CHAPTER X

Mahometans and Southern Tribes

Simultaneously with the Spanish conquest of the Philippines, two

Borneo chiefs, who were brothers, quarrelled about their respective

possessions, and one of them had to flee. His partisans joined him,

and they emigrated to the Island of Basilan, [56] situated to the

south of Zamboanga (Mindanao Is.). The _Moros_, as they are called in

the Islands, are therefore supposed to be descended from the Mahometan

Dyaks of Borneo. They were a valiant, warlike, piratical people, who

admired bravery in others--had a deep-rooted contempt for poltroons,

and lavished no mercy on the weak.

In the suite of this emigrant chief, called Paguian Tindig, catoe his

cousin Adasaolan, who was so captivated by the fertility of Basilan

Island that he wished to remain there; so Tindig left him in possession

and withdrew to Sulu Island, where he easily reduced the natives

to vassalage, for they had never yet had to encounter so powerful

a foe. So famous did Paguian Tindig become that, for generations

afterwards, the Sultans of Sulu were proud of their descent from such

a celebrated hero. After the Spaniards had pacified the great Butuan

chief on the north coast of Mindanao, Tindig consented to acknowledge

the suzerainty of their king, in exchange for undisturbed possession

of the realm which he had just founded.

Adasaolan espoused the Princess Paguian Goan, daughter of Dimasangcay,

King of Mindanao, by his wife Imbog, a Sulu woman, and with this

relationship he embraced the Mahometan faith. His ambition increased

as good fortune came to him, and, stimulated by the promised support

of his father-in-law, he invaded Sulu, attacked his cousin Tindig,

and attempted to murder him in order to annex his kingdom. A short

but fierce contest ensued. Tindig's fortified dwelling was besieged

in vain. The posts which supported the upper storey were greased

with oil, and an entrance could not be effected. Wearied of his

failures, Adasaolan retired from the enterprise, and Tindig, in

turn, declared war on the Basilan king after he had been to Manila

to solicit assistance from his Spanish suzerain's representative,

who sent two armed boats to support him.

When Tindig, on his return from Manila, arrived within sight of Sulu,

his anxious subjects rallied round him, and prepared for battle. The

two armed boats furnished by the Spaniards were on the way, but, as

yet, too far off to render help, so Adasaolan immediately fell upon

Tindig's party and completely routed them. Tindig himself died bravely,

fighting to the last moment, and the Spaniards, having no one to

fight for when they arrived, returned to Manila with their armed boats.

Adasaolan, however, did not annex the territory of his defeated

cousin. Rajah Bongso succeeded Tindig in the Government of Sulu,

and when old age enfeebled him, he was wont to show with pride the

scars inflicted on him during the war of independence.

Adasaolan then made alliances with Mindanao and Borneo people,

and introduced the Mahometan religion into Sulu. Since then, Sulu

(called "Jolo," by the Spaniards) has become the Mecca of the Southern

Archipelago. [57]

The earliest records relating to Mindanao Island, since the Spanish

annexation of the Philippines, show that about the year 1594 a

rich Portuguese cavalier of noble birth, named Estevan Rodriguez,

who had acquired a large fortune in the Philippines, and who had a

wealthy brother in Mexico, proposed to the Governor Perez Dasmarinas

the conquest of this island. For this purpose he offered his person

and all his means, but having long waited in vain to obtain the

royal sanction to his project, he prepared to leave for Mexico,

disgusted and disappointed. He was on the point of starting for

New Spain; he had his ship laden and his family on board, when the

royal confirmation arrived with the new Governor, Dr. Antonio Morga

(1595-96). Therefore he changed his plans, but despatched the laden

ship to Mexico with the cargo, intending to employ the profits of

the venture in the prosecution of his Mindanao enterprise. With the

title of General, he and his family, together with three chaplain

priests, started in another vessel for the south. They put in at

Otong (Panay Is.) on the way, and left there in April, 1596. Having

reached the great Mindanao River (Rio Grande), the ship went up it

as far as Buhayen, in the territory of the chief Silongan. A party

under Juan de la Jara, the _Maestre de Campo_, was sent ashore to

reconnoitre the environs. Their delay in returning caused alarm, so the

General buckled on his shield, and, with sword in hand, disembarked,

accompanied by a Cebuano servant and two Spaniards, carrying lances. On

the way they met a native, who raised his _campilan_ to deal a blow,

which the General received on his shield, and cut down the foe to

the waist. Then they encountered another, who clove the General's

head almost in two, causing his death in six hours. The Cebuano at

once ran the native through with a lance. This brave was discovered

to be the youngest brother of the chief Silongan, who had sworn to

Mahomet to sacrifice his life to take that of the Castilian invader.

The General's corpse was sent to Manila for interment. The expedition

led by the _Maestre de Campo_ fared badly, one of the party being

killed, another seriously wounded, and the rest fleeing on board. The

next day it was decided to construct trenches at the mouth of the

river, where the camp was established. The command was taken by the

_Maestre de Campo_, whose chief exploit seems to have been that he

made love to the deceased General's widow and proposed marriage to her,

which she indignantly rejected. Nothing was gained by the expedition,

and after the last priest died, the project was abandoned and the

vessel returned to Cebu.

In 1638 another expedition against the Moros was headed by the

Gov.-General Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who made the first landing

of troops in Sulu Island on April 17 of that year. He also established

some military posts on the coast of Mindanao Island, one of which

was Sampanilla (now called Malabang) on the Illana Bay shore. Four

years afterwards it was abandoned until 1891, when General Weyler

went there and had a fort built, which still exists.

It would appear that all over these Islands the strong preyed on

the weak, and the boldest warrior or oppressor assumed the title

of Sultan, _Datto_, etc., over all the territory he could dominate,

making the dignity hereditary. So far as can be ascertained, one of

the oldest titles was that of Prince of Sibuguey, whose territory

was situated on the bay of that name which washes the N.E. coast of

Zamboanga Province. The title fell into disuse, and the grandson of

the last prince, the present _Manguiguin_, or Sultan of Mindanao,

resides at Dinas. The sultanate dates from the year 1640, but, in

reality, there never was a sultan with effective jurisdiction over

the whole island, as the title would seem to imply. The Sultan's heir

is styled the _Rajahmudah_.

