but at times suspicious skulls are heard to “kriak kriak,” and they may
even throw themselves down on to the floor. If this should happen the
skulls are taken back again, for the people dare not run the risk of
displeasing them; but if nothing takes place the people know that the
skulls are quite contented with their lot.
A good deal of trouble is taken by the people to prevent the skulls from
knowing anything that is going on, and no mention is made before them of
a new house being built.
When the new house is completed, the skulls that remained in the old
house are removed to the new one with great ceremony. Before they are
actually moved, the headman touches them and speaks to Balli Pengalong,
the Supreme Being, and to Balli Urip, who gives men long life, and
likewise he brings in by name most of the other gods; they fear to leave
them out lest the slighted gods should be annoyed and retaliate on the
inhabitants of the house. Then fowls are killed and their blood sprinkled
in the usual manner.
The men go into the new house by the front entrance, but the basket
containing the skulls is hauled up outside the house, and then pulled in
through the open space in front of the verandah; it may not be carried up
the steps and through the main entrance. The _siap_ (charms) are brought
in afterwards.
On the morning of the day when the people enter the new house a fire is
built up beneath the skulls that are left behind of wood that smoulders
for a long time, and the people skulk away from the hut as if afraid.
After about three days the fire burns out, and the skulls begin to talk
and grumble to one another. “Where are the people?” “How is it that no
fire has been put here?” “It’s fearfully cold.” The roof then chimes in,
“Oh, they are probably away at the farms; most likely they will be here
in a day or two.”
Day after day goes by. No one comes back, and the skulls begin to feel
sure something is wrong. However, they live in hope for some time. After
a month or so the leafy roof begins to leak; when the skulls feel the
rain they say to the roof, “Why do you serve us so badly? Why do you
allow the rain to fall on us? Why don’t you make the people come and
mend you.” The roof replies, “Don’t you know that you have been left.
The people have gone long ago.” Then the skulls begin to hustle around
and seek to revenge themselves on the people who have deserted them.
They look up river and down river and along the banks, but rain has
obliterated all the tracks the people made when they flitted; and finding
it hopeless to follow them they give themselves up to their fate, and
gradually become bleached by the rain and the heat of the sun. Their
ratan lashing rots, and they fall to the ground. So the people are saved
from any serious harm coming to them.
It may be asked, Why do people ever leave skulls behind them when they
move into a new house, as they are always very anxious to obtain new
ones? There is a very common-sense reason for this apparently anomalous
proceeding.
Although the skulls are very old, and those who obtained them are long
dead and buried, they have to receive the same care and attention while
they are still in the house as the more recent skulls. They have to be
fed with pork and refreshed with _borak_, and the fire has to be attended
to daily; unless all this is done the inhabitants of the house will have
only bad luck. On the other hand, those in the house receive no benefit
from these skulls, that is, assuming the owners to have died. Why, then,
should they be put to all this trouble and even run a risk of ill luck
should the skulls consider themselves slighted, but at the same time gain
no advantage? The natives of Borneo are sharp enough to appreciate that
this is not good business, and so they judiciously relieve themselves of
their somewhat troublesome benefactors.
CHAPTER XXV
PEACE-MAKING AT BARAM
At the close of our stay at Baram we had the good fortune to be present
at a great gathering of chiefs and representative men, with their
followers, from all parts of this large district. The festivities and
competitions connected with the gathering commenced on April 8th, and
lasted for several days. After these were over, taxes were paid in at
the fort, and during the whole time that the visitors were in Claudetown
a great deal of business was done in the bazaar with the Chinese
storekeepers, for large quantities of jungle produce were brought down
the river, and many goods purchased by the natives. To do them justice I
must add that the leading Chinese storekeepers had volunteered a handsome
donation towards the heavy expenses of the meeting, the remainder being
met by private subscriptions from the white men then present.
It was not possible to count the number of people gathered together. Tama
Bulan estimated the Kenyahs at about 2,500; there may have been 1,500
Kayans, and some 500 Madangs, including a few Batang Kayans; the Long
Kiputs, Long Patas, Naroms, etc., probably numbered 1,500; thus making a
grand total of at least 6,000 persons.
It was quite exciting seeing the canoes arrive and to welcome old
friends, whom one had met in their own homes, and to make fresh
acquaintances, as they come to pay their respects to the Resident.
From every part of the district they streamed in, and even from beyond.
Deputations came from the Orang Bukits of the Balait River, and from
the people of the Tutong River who are still under the authority of the
Sultan of Brunei. Representatives also came from tribes on the upper
waters of the Batang Kayan, or Balungan River, who are nominally under
the Dutch Government. Besides all these settled peoples, numerous nomad
Punans put in an appearance from different quarters.
In order to give a stimulus to the cultivation of _padi_ of superior
quality, a _padi_ and rice competition was previously announced; unhusked
rice is here referred to as _padi_. As this was the first attempt at a
competition of this sort in the district, only the down-river natives
were invited to compete. There were a hundred and fifty-seven entries in
each class; for each class there were three prizes. The native judges
unanimously awarded the first rice prize to Abit, an Orang Bukit.
On the morning of the 9th was a boat race, limited to canoes carrying a
crew of fifteen men. The course was two and a quarter miles, and the time
was eleven minutes five seconds. Tama Bulan’s people, the Long Belukan
Kenyahs, won the race, but they were hardly pressed by a Malay boat.
An obstacle race next took place, which caused great amusement. The
competitors had to run up and down one or two hillocks, to jump over a
hurdle, and then dive off a crazy staging into a pond; after swimming
this there was a steep hill to climb, next a converging framework ended
in two small orifices which led into two canvas tubes which had been
coated internally with soot, and finally a pool had to be passed through.
Those who came through presented a very bedraggled appearance, and
received the good-humoured chaff of the onlookers.
The same evening we had a display of Chinese fireworks. The rockets
and fire-balloon were greatly appreciated, but the cataract of Chinese
crackers was rather trying to the nerves of some of the people.
Unfortunately the following evenings were too wet to allow of more
fireworks.
In the afternoon a large preliminary gathering was held in the temporary
hall which Hose had erected for this purpose. The chiefs and Europeans
sat on a raised platform, of which a portion was railed off for the
separation of the more important personages. The meeting was opened
by _borak_ being handed round. Tama Bulan, in giving me a whisky and
soda, made the usual speech in musical declamation, and repeated the
performance to the other members of the party. Next he offered drink to
and apostrophised Douglas, and finally Hose. The two officials received
tremendous applause from the crowded throng. I then gave a drink to Tama
Bulan, and delivered a little recitative in the English tongue but in
the Kenyah manner, and we cheered him again and again, and sang—
“For he’s a jolly good fellow.”