The alliances effected between the Sulu and Mindanao potentates gave

a great stimulus to piracy, which hitherto had been confined to the

waters in the locality of those islands. It now spread over the whole

of the Philippine Archipelago, and was prosecuted with great vigour

by regular organized fleets, carrying weapons almost equal to those

of the Spaniards. In meddling with the Mahometan territories the

Spaniards may be said to have unconsciously lighted on a hornets'

nest. Their eagerness for conquest stirred up the implacable hatred

of the Mahometan for the Christian, and they unwittingly brought

woe upon their own heads for many generations. Indeed, if half the

consequences could have been foreseen, they surely never would have

attempted to gain what, up to their last day, they failed to secure,

namely, the complete conquest of Mindanao and the Sulu Sultanate.

For over two and a half centuries Mahometan war-junks ravaged every

coast of the Colony. Not a single peopled island was spared. Thousands

of the inhabitants were murdered, whilst others were carried into

slavery for years. Villages were sacked; the churches were looted;

local trade was intercepted; the natives subject to Spain were driven

into the highlands, and many even dared not risk their lives and goods

near the coasts. The utmost desolation and havoc were perpetrated,

and militated vastly against the welfare and development of the

Colony. For four years the Government had to remit the payment of

tribute in Negros Island, and the others lying between it and Luzon, on

account of the abject poverty of the natives, due to these raids. From

the time the Spaniards first interfered with the Mahometans there was

continual warfare. Expeditions against the pirates were constantly

being fitted out by each succeeding Governor. Piracy was indeed an

incessant scourge and plague on the Colony, and it cost the Spaniards

rivers of blood and millions of dollars only to keep it in check.

In the last century the Mahometans appeared even in the Bay of

Manila. I was acquainted with several persons who had been in

Mahometan captivity. There were then hundreds who still remembered,

with anguish, the insecurity to which their lives and properties were

exposed. The Spaniards were quite unable to cope with such a prodigious

calamity. The coast villagers built forts for their own defence, and

many an old stone watch-tower is still to be seen on the islands south

of Luzon. On several occasions the Christian natives were urged, by

the inducement of spoil, to equip corsairs, with which to retaliate on

the indomitable marauders. The Sulu people made captive the Christian

natives and Spaniards alike, whilst a Spanish priest was a choice

prize. And whilst Spaniards in Philippine waters were straining every

nerve to extirpate slavery, their countrymen were diligently pursuing

a profitable trade in it between the West Coast of Africa and Cuba!

One must admit that, indirectly, the Mahometan attacks had the good

political effect of forcing hundreds of Christians up from the coast

to people and cultivate the interior of these Islands.

Due to the enterprise of a few Spanish and foreign merchants,

steamers at length began to navigate the waters of the Archipelago,

provided with arms for defence, and piracy by Mahometans beyond

their own locality was doomed. In the time of Gov.-General Norzagaray

(1857-60), 18 steam gunboats were ordered out, and arrived in 1860,

putting a close for ever to this epoch of misery, bloodshed, and

material loss. The end of piracy brought repose to the Colony, and

in no small degree facilitated its social advancement.

During the protracted struggle with the Mahometans, Zamboanga

(Mindanao Is.) was fortified, and became the headquarters of the

Spaniards in the south. After Cavite it was the chief naval station,

and a penitentiary was also established there. [58] Its maintenance

was a great burden to the Treasury--its existence a great eyesore

to the enemy, whose hostility was much inflamed thereby. About

the year 1635 its abandonment was proposed by the military party,

who described it as only a sepulchre for Spaniards. The Jesuits,

however, urged its continuance, as it suited their interests to have

material support close at hand, and their influence prevailed in

Manila bureaucratic centres.

In 1738 the fixed annual expenses of Zamboanga fort and equipment were

17,500 pesos, and the incidental disbursements were estimated at 7,500

pesos. These sums did not include the cost of scores of armed fleets

which, at enormous expense, were sent out against the Mahometans to

little purpose. Each new (Zamboanga) Governor of a martial spirit,

and desiring to do something to establish or confirm his fame for

prowess, seemed to regard it as a kind of duty to premise the quelling

of imaginary troubles in Sulu and Mindanao. Some, with less patriotism

than selfishness, found a ready excuse for filling their own pockets

by the proceeds of warfare, in making feigned efforts to rescue

captives. It may be observed, in extenuation, that, in those days,

the Spaniards believed from their birth that none but a Christian

had rights, whilst some were deluded by a conscientious impression

that they were executing a high mission; myth as it was, it at least

served to give them courage in their perilous undertakings. Peace

was made and broken over and over again. Spanish forts were at times

established in Sulu, and afterwards demolished. Every decade brought

new devices to control the desperate foe. Several Governors-General

headed the troops in person against the Mahometans with temporary

success, but without any lasting effect, and almost every new Governor

made a solemn treaty with one powerful chief or another, which was

respected only as long as it suited both parties. This continued

campaign, the details of which are too prolix for insertion here,

may be qualified as a religious war, for Roman Catholic priests took

an active part in the operations with the same ardent passion as the

Mahometans themselves. Among these tonsured warriors who acquired

great fame _out_ of their profession may be mentioned Father Ducos,

the son of a Colonel, Jose Villanueva, and Pedro de San Agustin, the

last being known, with dread, by the Mahometans in the beginning of

the 17th century under the title of the Captain-priest. One of the most

renowned kings in Mindanao was Cachil Corralat, an astute, far-seeing

chieftain, who ably defended the independence of his territory,

and kept the Spaniards at bay during the whole of his manhood.

An interesting event in the Spanish-Sulu history is the visit of the

Sultan Mahamad Alimudin to the Gov.-General in 1750, and his subsequent

vicissitudes of fortune. The first royal despatch addressed by the

King of Spain to the Sultan of Sulu was dated in Buen Retiro, July 12,

1744, and everything, for the time being, seemed to augur a period

of peace. In 1749, however, the Sultan was violently deposed by an

ambitious brother, Prince Bantilan, and the Sultan forthwith went to

Manila to seek the aid of his suzerain's delegate, the Gov.-General of

the Philippines, who chanced to be the Bishop of Nueva Segovia. In

Manila the Priest-Governor cajoled his guest with presents, and

accompanied him on horseback and on foot, with the design of persuading

him to renounce his religion in favour of Christianity. The Sultan

finally yielded, and avowed his intention to receive baptism. Among the

friars an animated discussion ensued as to the propriety of this act,

special opposition being raised by the Jesuits; but in the end the

Sultan, with a number of his suite, outwardly embraced the Christian

faith. The Sultan at his baptism received the name of Ferdinand I. of

Sulu; at the same time he was invested with the insignia and grade

of a Spanish Lieut.-General. Great ceremonies and magnificent feasts

followed this unprecedented incident. He was visited and congratulated

by all the _elite_ of the capital. By proclamation, the festivities

included four days' illumination, three days' procession of the

giants, [59] three days of bull-fighting, four nights of fireworks,

and three nights of comedy, to terminate with High Mass, a _Te Deum_,

and special sermon for the occasion.

In the meantime, the Sultan had requested the Governor to have the

Crown Prince, Princesses, and retainers escorted to Manila to learn

Spanish manners and customs, and on their arrival the Sultan and

his male and female suite numbered 60 persons. The Bishop-Governor

defrayed the cost of their maintenance out of his private purse

until after the baptism, and thenceforth the Government supported

them in Manila for two years. At length it was resolved, according to

appearances, to restore the Sultan Ferdinand I. to his throne. With

that idea, he and his retinue quitted Manila in the Spanish frigate

_San Fernando_, which was convoyed by another frigate and a galley,

until the _San Fernando_ fell in with bad weather off Mindoro Island,

and had to make the Port of Calapan. Thence he proceeded to Yloilo,

where he changed vessel and set sail for Zamboanga, but contrary winds

carried him to Dapitan (N.W. coast of Mindanao Is.), where he landed

and put off again in a small Visayan craft for Zamboanga, arriving

there on July 12, 1751. Thirteen days afterwards the _San Fernando_,

which had been repaired, reached Zamboanga also.

Before Ferdinand I. left Manila he had (at the instance of the Spanish

Gov.-General, Jose de Obando, 1750-54) addressed a letter to Sultan

Muhamad Amirubdin, of Mindanao. The original was written by Ferdinand

I. in Arabic; a version in Spanish was dictated by him, and both were

signed by him. These documents reached the Governor of Zamboanga by

the _San Fernando_, but he had the original in Arabic retranslated,

and found that it did not at all agree with the Sultan's Spanish

rendering. The translation of the Arabic runs thus:--

"I shall be glad to know that the Sultan Muhamad Amirubdin and all his

chiefs, male and female, are well. I do not write a lengthy letter,

as I intended, because I simply wish to give you to understand, in

case the Sultan or his chiefs and others should feel aggrieved at my

writing this letter in this manner, that I do so under pressure, being

under foreign dominion, and I am compelled to obey whatever they tell

me to do, and I have to say what they tell me to say. Thus the Governor

has ordered me to write to you in our style and language; therefore,

do not understand that I am writing you on my own behalf, but because

I am ordered to do so, and I have nothing more to add. Written in

the year 1164 on the ninth day of the Rabilajer Moon, Ferdinand I.,

King of Sulu, who seals with his own seal."

This letter was pronounced treasonable. Impressed with, or feigning,

this idea, the Spaniards saw real or imaginary indications of a design

on the part of the Sultan to throw off the foreign yoke at the first

opportunity. All his acts were thus interpreted, although no positive

proof was manifest, and the Governor communicated his suspicions to

Manila. There is no explanation why the Spaniards detained the Sultan

at Zamboanga, unless with the intention of trumping up accusations

against him. The Sultan arrived there on July 12, and nothing was known

of the discrepancy between the letters until after July 25. To suppose

that the Sultan could ever return to reign peacefully as a Christian

over Mahometan subjects was utterly absurd to any rational mind.

On August 3 the Sultan, his sons, vassals, and chiefs were all cast

into prison, without opposition, and a letter was despatched, dated

August 6, 1751, to the Governor in Manila, stating the cause. The

Sultan was the first individual arrested, and he made no difficulty

about going to the fort. Even the Prince Asin, the Sultan's brother,

who had voluntarily come from Sulu in apparent good faith with friendly

overtures to the Spaniards, was included among the prisoners. The

reason assigned was, that he had failed to surrender christian captives

as provided.

The prisoners, besides the Sultan, were the following, viz.:--

Four sons of the Sultan.

Prince Asin (brother).

Prince Mustafa (son-in-law).

Princess Panguian Banquiling (sister).

Four Princesses (daughters).

Datto Yamudin (a noble).

160 ordinary male and female retainers.

Five brothers-in-law.

One Mahometan Cherif.

Seven Mahometan priests.

Concubines with 32 female servants.

The political or other crime (if any) attributed to these last is

not stated, nor why they were imprisoned. The few weapons brought,

according to custom, by the followers of the Sultan who had come from

Sulu to receive their liege-lord and escort him back to his country,

were also seized.