Tama Bulan gave drinks to most of the chiefs present, emphasising with
appropriate speeches the more important of them. With some he was
evidently on very friendly terms, sitting down and caressing them while
speaking; he also made a point of being markedly friendly with the Madang
chief whom he had recently visited with Hose.
Aban Tingan, the warrior brother of Tama Bulan, gave a drink to Taman
Jaat Kirieng, a chief of the Lepu Agas who recently came to reside in
the Silat. The latter chief formerly lived in the Batang Kayan, in Dutch
territory, where a number of his people still remain. It was interesting
to see these two men sit and cuddle one another and drink together, when
one remembered that until very recently they were at enmity, and a few
years ago Aban Tingan, when on the war-path, had thrust a spear through
the thigh of Taman Jaat Kirieng, a wound which nearly proved fatal.
There was also a Kenyah-Kayan-Madang group of chiefs, who sat with their
arms round one another and sipped from the same glass of _borak_.
That evening I was in a war-canoe that was engaged with two or three
others in an exciting practice race. The vociferous effervescence of the
rival crews, the exhilaration of rapid movement, and the stimulation of
half-stifling showers of spurting spray, formed a striking contrast to
the sweet tranquillity of a waning tropical day, as it folded itself to
rest in the gorgeous robes of sunset.
But a new element of turmoil arose as the Lirongs dashed down the river
in three canoes, chanting their war-song, and dressed in feathered war
coats and caps. They were received with re-echoed shouts, which were
merged into a continuous roar of sound. No sooner had they landed than
they rushed up the hill, and before one could realise what was happening
there was a rough-and-tumble, in which the Resident and Tama Bulan were
mixed up, and everyone had his share of blows. Hose, as a matter of fact,
had fully expected this encounter, as it is according to custom that
people who feel aggrieved should make some display when first meeting
those against whom they have a grudge. In this instance the Lirongs had
a score to pay off on Tama Bulan, as two years previously he had led
a Government punitive expedition against them, in which two murderers
were attacked and killed. Tama Bulan did not know that the Lirongs had
arrived, and was quite unprepared, although a number of his followers,
seeing the Lirongs’ canoes scudding down the last reach, had rushed to
their huts and donned the panoply of war. No serious damage was done, and
all friction ought then to have been over.
The next morning a public meeting was announced in the temporary hall,
but whilst the people were assembling, the Lirongs, assisted by the
Sĕbops, started another _jawa_, and there was a great hubbub and some
scuffling as they attempted to drag the Kenyah chiefs from the platform
on which they were seated. This was not according to lawful custom, and
indicated spite, as the scrimmage of the previous evening should have
settled the affair.
The people became mad with excitement when blood was seen flowing down
Tama Bulan’s face, owing to a blow over the left eye. This was the signal
for less covert hostilities, and the Kenyahs and Kayans rushed to their
several huts for weapons, and the Lirongs made for their boats, but the
Long Kiputs and Sĕbops were nearer their huts, and soon armed themselves.
Hose had wisely arranged that the Kenyahs and Kayans were encamped on the
lawn near the Residency, while the Lirongs were located in the Bazaar, a
good way off down the hill and beyond the Long Kiput encampment; between
these and the camp of the Kenyahs and Kayans was a large unoccupied
tract, in which was the fort.
Hose immediately grasped the situation, ran to the fort, and in a very
short space of time had the two small cannon charged with shot, the one
trained towards the huts of the Long Kiputs, and the other towards the
main encampment. The fortmen and some of the crew of the _Lucille_, and
one or two other trusted men were armed by Douglas with rifles.
No sooner had Hose given his orders than he rushed unarmed down to the
Lirong boats, and after a great deal of trouble succeeded in quieting
down the Lirongs and other natives, who had by this time armed themselves
with spears, parangs, and shields. The din was awful, and the excitement
intense; that Hose came out of it unharmed was due to the fact that the
trouble was purely local, and had nothing to do with the Government,
which, as represented by the Resident, was loyally respected. The esteem,
not unmixed with fear, in which Hose is personally held by all the
natives of his immense district, stood him in good stead, and the rapid
quieting down of the overwrought, gesticulating crowd was a powerful
argument in favour of a “personal Government.”
Douglas had charge of the fort, and no one was allowed to pass from one
side of the open ground to the other. He also succeeded in pacifying the
Long Kiputs and Long Patas.
Beyond, there were angry and vociferating groups of Kenyahs and Kayans,
and one or two men danced and brandished imaginary spears and shields
as they harangued their several groups and clamoured for vengeance.
Thanks to the good sense of the chiefs, assisted by the calming words of
McDougall, they gradually simmered down.
All danger was now over, and Hose went about interviewing chiefs, and
orders were issued that no one was to carry a spear, parang, or other
weapon, on pain of its being confiscated temporarily.
In the afternoon, at Hose’s instigation, the Lirongs presented Tama Bulan
with two tawaks and three gongs. Tama Bulan wanted to make peace without
compensation being made to him, and the Kenyah chiefs and Tama Bulan’s
followers were also disinclined to allow any sort of compensation to
be made to Tama Bulan, but for a different reason, and suggested they
should in any case wait to see how the wound progressed before anything
was received. Fortunately for the sake of peace, McDougall was on the
spot, and bound up Tama Bulan’s wound directly, and under his treatment
it rapidly healed, though the eye was black for some days. Tama Bulan was
thoroughly at one with Hose, and was equally anxious to bring matters to
a close, and said he was ready to accept apologies only.
Hose next went down to the Bazaar and suggested to Taman Aping Bulieng,
the headman of the Lirongs, that he should call on Tama Bulan to inquire
after him. He at once acquiesced, and immediately went to call on Tama
Bulan, with whom he stayed a couple of hours. All through there was
little friction between the chiefs themselves, the misunderstanding was
principally due to the inferior men, who had nothing to lose by causing
trouble.
This unfortunate occurrence put a stop to any further festivities for
that day. The social atmosphere was too electrical for friendly rivalry,
and there were great searchings of heart among the various combinations
of natives, and many arrangements had to be made by Hose and Douglas to
ease down the excitement.
The Lirongs admitted they were entirely in the wrong, as there was no
custom that allowed a _jawa_ to be done a second time. In order to
quiet his followers, Tama Bulan immediately he was hurt gave out that
he was hit by a fallen roof-pole of the hall and not by a blow from a
Lirong. Later, when all was settled, the truth leaked out, and also
with his customary good sense he was content to accept the apologies of
the Lirongs, and to let bygones be bygones; but for politic reasons he
accepted their presents.