A decree of Gov.-General Jose de Obando set forth the following

accusations against the prisoners, viz.:--

(1) That Prince Asin had not surrendered captives. (2) That whilst

the Sultan was in Manila, new captives were made by the party who

expelled him from the throne. (3) That the number of arms brought to

Zamboanga by Sulu chiefs was excessive. (4) That the letter to Sultan

Muhamad Amirubdin insinuated help wanted against the Spaniards. (5)

That several Mahometan, but no christian books were found in the

Sultan's baggage. (6) That during the journey to Zamboanga he had

refused to pray in christian form. (7) That he had only attended Mass

twice. (8) That he had celebrated Mahometan rites, sacrificing a goat;

and had given evidence in a hundred ways of being a Mahometan. (9)

That his conversation generally denoted a want of attachment to the

Spaniards, and a contempt for their treatment of him in Manila, [60]

and, (10) that he still cohabited with his concubines, contrary to

christian usage.

The greatest stress was laid on the recovery of the captive Christians,

and the Gov.-General admitted that although the mission of the fleet

was to restore the Sultan to the throne (which, by the way, does

not appear to have been attempted), the principal object was the

rescue of christian slaves. He therefore proposed that the liberty

of the imprisoned nobles and chiefs should be bartered at the rate

of 500 christian slaves for each one of the chiefs and nobles,

and the balance of the captives for Prince Asin and the clergy. One

may surmise, from this condition, that the number of Christians in

captivity was very considerable.

A subsequent decree, dated in Manila December 21, 1751, ordered the

extermination of the Mahometans with fire and sword; the fitting out of

Visayan corsairs, with authority to extinguish the foe, burn all that

was combustible, destroy the crops, desolate their cultivated land,

make captives, and recover christian slaves. One-fifth of the spoil

(the _Real quinto_) was to belong to the King, and the natives were

to be exempt from the payment of tribute whilst so engaged.

Before giving effect to such a terrible, but impracticable resolution,

it was thought expedient to publish a pamphlet styled a "Historical

Manifest," in which the Gov.-General professed to justify his acts

for public satisfaction. However, public opinion in Manila was averse

to the intended warfare, so to make it more popular, the Governor

abolished the payment of one-fifth of the booty to the King. An

appeal was made to the citizens of Manila for arms and provisions

to carry on the campaign; they therefore lent or gave the following,

viz.:--Twenty-six guns, 13 bayonets, 3 sporting guns, 15 carbines, 5

blunderbusses, 7 braces of pistols, 23 swords, 15 lances, 900 cannon

balls, and 150 pesos from Spaniards, and a few lances and 188 pesos

from natives.

Meanwhile, Prince Asin died of grief at his position.

Under the leadership of the _Maestre de Campo_ of Zamboanga,

hostilities commenced. With several ships he proceeded to Sulu,

carrying a large armament and 1,900 men. When the squadron anchored off

Sulu, a white and a red flag were hoisted from the principal fort, for

the Spaniards to elect either peace or war. Several Sulus approached

the fleet with white flags, to inquire for the Sultan. Evasive answers

were given, followed by a sudden cannonade.

No good resulted to the Spaniards from the attack, for the Sulus

defended themselves admirably. Tawi Tawi Island was next assaulted. A

captain landed there with troops, but their retreat was cut off and

they were all slain. The Commander of the expedition was so discouraged

that he returned to Zamboanga and resigned. Pedro Gastambide then

took command, but after having attacked Basilan Island fruitlessly,

he retired to Zamboanga. The whole campaign was an entire fiasco. It

was a great mistake to have declared a war of extermination without

having the means to carry it out. The result was that the irate

Sulus organized a guerilla warfare, by sea and by land, against all

Christians, to which the Spaniards but feebly responded. The "tables

were turned." In fact, they were in great straits, and, wearied at

the little success of their arms, endless councils and discussions

were held in the capital.

Meanwhile, almost every coast of the Archipelago was energetically

ravaged. Hitherto the Spaniards had only had the Sulus to contend

with, but the licence given by the Gov.-General to reprisal excited

the cupidity of unscrupulous officials, and, without apparent right

or reason, the _Maestre de Campo_ of Zamboanga caused a Chinese

junk from Amoy, carrying goods to a friendly Sultan of Mindanao, to

be seized. After tedious delay, vexation, and privation, the master

and his crew were released and a part of the cargo restored, but the

_Maestre de Campo_ insisted upon retaining what he chose for his own

use. This treachery to an amicable chief exasperated and undeceived the

Mindanao Sultan to such a degree that he forthwith took his revenge

by co-operating with the Sulus in making war on the Spaniards. Fresh

fleets of armed canoes replenished the Sulu armadillas, ravaged the

coasts, hunted down the Spanish priests, and made captives.

On the north coast of Mindanao several battles took place. There is a

legend that over 600 Mahometans advanced to the village of Lubungan,

but were repulsed by the villagers, who declared their patron, Saint

James, appeared on horseback to help them. Fray Roque de Santa Monica

was chased from place to place, hiding in caves and rocks. Being again

met by four Mahometans, he threatened them with a blunderbuss, and

was left unmolested. Eventually he was found by friendly natives, and

taken by them to a wood, where he lived on roots. Thence he journeyed

to Linao, became raving mad, and was sent to Manila, where he died

quite frantic, in the convent of his Order.

The Sultan and his fellow-prisoners had been conveyed to Manila

and lodged in the Fortress of Santiago. In 1753 he petitioned the

Gov.-General to allow his daughter, the Princess Faatima, and two

slaves to go to Sulu about his private affairs. A permit was granted on

condition of her returning, or, in exchange for her liberty and that

of her two slaves, to remit 50 captives, and, failing to do either,

the Sultan and his suite were to be deprived of their dignities

and treated as common slaves, to work in the galleys, and to be

undistinguished among the ordinary prisoners. On these conditions,

the Princess left, and forwarded 50 slaves, and one more--a Spaniard,

Jose de Montesinos--as a present.

The Princess Faatima, nevertheless, did return to Manila, bringing

with her an Ambassador from Prince Bantilan, her uncle and Governor

of Sulu, who, in the meantime, had assumed the title of Sultan

Mahamad Miududin. The Ambassador was Prince Mahamad Ismael Datto

Marayalayla. After an audience with the Governor, he went to the fort

to consult with the captive Sultan, and they proposed a treaty with

the Governor, of which the chief terms were as follows, viz.:--

An offensive and defensive alliance.