It is occasions of this sort that test the loyalty and capability of men,
and bravery and readiness in an emergency are bound to make themselves
felt. It will be remembered that a few years before Orang Kaya Tumonggong
Lawai was an ill-disposed warrior whom the Government had some little
difficulty in bringing to reason. This former defier of the Government
proved his loyalty by walking up and down among the excited people, armed
only with a walking-stick, and he effectually exerted his influence to
quiet them down.
A little incident like this proves that the present form of government
is extremely suitable for the people. As in the case of Tama Bulan in
the early days when the Baram was taken over, and in other instances, a
little rough discipline served to develop what sterling qualities were
lying latent in them. Indeed, trouble is usually given at first instance
by those men of character who later on shape into loyal and capable
adherents of the Government.
One great feature of the peace-making was a _tuba_ fishing on an
unprecedented scale, and a lake connected with Baram River was to be the
scene of the attempt.
We started in the steamer at 6 a.m. on the morning of the 11th, and on
our way down stream we passed numerous canoes that had started still
earlier. On arriving at the scene of action we transhipped into a boat
and entered Logan Ansok by a narrow waterway which meandered through a
tropical jungle composed of divers trees of varied size, interspersed
among which were screw pines, palms, ratans, and ferns, epiphytes
clinging on to trunk and bough added to the complexity of the luxuriant
foliage.
[Illustration: FIG. 40. FIGURE-HEADS OF CANOES, BARAM DISTRICT]
We stayed a little time in this verdant water-lane and allowed several
canoes to pass us. First rounding the corner, and as it were peering
through the foliage, would appear a grotesque head of what seemed to be a
monstrous dragon with long, sharp tusks, goggle eyes, and erratic horns,
but the long, thin neck soon resolved itself into the bow of a war-canoe,
paddled by lithe-bodied, copper-coloured natives, in some instances
wearing a hairy war-coat adorned with the black and white feathers of the
hornbill, and on their heads ratan war-caps ornamented with the long tail
feathers of another species of hornbill. Other men were clad solely in
the usual _chawat_, or loin cloth; some wore in addition a white cotton
jacket. The heads of nearly all were protected by large round hats.
At one spot the canoes had to be dragged in shallow water through the
jungle, owing to a huge hard-wood tree having fallen and so blocked
up the waterway, and the weirdness was enhanced by the cadenced
hauling-cries of the men as they laboriously tugged their canoes. It
is impossible to adequately describe the scene and the noise. The
vivid colouring of some of the costumes was jewelled against the green
background by the broken sunshine as it streamed through the tropical
foliage, and all was instinct with human life and activity.
Eventually we found ourselves in a large lake entirely surrounded by
trees; unfortunately the river was high, and so the water had overflowed
its banks, and the lake had an apparent rather than a definite margin,
as the water was spread out among the surrounding trees. The placid
water shimmered in the sunshine, and the varied foliage lit by the early
morning sun looked very beautiful, but the interest was greatly increased
by the numerous canoes now paddling about in full sunshine, the high
lights, catching the large, round palm-leaf hats or some unprotected
portion of skin or clothing, being emphasised by deep shadows. The rows
of hats alone constituted a striking decorative feature.
The boats were ultimately ranged round the lake, and were tied up to
trees and bushes as far as possible in the shade. The next business was
to cut logs and short billets from thick boughs to serve as mallets.
The small packets of tuba root were separated from the large bundles
with which every boat was well supplied, and these were beaten with the
mallets on the logs which were placed in the canoes. Many men preferred
to climb on to trees and beat the tuba on fallen trunks, or, perched
aloft, they employed the branches for that purpose.
From all around the lake came the measured beating, varied by an
irregular access of loudness and rapidity, reminding one somewhat of the
company firing of a distant review or sham-fight.
Later the boats came into the open; in most several men were hammering
away, while others baled water over the crushed roots. Then the bilge
of discoloured water was ladled into the lake, and the clouds of the
infusion gradually dispersed. The characteristic but indescribable odour
of crushed tuba was wafted over the surface of the still waters.
[Illustration: PLATE XXXI
BEATING TUBA AND BALING THE INFUSION OUT OF A CANOE
PENCHALLONG PREPARED FOR THE GREAT PEACE-MAKING]
In about an hour a few tiny fish were observed wriggling in an uneasy
manner near the surface of the water; these were at once netted. I was
in a boat with the Resident, Tama Bulan, and Aban Batu, a Umo Poh chief,
when the first little fish we saw was captured. This miserable firstfruit
was offered to Balli Flaki by Tama Bulan, who said to the omen bird
that he gave it the largest share and that we had kept the smallest for
ourselves. This was strictly true, as hitherto we had caught nothing,
and therefore a diminutive fishlet was a greater share than nothing at
all. Aban Batu then lit a match and asked Balli Flaki to make the tuba
strong that we might catch plenty of fish. It was rather a descent to the
commonplace to burn a lucifer match instead of the shredded sticks that
are used customarily, but doubtless the smoke was as effectual a medium
for the conveyance of the prayer as if it were produced in the orthodox
manner.
At one spot just within the jungle ten sticks were stuck in the water,
the cleft upper end of each holding an egg. These were placed there by
the Kayans, probably as an offering to the birds to secure good omens,
and possibly, in addition, because some of their number had never been in
the Lower Baram before, and it is customary for two eggs to be offered in
this way on entering a river for the first time.
Unfortunately while the lake was being tuba’ed the river rose, and so the
increase of the water prevented the operation from being a success, and
only a few small fish were obtained. Some twenty-five piculs (over three
thousand pounds) of tuba had been provided by natives from all over the
district, and this would have proved sufficient for the purpose had not
the heavy rains caused floods.
A very large number of men and boats were engaged, and we all spent an
enjoyable day, for as a native chief remarked some time previously, when
the arrangements were being made, “The scale on which the tubaing was
done and the general excitement would please the people even if no fish
were caught.”
The second boat race took place early on the morning of the 12th; sixteen
canoes started, seven of which belonged to the Kenyahs, four to the
Kayans, and four to other up-river tribes; the Naroms of Baram had one
canoe. The number of each crew was unlimited, and some boats carried
as many as sixty or seventy men, so that there must have been about a
thousand engaged in the race.