All captives within the Sultanate of Sulu to be surrendered within

one year.

All articles looted from the churches to be restored within one year.

On the fulfilment of these conditions, the Sultan and his people were

to be set at liberty.

The treaty was dated in Manila March 3, 1754. The terms were quite

impossible of accomplishment, for the Sultan, being still in prison,

had no power to enforce commands on his subjects.

The war was continued at great sacrifice to the State and with little

benefit to the Spaniards, whilst their operations were greatly retarded

by discord between the officials of the expedition, the authorities

on shore, and the priests. At the same time, dilatory proceedings

were being taken against the _Maestre de Campo_ of Zamboanga, who was

charged with having appropriated to himself others' share of the war

booty. Siargao Island (off the N.E. point of Mindanao Is.) had been

completely overrun by the Mahometans; the villages and cultivated

land were laid waste, and the Spanish priest was killed.

When the Governor Pedro de Arandia arrived in 1754, the Sultan

took advantage of the occasion to put his case before him. He had,

indeed, experienced some of the strangest mutations of fortune, and

Arandia had compassion on him. By Arandia's persuasion, the Archbishop

visited and spiritually examined him, and then the Sultan confessed

and took the Communion. In the College of Santa Potenciana there was

a Mahometan woman who had been a concubine of the Sultan, but who now

professed Christianity, and had taken the name of Rita Calderon. The

Sultan's wife having died, he asked for this ex-concubine in marriage,

and the favour was conceded to him. The nuptials were celebrated

in the Governor's Palace on April 27, 1755, and the espoused couple

returned to their prison with an allowance of 50 pesos per month for

their maintenance.

In 1755 all the Sultan's relations and suite who had been incarcerated

in Manila, except his son Ismael and a few chiefs, were sent back

to Sulu. The Sultan and his chiefs were then allowed to live freely

within the city of Manila, after having sworn before the Governor, on

bended knees, to pay homage to him, and to remain peaceful during the

King's pleasure. Indeed, Governor Arandia was so favourably disposed

towards the Sultan Mahamad Alimudin (Ferdinand I.) that personally he

was willing to restore him to his throne, but his wish only brought

him in collision with the clergy, and he desisted.

The British, after the military occupation of Manila in 1763, took up

the cause of the Sultan, and reinstated him in Sulu. Then he avenged

himself on the Spaniards by fomenting incursions against them in

Mindanao, which the Gov.-General, Jose Raon, was unable to oppose

for want of resources. The Mahometans, however, soon proved their

untrustworthiness to friend and foe alike. Their friendship lasted

on the one side so long as danger could thereby be averted from the

other, and a certain Datto Teng-teng attacked the British garrison

one night at Balambangan and slaughtered all but six of the troops

(_vide_ pp. 92, 98).

In 1836 the sovereignty of the Sultan was distinctly recognized in a

treaty made between him and Spain, whereby the Sultan had the right

to collect dues on Spanish craft entering Jolo, whilst Sulu vessels

paid dues to the Spaniards in their ports as foreign vessels.

In 1844 Gov.-General Narciso Claveria led an expedition against the

Moros and had a desperate, but victorious, struggle with them at

the fort of Balanguigui (an islet 14 miles due east of Sulu Is.),

for which he was rewarded with the title of Conde de Manila.

The town of Sulu (Jolo) was formerly the residence of the Sultan's

Court. This Sovereign had arrogantly refused to check the piratical

cruisings made by his people against Spanish subjects in the locality

and about the Islands of Calamianes; therefore, on February 11, 1851,

General Antonio de Urbiztondo, Marquis de la Solana (an ex-Carlist

chief), who had been appointed Gov.-General of the Philippines in

the previous year, undertook to redress his nation's grievances by

force. The Spanish flag was hoisted in several places. Sulu town, which

was shelled by the gunboats, was captured and held by the invaders,

and the Sultan Muhamed Pulalon fled to Maybun on the south coast,

to which place the Court was permanently removed. At the close of

this expedition another treaty was signed (1851), which provided for

the annual payment of P1,500 to the Sultan and P600 each to three

_dattos_, on condition that they would suppress piracy and promote

mutual trade. Still the Mahometans paid the Spaniards an occasional

visit and massacred the garrison, which was as often replaced by

fresh levies.

In 1876 the incursions of the Mahometans and the temerity of the

chiefs had again attained such proportions that European dominion over

the Sulu Sultanate and Mindanao, even in the nominal form in which it

existed, was sorely menaced. Consequent on this, an expedition, headed

by Vice-Admiral Malcampo, arrived in the waters of the Sultanate,

carrying troops, with the design of enforcing submission. The chief of

the land forces appears to have had no topographical plan formed. The

expedition turned out to be one of discovery. The troops were marched

into the interior, without their officers knowing where they were

going, and they even had to depend on Sulu guides. Naturally, they

were often deceived, and led to precisely where the Mahometans were

awaiting them in ambush, the result being that great havoc was made in

the advance column by frequent surprises. Now and again would appear

a few _juramentados_, or sworn Mahometans, who sought their way to

Allah by the sacrifice of their own blood, but causing considerable

destruction to the invading party. With a kris at the waist, a javelin

in one hand, and a shield supported by the other, they would advance

before the enemy, dart forward and backwards, make zigzag movements,

and then, with a war-whoop, rush in three or four at a time upon a body

of Christians twenty times their number, giving no quarter, expecting

none--to die, or to conquer! The expedition was not a failure, but

it gained little. The Spanish flag was hoisted in several places,

including Sulu (Jolo), where it remained from February 29, 1876,

until the Spanish evacuation of the Islands in 1898.

The Mahometans (called by the Spaniards _Moros_) now extend over

nine-tenths of Mindanao Island, and the whole of the Sultanate of

Sulu, which comprises Sulu Island (34 miles long from E. to W., and

12 miles in the broadest part from N. to S.) and about 140 others,

80 to 90 of which are uninhabited.