The first prize of fifty dollars was won by the Naroms by about two
lengths; the Long Kiputs gained the second place and a prize of ten
dollars. The course was about 3¼ miles and the time was 15 minutes 10
seconds. The Oxford and Cambridge course from Putney to Mortlake is 4¼
miles, and the average time for the last ten years is 20 minutes 34½
seconds. Thus the speed of these untrained natives is slightly faster
than that of a trained University crew, but it is doubtful whether this
would be the case if the Baram course were as long as that on the Thames;
further, it must be remembered that in Borneo they paddled down a fairly
large swift river, whereas on the Thames they row on a full tide.
Many of the Tinjar people were delayed by one or two deaths occurring, so
they arrived too late to participate in the great race of war-canoes. But
as they wanted to maintain the honour of their river, Taman Liri of Long
Tegin and the Lelaks of Long Tru challenged the Naroms to a supplemental
race. This was rowed on the evening of the 13th, the course being about
a mile. The result was a dead heat, which was gratifying to the pride of
the Tinjar folk.
The final public meeting took place on the morning of the 13th; by this
time nearly everyone had arrived who was expected; amongst the late
comers was Saba Irang, the head chief of the Madangs (Pl. XXIX., C., p.
376). On a low staging in front of the platform reclined three enormous
pigs, with tied legs, which the Resident had provided for the purpose
of swearing peace and friendship; one was primarily intended for the
Baram tribes, one for the Lirongs of the Tinjar, and the third for the
Madangs. At the other end of the hall was a gigantic gaily painted model
of a hornbill, on which a very large number of cigarettes were suspended.
The body was a large barrel; each wing consisted of two hairy Kenyah
or Madang shields, and the head had been skilfully hewn out of a great
block of wood by Iban fortmen. A model of a hornbill is the customary
table-piece, so to speak, of an Iban feast, but this “Penchallong”
or “Tenyalang” surpassed the usual effigy as much as this occasion
transcended an ordinary feast (Pl. XXXI., B). A great quantity of borak
was provided, which was duly despatched at the close of the meeting.
After a little preliminary talking the following representative chiefs
crouched by the pigs: Saba Irang, a Madang; Taman Oding Silong, a Kenyah;
Taman Balan Deng, an Upper Tinjar Long Pokun; Taman Aping Bulieng, a
Lirong; Jangan, an Upper Tinjar Sĕbop, and others. Saba Irang, taking
a glowing brand, singed a pig and spoke to it, telling it to act as a
witness in the ceremony of peace-making. He solemnly swore that he and
his people would be friends with those now assembled, and would not
combine with outside enemies against them, and he himself, so far as he
had the power, would endeavour to prevent others from breaking the peace.
Should they break this solemn oath, they hoped that the gods would call
down upon them all sorts of illness, and that they might be destroyed by
crocodiles or other harmful beasts.
Tama Bulan then pointed out that the Baram people had formerly taken a
similar oath, which they had kept. Now they were making friends with the
Madangs, and were in future to be one people. Old scores had been wiped
out, and there was nothing now to complain of. The Government had brought
them together, and they had mixed with one another and had discussed old
troubles; now was the time to speak if they had anything to say.
Dr. Hose stood up and said, “Now you have sworn the inviolable oath.
This meeting was assembled that there should be a lasting peace in the
district. There is nothing to gain by war, but everything to gain by
peace. The difficulty in the past has been to make enemies meet one
another with a view to settling their differences amicably; now this
difficulty has been overcome, thanks mainly to the assistance of those
chiefs who have supported me. Now all of you present! see this multitude,
and bear in mind that whoever breaks this oath, which has been taken
to-day in the presence of everybody, does so at his own peril. Who of you
would dare after this to kill anyone if he thought what the consequences
would be? It would be a matter of only a few minutes to wipe him and his
people off the face of the earth. The Rajah’s dogs will hunt, if it prove
necessary to call them out; as is known to everybody, they require no
hounding on. So remember the oath, and peace, I hope, is assured.”
Several of the chiefs stated that they were very pleased the Resident had
spoken so plainly, as they did not like to do so themselves. After this
the pig was killed in the usual manner by sticking it in the neck with a
spear, and the liver was duly examined amid great excitement.
The Madangs admitted the liver was everything that could be desired;
they stated they had already felt that the Baram people had kept their
promises to them, and now they had every confidence in them. Saba Irang,
in a great speech, said he was pleased to see such unity among everybody
in the district, and the Madangs all felt that this was everything to
them. Not only were his people glad to join Baram, but he knew that many
of the people of the Batang Kayan had already begun to appreciate this
general good fellowship, and he had every reason to believe those chiefs
were anxious to be on friendly terms with the Baram folk.
Another highly excited Madang chief made a vociferous speech, emphasising
his points by violent jumping. “The Madangs,” he said, “were anxious to
have the same advantages as the others, and the Baram people would see
that, after all, they were no worse than anyone else (jump). For years
we had to hold our own on all sides; we now feel assured that our people
will meet with no opposition when endeavouring to trade in the Baram
district, and I will be responsible for any fault committed by my people,
but I feel they will not be the first to break the peace (great jumping).
I have finished” (jump).
Speeches in a similar strain were made by Tama Bulan and others. All said
they were loyal to the Government; they would do what they were told to
do even unto death. So the great palaver came to an end.
The meeting of the chiefs and principal natives of the Baram district
was organised primarily for the sake of the Madangs. Last November, when
Hose went into the Madang country, it was the first time a white man had
visited them, and he received the adherence of a number of chiefs, some
of whom promised to come shortly into the Baram district, a few having
previously done so. Hose therefore deemed it politic to have a mass
meeting at which the Madangs would be publicly acknowledged as Baram
subjects, both by the Government and by the other natives.
The Madangs, who live in the healthy uplands of Central Borneo, have
at divers times raided the inhabitants of the affluents of the Rejang
and Baram in Sarawak, on the one hand, and those of the streams of the
Batang Kayan in Dutch Borneo on the other. As they live in a country
that is very difficult of access, they have hitherto practically been
beyond the pale of the Government, and have had a disquieting effect
upon the natives who have given their adherence to the Rajah. Certain of
the Madang villages had already received some punishment in the Rejang
district, but it was necessary that this unsettled state of affairs
should cease, and these energetic agriculturists be brought in under the
Sarawak Government. The up-river Baram people were pleased to make peace,
as tranquillity is always more remunerative than hostility, and the men
felt it to be irksome to be always in suspense when working in their
gardens, or to be anxious about the folk at home when they are out gutta
hunting.
The fact that Hose could collect all the important people from Miri on
the sea coast on the one hand, to Silat, one of the head streams of the
Baram, on the other, and from the as yet unvisited Kalabit country to
the east to their own country in the interior, would naturally impress
the Madangs with the far-reaching influence of the Government, and would
give them confidence in the power of the Government to preserve peace and
protect property.
The same argument would appeal to those chiefs who came from the Batang
Kayan River across the border. Several houses have already come into the
Silat and Lata Rivers, tributaries of the Baram, and more are prepared to
come. Hose had hoped that a large contingent would arrive from the Batang
Kayan, and he knew that the head chief Tama Kuling and several minor
chiefs with a considerable following had actually made a start. It is
probable, however, that at the last they were somewhat fearful of meeting
such a large gathering of foreigners, many of whom were hereditary foes;
and it was through the territories of the latter that they would have to
pass to reach Claudetown. Small wonder, then, that they held back, though
they promised to come down shortly afterwards when there were fewer
people about. The few Batang Kayans who did come would tell their friends
about the meeting, and there is no doubt it will have a tangible effect
on those who feared to put in an appearance.
There are always local jealousies and feuds in every district, and the
river-basin of the Baram is not exempt therefrom, as we have already
seen in the fracas of the Lirongs with the Kenyahs. It is therefore of
importance that representatives of all the larger villages from the
various rivers should meet occasionally to discuss and arrange matters,
and there is little doubt that the presence of such a large number of
persons would tend to smooth over local difficulties, as those not
immediately interested could give counsel.
There are certain petty chiefs, remnants of good stock, who keep up
as long as they can the old exclusive traditions, and who are usually
situated in out-of-the-way places.
Owing to the number of difficulties of access and to the raids that have
taken place among the intermediate peoples, and also owing to the fact
that every Kayan and Kenyah chief is chary of giving in or of admitting
that he is in any way inferior to any other chief, it is easy to
understand that until brought together by an external power these people
rarely meet one another even though they may be friends.
It is not difficult to imagine that in course of time the less important
chiefs should acquire an exaggerated opinion of their power and authority
generally. They see nobody but people who listen to them, and having no
opposition, they regard themselves as small lords of creation. Some in
their excited moments of drunkenness tell their followers that the sky
and earth belong to them; and in the case of people like the Kalabits it
is not uncommon to find a chief who adds the name Langit (“the sky”) to
his proper name.
The really important Kenyah and Kayan chiefs laugh at this sort of
thing, and men like Tama Bulan and others strongly object to have any
title given them. Taman Aping Kuleh, a Long Sibatu Lepupun, when told
by Hose that Borneo was an island, remarked that it might be so, but
that he knew nothing about it; it was of no consequence to him where the
river ran out, and that he and his people knew only of the country and
people immediately round about, and they regarded themselves as the most
important people.
Nor must the purely social element be left out of account. Gatherings
such as these tend largely towards creating a solidarity between more or
less isolated peoples. As it is, the different tribes or villages which
live on a small river, or on a long stretch of a large river, tend to
constitute a social group, so that one can speak of the Silat people or
of the Upper or Lower Tinjar people as recognised groups. In the case
of the two latter, although there is friction between them, yet they
combine in the case of a common trouble, and so, for example, we have a
temporary Tinjar combination of sentiment against the Baram.
This is the initiatory step towards the development of a feeling of
nationality, and there is no doubt that in time a wider sentiment of a
similar character may be induced by meetings such as this. It appears to
me that one probable result of Hose’s system of government may be the
development of a patriotic feeling for the Baram district as a whole.
Should this occur in this and other rivers or divisions, a Sarawak nation
may in time arise, composed, as practically every European nation is, of
several races and innumerable tribes.
A nation is an organism of slow growth, and requires careful tending,
especially in its early stages. As in some other instances in the past
elsewhere, the cementing bonds in the present instance probably will be
the relief from anxiety in the daily agricultural pursuits and the mutual
interests of commerce. But no nation is worthy of the name that has
not a patriotic feeling consisting of love for the country, regard for
fellow-countrymen, and loyalty to the Government.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Ray informs me that _Kake!_ is a word of address to a woman; the
corresponding term to a man is _Kame!_ I suppose my informant, who
was a Mabuiag man, made a slip, as he would himself naturally begin a
love-letter with “_Kake!_”
[2] _Nakö_ is an interrogative.
[3] _Neues Jahrbuch für Mineralogie_, etc, 1892, i. p. 65.
[4] EVANS, E. P., “Superstition and Crime,” _Appleton’s Pop. Sci.
Monthly_ (New York), vol. liv., December, 1898.
[5] HADDON, A. C., _The Study of Man_, 1898.
[6] _Island Life_, second edition, p. 375.
[7] When travelling about I let my beard grow.