The native population of the Sulu Sultanate alone would be about

100,000, including free people, slaves, and some 20,000 men-at-arms

under orders of the _Dattos_. [61] The domains of His Highness reach

westward as far as Borneo, where, up to 25 years ago, the Sultanate of

Brunei [62] was actually tributary (and now nominally so) to that of

Sulu. The Sultan of Sulu is also feudal lord of two vassal Sultanates

in Mindanao Island. There is, moreover, a half-caste branch of these

people in the southern half of Palauan Island (Paragua) of a very

subdued and peaceful nature, compared with the Sulu, nominally under

the Sulu Sultan's rule.

In Mindanao Island only a small coast district here and there was

really under Spanish empire, although Spain (by virtue of an old

treaty, which never was respected to the letter) claimed suzerainty

over all the territory subject to the Sultan of Sulu. After the Sulu

war of 1876 the Sultan admitted the claim more formally, and on March

11, 1877, a protocol was signed by England and Germany recognizing

Spain's rights to the Tawi Tawi group and the chain of islands

stretching from Sulu to Borneo. At the same time it was understood

that Spain would give visible proof of annexation by establishing

military posts, or occupying these islands in some way, but nothing

was done until 1880, when Spain was stirred into action by a report

that the Germans projected a settlement there. A convict corps at

once took possession, military posts were established, and in 1882

the 6th Regiment of regular troops was quartered in the group at

Bongao and Siassi.

Meanwhile, in 1880, a foreign colonizing company was formed in

the Sultanate of Brunei, under the title of "British North Borneo

Co." (Royal Charter of November 7, 1881). The company recognized the

suzerain rights of the Sultan of Sulu, and agreed to pay to him an

annual sum as feudal lord. Spain protested that the territory was hers,

but could show nothing to confirm the possession. There was no flag,

or a detachment of troops, or anything whatsoever to indicate that the

coast was under European protection or dominion. Notes were exchanged

between the Cabinets of Madrid and London, and Spain relinquished

for ever her claim to the Borneo fief of Brunei.

The experience of the unfortunate Sultan Alimudin (Ferdinand I.) taught

the Sulu people such a sad lesson that subsequent sultans have not

cared to risk their persons in the hands of the Spaniards. There was,

moreover, a Nationalist Party which repudiated dependence on Spain, and

hoped to be able eventually to drive out the Spaniards. Therefore, in

1885, when the heir to the throne, Mohammad Jamalul Kiram (who was then

about 15 years old) was cited to Manila to receive his investiture at

the hands of the Gov.-General, he refused to comply, and the Government

at once offered the Sultanate to his uncle, Datto Harun Narrasid, who

accepted it, and presented himself to the Gov.-General in the capital.

The ceremony of investiture took place in the Government House at

Malacanan near Manila on September 24, 1886, when Datto Harun took

the oath of allegiance to the King of Spain as his sovereign lord,

and received from the Gov.-General, Emilio Terrero, the title of His

Excellency _Paduca Majasari Maulana Amiril Mauminin Sultan Muhamad

Harun Narrasid_, with the rank of a Spanish lieut.-general. The

Gov.-General was attended by his Secretary, the Official Interpreter,

and several high officers. In the suite of the Sultan-elect were his

Secretary, _Tuan Hadji Omar_, a priest, _Pandita Tuan Sik Mustafa_,

and several _dattos_. For the occasion, the Sultan-elect was dressed

in European costume, and wore a Turkish fez with a heavy tassel of

black silk. His Secretary and Chaplain appeared in long black tunics,

white trousers, light shoes, and turbans. Two of the remainder of his

suite adopted the European fashion, but the others wore rich typical

Moorish vestments.

The Sultan returned to his country, and in the course of three months

the Nationalist Party chiefs openly took up arms against the King of

Spain's nominee, the movement spreading to the adjacent islands of

Siassi and Bongao, which form part of the Sultanate. [63]

The Mahometans on the Great Mindanao River, from Cottabato [64]

upwards, openly defied Spanish authority; and in the spring of 1886

the Government were under the necessity of organizing an expedition

against them. The Spaniards had ordered that native craft should

carry the Spanish flag, otherwise they would be treated as pirates or

rebels. In March, 1887, the cacique of the Simonor ranche (Bongao Is.),

named Pandan, refused any longer to hoist the christian ensign, and he

was pursued and taken prisoner. He was conveyed on the gunboat _Panay_

to Sulu, and on being asked by the Governor why he had ceased to use

the Spanish flag, he haughtily replied that "he would only answer such

a question to the Captain-General," and refused to give any further

explanation. Within a month after his arrest the garrison of Sulu

(Jolo) was strengthened by 377 men, in expectation of an immediate

general rising, which indeed took place. The Spanish forces were led by

Majors Mattos and Villa Abrille, under the command of Brig.-General

Serina. They were stoutly opposed by a cruel and despotic chief,

named Utto, who advanced at the head of his subjects and slaves. With

the co-operation of the gunboats up the river, the Mahometans were

repulsed with great loss.

Scores of expeditions had been led against the Mindanao natives,

and their temporary submission had usually been obtained by the

Spaniards--on whose retirement, however, the natives always reverted to

their old customs, and took their revenge on the settlers. Moreover,

the petty jealousies existing between the highest officers in the

south rendered every peaceful effort fruitless.

Datto Utto having defiantly proclaimed that no Spaniard should ever

enter his territory, an armed expedition was fitted out; and from the

example of his predecessor in 1881 (_vide_ p. 124) the Gov.-General,

Emilio Terrero, perchance foresaw in a little war the vision of titles

and more material reward, besides counterbalancing his increasing

unpopularity in Manila, due to the influence of my late friend,

the Government Secretary Felipe Canga-Argueelles. Following in the

wake of those who had successfully checked the Mahometans in the

previous spring, he took the chief command in person in the beginning

of January, 1887, to force a recantation of Datto Utto's utterances.