INDEX
Aban Abit, 335, 337, 369
Acolytes, Papuan, 256
Adzes, stone, still used in canoe making, 220;
in Mekeo, 272;
Borneo, 368-70
Afu (taboo in Mekeo), 270, 271
Afu symbol at Inawi, 271
Agi, 244, 245
Agricultural ceremonies, 106
charms, Torres Straits, 67, 86, 87, 107, 140;
New Guinea, 104-7, 202, 205
Agriculturists, 212, 262, 323
Agu, turtle trophy, 154-6
Alexis, Brother, 252, 266, 270, 271, 276
Alluvium, 212, 319
Alukune, 221
Aman (omen animals), 384
Amentum, 201
Andersen, Neil, 4-8
Angabunga River, 261
Anglo-Saxon overlord, 328, 329
Anthreptes, 384, 385, 391
Arachnothera, 384, 385, 390
Archbishop Navarre, 185, 203, 252, 266
Arctogale, 384-6
Areca nut (betel), 217
Ari, chief of Murray Island, 8, 9, 20, 28, 29, 57, 72, 74
Ari (personal totem) at Cape York, 193, 194
Arrow-points, making with a boar’s tusk, 269
Astrolabe Range, 239
Atsiamakara village, 242
Augŭd (totem), 132
Au kosker (big women shrine), 69
Australian aspect of vegetation, 239
colour names, 24
dance, 193
languages, 30
medicine-man, 90
Australians, Cape York, 190-4
Baby, paying for, 175
Balfour, Henry, 225
Baling Go (the thunder god), 369
Baling Go’s eyeball, 371
front tooth, 370
toe-nails, 369
Ballantine, Hon. D., 205, 206, 236, 241, 244-6, 248, 251
Balli Atap, 360
Balli Flaki, offering to, 384, 409
Balli Penyalong (god of child-naming), 354
Balli Taun (god of harvest), 373
Balungan (river dragon), 373
Bamboo knife, 115
Bampfylde, Hon. C. A., 279, 280
Barawan, 321, 343
house, 334, 336
Bark belts, 266
Bark-cloth shawl, 259
Barker, Dr. A. J. C., 279
Barking deer, 385
Bartlett, E., 283
Batang Kayans, 364, 365, 401, 403, 412, 413
Batu Blah, 306, 321
Beardmore, E., 111, 114
Bêche-de-mer, 2, 3
Beehive house in Murray Island, 58
Bees, 383, 391
Beheading knife, 115
Berantu ceremony, 306-11
Berenicornis, 384, 385, 388
Betel, 217
Biofa, 261
Bird dances, Sĕbop, 358;
Torres Straits, 49, 114, 189
Birding, 392
Blood-letting, 222, 223
Boar’s-tusk knife, 243, 269
Boars’ tusks, abnormally curved, 370
Boat races, 280, 401, 409
Boigu, the island of spirits, 90
Bok River, 333
Bomai, 46, 47, 80, 180
Brass-workers, 356
Broad-headed natives, Sarawak, 321;
Torres Straits, 119, 120
Borepada village, 204
Bornean love stories, 376-80
Borneo, physical features of, 212, 348
Bouellat, Father, 274
Bow and arrow fleam, 223
Boys dressed up as Fulaari, 275
Boy-throwing, game of, 228
Brahminy kite, 388
Brother Edmond, death of, 253, 254
Bride-price, 363, 378
Bridge, sacrifice for a, 339
Brooke, Rajah Sir Charles. Cf. Rajah of Sarawak
Brooke, Rajah Sir James, 291-3
Bruce, John, 8, 9, 31-5, 77, 78, 84
Bruce, Robert, 168
Brunei, 288, 291, 300, 327
Malay, 327, 338, 341, 342
Bulaa dances, 231
village, 211, 212, 221-34
Bulan, 376
Bull-roarer, 42, 227;
in Torres Straits, 33, 107, 140, 156, 157;
in Kiwai, 104, 105;
at Cape York, 191, 192
“Bundling” in Wales, 378
Burial cave, 305
Burke, Father, 253, 268
Burns Philp, 235
Burnt village, 208, 359
Burong (omen animals), 384
Burying under houses, 262
“Bushmen,” Masingara, 111, 112
Butiong (wooden image), 333
Cainozoic rocks, 316
Cambridge Peak, 347
Canoe (Sarawak), 297
Canoe-making in New Guinea, 220
Cape York natives, 190-4
Carcineutes, 384, 385, 388
Card players (Papuan), 185
“Cat’s cradle” games, 38, 39, 175, 201
Cave of skulls, Pulu, 141-3;
Borneo, 305
Cemetery, 284, 306
Ceremony for the removal of skulls, 337, 352
Ceremony of child-naming, 353, 354
Cervulus, 384, 385
Chalmers, Mrs., 95, 128
Chalmers, Rev. James, 95-8, 104, 107-109, 128-30, 197, 203, 213, 249,
250
Chalmers, Rev. W., 385
Chapel, service in Catholic (New Guinea), 255
Charms, agricultural (New Guinea), 104-7, 202, 205;
(Torres Straits), 67, 86, 87, 107, 140
curative, 107
fishing (dugong), 133, 134, 153, 154, 202
injuring people, 106, 202, 203
Chawat (loin cloth), 283
to die in, 370
Chevrotains, 385
Character of Mabuiag people, 122
of Murray Islanders, 72
Chiefs, petty, in Sarawak, 414
Children’s toys and games, 224, 231, 274
Child-naming ceremony, 353
Chinamen, 327-9
Chinese districts, 316
Chorus songs, 324
Church at Saibai, 170;
at Mabuiag, 122
Cicatrices, 110, 113, 200
Cittocincla, 381, 384, 385, 389
Clan houses, 99, 171
Clarinet, 225
Claudetown, 297, 311, 330, 357, 371, 379, 401-13
Club houses in New Guinea, 99, 100, 208, 256, 257, 262, 268, 270
Coal in Borneo, 318
Cochard, Father, 185, 259, 268
Cockatoo feathers for dances, 234
Cockatoos, tame, 234
Coconut palm, triple crowned, 172
Coconut shrine, 67
Codrington, Rev. Dr., 44
Colour blindness, 126
vision of natives, 24, 25, 245
vocabulary, Australian, 24;
Kiwai, 24;
Torres Straits, 24
Comet, 80-2
Confederation of mountain tribes, 247
Conscientiousness of Murray Islanders, 27, 29
Constabulary, for enforcing taboo, 271
Constellations, 139, 165-8, 381
Cooking in Torres Straits, 41
Copper Maori, 41
Copra, 3
Craniology, Torres Straits, 18, 119, 120
Cotton cloths of the Iban women, 280, 285, 326
Cowling, J., 117
Crocodile-man, 171, 172
Crystal sphere, 370
Culm measures, 315
Cult of skulls, 332, 394-400
Cuscus, 110
Customs of the Ibitoes, 258
Cyclone, 79, 80, 88
Cymodocea, 151
Dalton, O. M., 372
Dam, ceremony at, 61
Dance costume, 113, 187, 214, 233, 234, 358
Dances stopped by teachers, 35, 128
Dances:
Australian, 193.
Bornean, 357, 358.
Papuan:
Babaka, 214-19;
Bulaa, 231;
Kăpăkăpă, 210;
Mabuiag, 131, 139, 140, 233;
Mawatta, 113, 114;
Muralug, 186-8;
Murray Island, 47-9, 60, 102;
Nagir, 182.
South Sea, 35;
Rotumah, 36, 53
_Ceremonial_: Agricultural dances, 215-19;
death dances, 139, 182;
fishing dances, 183, 184;
Malu dances, 47-9, 102;
war dances, 60, 131, 140, 186-8, 233, 358
_Festive_, 188, 189, 210, 231-3
_Mimetic_, 49, 114, 188, 189, 358
Danilkau, a funeral buffoon, 139, 140
Danish thunderbolts, 372
Dapoi River, 360
Darnley Island (Erub), 5, 12, 51, 95
Daru, 95
Dauar, 12, 17, 18, 64-8
Dauncey, Rev. H. M., 199, 201
Death of a baby, 123
of Brother Edmond, 253, 254
Decorated skull, 91, 181
Decoration, native, 332
Deer, 383-6
Delena, 199-201, 259, 260
Deshon, Hon. H. F., 284, 285
Devonian rocks, 315
Divination by means of a parang, 366
by pig’s liver, 336, 337, 354, 355, 411, 412
in Murray Island, 54-6
Divining grasshopper, 92
skull, Torres Straits, 91, 92, 182
zogo, 91
Dog killing unlucky, 335, 364
Dogs, supposed by natives to be sacrificed by the English, 339
Doiom (rain charm), 32-5, 86
“Doors,” 298, 331
“Door” tax, 294
Dorgai, 166
constellation, 166
Douglas, Hon. John, 1, 4, 20, 123, 170
Douglas, R. S., 303, 304, 330, 337, 404-6
Dowry, 363
Dyeing patterns on cloth, 326
Dragon, river, 373
Drinking customs, 311, 402, 403
Drought, 84, 86
Drum-making, 257
Drums, 231, 233;
sacred drum, 45
Drunkenness, 356
Dubu, 100, 208, 217, 234
ascended by girls, 218
Dugong, 151
charms, 133, 134, 153, 154, 202
food of, 151, 152
harpoon, 149
methods of catching, 148-54
Dukduk, in New Britain, 51
Dulit Mount, 344, 347, 348, 349
Durian, 303
Dusun, 321
Earthquake in Murray Island, 78, 79
Eastern Papuans, 199
Economic defects of a hunting existence, 265
Edible earth, 203
Edmond, Brother, 253, 254
Elevera, 235
English, A. C., 206, 210, 214, 219, 226, 234, 248
Eocene, 317
Erabo (club house), 100
Erub, 5, 12, 51, 95
Eruptive rocks of Borneo, 318
Ethnography of Sarawak, 320
Evanena, 228
Evans, Prof. E., 339
Everett, A. Hart, 318, 372
Eyesight, defects of, among natives, 24
of hill tribes, 245
Fable of the monkey and the frog, 343
Fairy darts, 373
Fanny Rapid, 377
Fauna of Mount Dulit, 348
Feasts, Murray Island, 39-41;
Mekeo, 272
Feeding skulls, 396
Fertility ceremony, 218
Figure-heads of canoes, 407
Fire, legend of origin, 108
Fire-making in New Guinea and Torres Straits, 108, 109
Fireworks, 402
First man, legend of origin of, 108
Fish, shooting with bow and arrows, 259
Fisher-folk in New Guinea, 207, 221, 260, 261
Fish, zogo, 68
Fleam, 223
Flutes, 205, 258
Food restrictions, 135, 257
Forge, 324
Frazer, Dr. J. G., 134, 135
Frigate bird, 204
Frog, fable of, 343
game, 228
Fulaari, 271, 272, 275, 276
Funeral in Murray Island, 93;
in Yule Island, 254
Gaile, 206
Games:
Borneo, mancala, 284
Papuan adults’ games: hockey, 78;
_tamar_, 40, 58, 59, 62;
top-spinning (_kolap_), 40, 41
Papuan children’s games: balancing (_evanena_), 228;
boy-throwing (_omoro_ or frog), 228;
hopping, 227;
hunting kangaroo and pig, 274, 275;
imitating ceremonies, (_fulaari_), 275, (_kwod_), 180;
jumping, 227;
leap-frog, 227;
pig-a-back, 227;
revolving (_maki gegelaki_ and _rapurapu_), 228;
ring games (_kwaito pinupinu_ and _mota ĕrĕmpto_), 229;
round sitting games, played with the hands, (_korikini_), 229,
(_toitoi kinimali_), 230, 231;
skipping, 227;
top-whipping, 272, 273
Gapu (sucker-fish), 155, 156
Garden charms, Torres Straits, 67, 86, 87, 107;
New Guinea, 104-7
Gasiri (tree houses), 248
Geigi’s fish-spear, 68
Gelam, 16
Genealogies of natives, 124
Geographical features of Borneo, 312
of British New Guinea, 207, 239-41
of Sarawak, 286, 348
Geological features of Borneo, 312, 348
of British New Guinea, 207, 239, 240
Geology of Sumatra, 315
George, Brother, 266, 267, 276
Gewe (chief of Agi), 244-6
Ghost (lamar), 89, 90
Ghost tiger, 305
Girls ascending dubu, 218;
seclusion of, in Mabuiag, 135
God of Harvest, 373
Gold in Sarawak, 315;
in Torres Straits, 4
Gomoridobo village, 234
Gope (charm), 103, 104
Gors, Mr., 205, 251, 266
Government of Sarawak, 292, 294
of Torres Straits by Queensland, 19-21
Grammar of Torres Straits languages, 29, 127
Granville, 235
Grasshopper, divining, 92
Graves, New Guinea, 112
Great houses in New Guinea, 99, 213;
in Sarawak, 298
Guilbaud, Father, 255
Guis, Father, 253, 258-60, 276, 277
Guise, R. E., 218
Gunboat, 249
H., Captain, 5, 6, 22, 80, 82, 95
Hair, 18, 119, 223, 234, 325
wavy, among Papuans, 234
Haliastur, 384, 385, 387, 390
Hammond Island, 185
Hantus (spirits), 340, 369
Hanuabada village, 235
Harpoon, 148
Harpactes, 381-5, 387-90
Haviland, G. D., 283
Hawk omen, 387, 352
Hawk-owl, 391
Head-hunters, Kiwai, 107
Head-hunting, 322, 325, 328, 339;
object of, 107
origin of, in Borneo, 397
in Sarawak, reasons for, 394
Hearing, acuity and range, 25
Heliarctos, 391
Hely, Hon. Bingham A., 95, 98, 103, 109
Hill-land of Borneo, 316
Hill tribes, colour-vision of, 245
keenness of eyesight, 245
History of Sarawak, 291, 292
Hockey in Murray Island, 78
Hoe, shell, 109
Hogeri, 244
Holiness, 67, 258
Hood Bay, 219
Peninsula, 211-34
Hooks, magical, 370, 371, 373, 396