The petty Sultans of Bacat, Buhayen and Kudarangan in vain united

their fortunes with those of Utto. The stockades of cocoanut trunks,

_palma-bravas_ (q.v.) and earth (_cottas_) were easily destroyed by

the Spanish artillery, and their defenders fled under a desultory

fire. There were very few casualties on either side. Some of the

Christian native infantry soldiers suffered from the bamboo spikes

(Spanish, _puas_) set in the ground around the stockades, but the

enemy had not had time to cover with brushwood the pits dug for the

attacking party to fall into. In about two months the operations ended

by the submission of some chiefs of minor importance and influence;

and after spending so much powder and shot and Christian blood, the

General had not even the satisfaction of seeing either the man he was

fighting against or his enemy's ally, the Sultan of Kudarangan. This

latter sent a priest, Pandita Kalibaudang, and Datto Andig to sue for

peace and cajole the General with the fairest promises. Afterwards

the son and heir of this chief, Rajahmudah Tambilanang, presented

himself, and he and his suite of 30 followers were conducted to

the camp in the steam launch _Carriedo_. Utto, whose residence had

been demolished, had not deigned to submit in person, but sent, as

emissaries, Dattos Sirungang, Buat and Dalandung, who excused only

the absence of Utto's prime minister. Capitulations of peace were

handed to Utto's subordinates, who were told to bring them back signed

without delay, for despatches from the Home Government, received four

or five weeks previously, were urging the General to conclude this

affair as speedily as possible. They were returned signed by Utto--or

by somebody else--and the same signature and another, supposed to be

that of his wife, the Ranee Pudtli (a woman of great sway amongst her

people) were also attached to a letter, offering complete submission.

The Spaniards destroyed a large quantity of rice-paddy, and stipulated

for the subsequent payment of a war indemnity in the form of cannons

(_lantacas_), buffaloes, and horses.

The General gave the emissaries some trifling presents, and they went

their way and he his,--to Manila, which he entered in state on March

21, with flags flying, music playing, and the streets decorated with

bunting of the national colours, to give welcome to the conqueror

of the Mahometan chief--whom he had never seen--the bearer of peace

capitulations signed--by whom? As usual, a _Te Deum_ was celebrated

in the Cathedral for the victories gained over the infidels; the

officers and troops who had returned were invited by the Municipality

to a theatrical performance, and the Gov.-General held a reception in

the Palace of Malacanan. Some of the troops were left in Mindanao,

it having been resolved to establish armed outposts still farther

up the river for the better protection of the port and settlement

of Cottabato.

Whilst the Gov.-General headed this military parade in the Cottabato

district, the ill-feeling of the Sulu natives towards the Spaniards

was gradually maturing. An impending struggle was evident, and

Colonel Juan Arolas, the Governor of Sulu, concentrated his forces in

expectation. The Sulus, always armed, prepared for events in their

_cottas_; Arolas demanded their surrender, which was refused, and

they were attacked. Two _cottas_, well defended, were ultimately

taken, not without serious loss to the Spaniards. In the report

of the slain a captain was mentioned. Arolas then twice asked for

authority to attack the Mahometans at Maybun, and was each time

refused. At length, acting on his own responsibility, on April 15,

1887, he ordered a gunboat to steam round to Maybun and open fire at

daybreak on the Sultan's capital, which was in possession of the party

opposed to the Spanish nominee (Harun Narrasid). At 11 o'clock the

same night he started across country with his troops towards Maybun,

and the next morning, whilst the enemy was engaged with the gunboat,

he led the attack on the land side. The Mahometans, quite surprised,

fought like lions, but were completely routed, and the seat of the

Sultanate was razed to the ground. It was the most crushing defeat

ever inflicted on the Sulu Nationalist Party. The news reached Manila

on April 29, and great praise was justly accorded to Colonel Arolas,

whose energetic operations contrasted so favourably with the Cottabato

expedition. All manner of festivities in his honour were projected

in Manila, but Arolas elected to continue the work of subduing the

Moro country. Notwithstanding his well-known republican tendencies,

on September 20, 1887, the Queen-Regent cabled through her Ministry her

acknowledgment of Colonel Arolas' valuable services, and the pleasure

it gave her to reward him with a Brig.-General's commission. [65]

In 1895 an expedition against the Mahometans was organized under the

supreme command of Gov.-General Ramon Blanco. It was known as the

Marahui (or Marauit) Campaign. The tribes around Lake Lanao (ancient

name Malanao) and the Marahui district had, for some time past, made

serious raids on the Spanish settlement at Yligan, which is connected

with Lake Lanao by a river navigable only by canoes. Indeed, the lives

and property of Christians in all the territory adjoining Yligan were

in great jeopardy, and the Spanish authorities were set at defiance. It

was therefore resolved, for the first time, to attack the tribes and

destroy their _cottas_ around the lake for the permanent tranquillity

of Yligan. The Spanish and native troops alike suffered great hardships

and privations. Steam launches in sections (constructed in Hong-Kong),

small guns, and war material were carried up from Yligan to the lake by

natives over very rugged ground. On the lake shore the launches were

fitted up and operated on the lake, to the immense surprise of the

tribes. From the land side their _cottas_ were attacked and destroyed,

under the command of my old friend Brig.-General Gonzalez Parrado. The

operations, which lasted about three months, were a complete success,

and General Gonzalez Parrado was rewarded with promotion to General

of Division. Lake Lanao, with the surrounding district and the route

down to Yligan, was in possession of the Spaniards, and in order to

retain that possession without the expense of maintaining a large

military establishment, it was determined to people the conquered

territory with Christian families from Luzon and the other islands

situated north of Mindanao. It was the attempt to carry out this

colonizing scheme which gave significance to the Marahui Expedition

and contributed to that movement which, in 1896, led to the downfall

of Spanish rule in the Archipelago.