Hopping, game, 227
Hornbill, 410
white-crested, 388
Hornbills’ feathers, 395
Hose, Dr. C., 297, 301, 303-5, 320-415
Houses:
Torres Straits, 58, 110;
Kiwai, 99, 100;
New Guinea, 204, 206, 208, 211, 213, 223, 224, 242, 243, 268, 269;
Sarawak, 298, 290, 331-3, 335
Hula, 211. Cf. Bulaa
Human heads for foundations of Kuching waterworks, 339
Human sacrifice, 339
skulls. Cf. skulls
Hunters, 265
Hunting games, 274
Huts, 110;
sleeping hut in jungle, 299
Hurricane in Torres Straits, origin of, 79, 80, 82, 87, 88
Iasa (Kiwai), 98-108
Iban (Sea Dayak), 281, 283, 301, 302, 305, 322, 324-8, 338, 341,
381-93
Ibitoe, customs of, 256-9
Inawi village, 269, 272
Indo-Javan people, 322, 327
Indonesian, 321
Ingratitude of natives, 19
Initiation ceremonies, 42;
in Murray Island, 44, 135, 140, 176, 191
Instruction of lads (Murray Island), 49, 50
Iriam Moris, 64
Ireland, stone implements used as charms in, 373
Iron, 338, 366, 395
Irupi dance, 217
Isang, 361
Isit, 344, 384, 385, 390
Islamism, 328
Jangan, 352-5, 411
Japanese in Thursday Island, 2, 3
Jar burial, 306
Jardine, Frank, 190
Javano-Hindu colonisation of Borneo, 322, 327
Javelin, miniature, 224
Jawa, 404, 406
Jesu baibua, 262
Jumping game, 227
Jungle, new, 304, 345
Jungle, old, 304, 345
Kadayans, 300, 301, 306, 321, 327, 341
Kaikai, origin of term, 39, 40
Kaivakuku, mask at Waima, 271
Kajaman, 321
Kalabit, 321, 323, 414
Kalamantan, 289, 321, 324, 327
Kalo village, 212-14, 219, 220
Kalulong Mount, 349
Kaluri, 357, 379
Kamut (string puzzles in Murray Island), 38, 39
Kanauit, 321, 284
Kangaroo drive game, 274
Kap, 188. Cf. Torres Straits dances
Kăpăkăpă village, 208, 210
Karangang, 299, 302
Kayan tattoo designs, 306
Kayans, 288, 297, 304-6, 323-5, 328, 357, 360, 364, 384, 386-93, 394,
395, 397, 401, 404, 405, 409, 414
war-path of, 297, 304
Kawit, 396. Cf. Hooks, magical.
Keapara village, 219-22
Kedaman, 362
Kelebong, 361
Kenyah drinking songs, 311
Kenyah-Kayan migration, 327
Kenyahs, 288, 302, 323-5, 328, 340, 341, 364, 365, 384, 386-93,
395-8, 401, 402, 404, 405, 409, 413, 414
Kerepunu. Cf. Keapara
Kernge (lads during initiation), 140
Kersi (lads during initiation), 45, 48, 50, 61, 70
Kina Balu, Mount, 349, 350
Kingfisher, 388
Kinimali (game), 230
Kiriri Island, 185
Kiwai Island, 24, 96-109;
natives of, 101
Knife, bamboo, 115
made of boar’s tusk, 243
Knocking out tooth, 193
Koiari, 244
Koitapu, 249;
language of, 249
Kolap (top), 40, 41
Kŏpa-kŏpa, 175
Korikini (game), 229
Kwaito pinupinu (game), 229
Kwari kwari (toy), 227
Kwod (sacred ceremonial ground), 192
in Mabuiag, 134
in Nagir, 181
in Pulu, 137-42
in Tut, 176-78
in Yam, 178-80
small boys’, 180
Kwoiam (the hero of Mabuiag), 136-47
Kuching, town of, 279-84
Kupor (navel shrine), 142, 177, 179
Kuru (toy), 225
Labuan Island, 286, 318
Ladies of Tama Bulan’s house, 375
Lakatois, 248
Lamar (ghost), 89, 90
Land Dayak, 321, 322, 327, 340, 391, 393
Land inheritance, Cape York, 193
Land leeches, 304, 346
Langa (toy), 225
Lange, Mr. H. W. de, 95, 97
Language of Roro, 261
Australian, 30
Melanesian, 29, 30
Papuan, 29, 30
Languages of Torres Straits, 28-30, 127
Lantern entertainment in Murray Island, 37, 38
at Port Moresby, 246
Laterite, 345
Lawes, Dr., 208, 209, 234, 249, 273
Lawes, Mrs., 209, 234
Laziness of natives, 19
Leap-frog, 227
Legends:
Gelam, 16, 155;
of various shrines, 53-69;
origin of man, 108;
origin of fire, 108;
the stone that fell from the sky, 138;
of Kwoiam, 136-47;
about dugong, 155
Lelak, 321, 410
village, 330
Lepocestes, 383-5, 389
Lepuanans, 354, 355
Liberality of natives, 90
Life token, 259
Lifu, colour-blindness of natives, 126
head-form, 126
Limbang, 285-90, 293, 297
Ling, Roth H., 320, 381
Linjau, 360
Lirongs, 403-6, 410, 413
Liver of pig, 336, 354, 355, 411, 412
Lobong River, 352
Logan Ansok, 406
Loin-cloth to die in, 370
London Missionary Society’s stations:
Murray Island, 9;
Kiwai, 96, 97;
Mabuiag, 117;
Vatorata, 208-10;
Delena, 199;
Bulaa (Hula), 211;
Port Moresby, 235
“Long,” 333
Long Aiah Kechil, 342, 344, 348
Kiput, 321, 401, 404, 405, 410
Pata, 302, 321, 341, 401, 405
Pokuns, 360
Puah, 352
Semitan, 342
Sulan, 360
Tegin, 334
Tru, 330
Love affairs, Mawatta, 112;
Mabuiag, 158-64
charms, Torres Straits, 106
letters, Papuan, 163, 164
Love-making in Mekeo, 258
in Sarawak, 377-80
Lovers’ tune, 379
Low, Brooke, 283, 322
Lower carboniferous rocks, 315
Mabuiag, 117-64
church, 122
language, 127
social condition of, 118
war dance, 233
Macfarlane, Rev. Dr. S., 7, 120, 127, 142, 143
Macgregor, Sir William, 97, 102, 203, 205, 206, 209, 213, 251, 262
Madangs, 364, 401, 410, 412, 413
Madub (garden charm), 106, 107
Madubu (bull-roarer), 104-6
Magic. Cf. Sorcery
symbolic, 257, 133, 134
Magical ceremonies, 133, 134, 184
stone hooks, 370, 371, 373, 396
Magur (“devil” belong Malu), 50
Maiau, 180
Maino (chief of Tut and Yam), 171, 174-80, 184, 185
Maki gegelaki (game), 228
Malangs, 321, 342
Malay Archipelago, 372
bear, 391
Peninsula, 372
rule, 288
traders, 356