The last Spanish punitive expedition against the Mindanao Mahometans

was sent in February, 1898, under the command of General Buille. The

operations lasted only a few days. The enemy was driven into the

interior with great loss, and one chief was slain. The small gunboats

built in Hong-Kong for the Marahui Campaign--the _General Blanco,

Corcuera_, and _Lanao_--again did good service.

There are three branches or tribes of the _Malanao_ Moros around the

Lake Lanao:

(1) _Bayabos_, at the north of the Lake, their centre being Marahui.

(2) _Onayans_, at the south of the Lake, their centre being Bayan.

(3) _Macui_ tribe includes the remaining Lake Lanao people, except a

few independent ranches to the east of the Macui, belonging to the

Bayabos. The Macui claim to be the most ancient, although no tribe

can trace descent farther back than the 13th century. Intermarriage

has destroyed traces, but there are over a hundred sultans who claim

to be of royal blood.

The other principal Mindanao tribes are as follows, viz.:--_Aetas_,

in the regions near Mount Apo (_vide_ p. 121).

_Bagobos_, on the foothills of Mount Apo. A peaceful people, disposed

to work, and reputed to be human sacrificers.

_Manobos_, in the valley of the Agusan River. There are also some on

the Gulf of Davao and in the Cottabato district.

_Samales_ inhabit the small islands in the Gulf of Davao, but there

is quite a large colony of them at Magay, a suburb of Zamboanga,

(from the neighbouring islets) under Rajahmudah Datto Mandi.

_Subuanos_ occupy the peninsula of the Zamboanga Province. They

are docile and lazy, and much prone to stealing. They are far

less courageous than the _Samales_, by whom they are overawed. Some

physiognomists consider them to be of the same caste as the _Manobos_,

the _Guimbanos_ of Sulu, and the _Samecas_ of Basilan.

_Tagubans_ live on the north shore of the Gulf of Davao.

_Tirurayas_ inhabit the mountains to the west of the Rio Grande.

There is a large number of smaller tribes.

A few years ago we were all alarmed on Corpus Christi Day, during the

solemn procession of that feast in Cottabato, by the sudden attack of

a few Mahometans on the crowd of Christians assembled. Of course the

former were overwhelmed and killed, as they quite expected to be. They

were of that class known as _juramentados_, or sworn Mahometans, who

believe that if they make a solemn vow, in a form binding on their

consciences, to die taking the blood of a Christian, their souls will

immediately migrate to the happy hunting-ground, where they will ever

live in bliss, in the presence of the Great Prophet. This is the most

dangerous sect of Mahometans, for no exhibition of force can suffice

to stay their ravages, and they can only be treated like mad dogs,

or like a Malay who has run _amok_.

The face of a Mindanao south coast Moro is generally pleasant, but

a smile spoils his appearance; the parting lips disclose a filthy

aperture with dyed teeth in a mahogany coloured foam of masticated

betel-nut. Holes as large as sixpences are in the ears of the women,

who, when they have no ear-rings, wear a piece of reed with a vermilion

tip. The dress is artistically fantastic, with the _sarong_ and

the _jabul_ and no trousers visible. Apparently the large majority

(perhaps 70 per cent.) of the Parang-Parang Moros have a loathsome

skin disease. Those who live on shore crop their hair, but the swamp,

river, and sea people who live afloat let it grow long.

The Sulu Islanders, male and female, dress with far greater taste and

ascetic originality than the christian natives. The women are fond

of gay colours, the predominant ones being scarlet and green. Their

nether bifurcated garment is very baggy, the bodice is extremely tight,

and, with equally close-fitting sleeves, exhibits every contour of

the bust and arms. They use also a strip of stuff sewn together at

the ends called the _jabul_, which serves to protect the head from

the sun-rays. The end of the _jabul_ would reach nearly down to

the feet, but is usually held _retrousse_ under the arm. They have

a passion for jewellery, and wear many finger-rings of metal and

sometimes of sea-shells, whilst their ear-rings are gaudy and of

large dimensions. The hair is gracefully tied in a coil on the top

of the head, and their features are at least as attractive as those

of the generality of Philippine christian women.

The men wear breeches of bright colours, as tight as gymnasts'

pantaloons, with a large number of buttons up the sides; a kind of

waistcoat buttoning up to the throat; a jacket reaching to the hips,

with close sleeves, and a turban. A chief's dress has many adornments

of trinkets, and is quite elegant, a necessary part of his outfit

being the _barong_ (sword), which apparently he carries constantly.

They are robust, of medium height, often of superb physical

development; of a dusky bronze colour, piercing eyes, low forehead,

lank hair, which is dressed as a chignon and hangs down the back of

the neck. The body is agile, the whole movement is rapid, and they

have a wonderful power of holding the breath under water. They are

of quick perception, audacious, haughty, resolute, zealous about

their genealogies; extremely sober, ready to promise everything

and do nothing, vindictive and highly suspicious of a stranger's

intentions. Their bearing towards the Christian, whom they call

the infidel, is full of contempt. They know no gratitude, and they

would not cringe to the greatest Christian potentate. They are very

long-suffering in adversity, hesitating in attack, and the bravest

of the brave in defence. They disdain work as degrading and only

a fit occupation for slaves, whilst warfare is, to their minds, an

honourable calling. Every male over 16 years of age has to carry at

least one fighting-weapon at all times, and consider himself enrolled

in military service.

They have a certain knowledge of the Arts. They manufacture on the

anvil very fine kris daggers, knives, lance-heads, etc. Many of their

fighting-weapons are inlaid with silver and set in polished hardwood

or ivory handles artistically carved.

In warfare they carry shields, and their usual arms on land are

the _campilan_, a kind of short two-handed sword, wide at the tip

and narrowing down to the hilt, the _barong_ for close combat, the

straight _kris_ for thrusting and cutting, and the waved, serpent-like

_kris_ for thrusting only. They are dexterous in the use of arms,

and can most skilfully decapitate a foe at a single stroke. At sea

they use a sort of assegai, called _bagsacay_ or _simbilin_, about

half an inch in diameter, with a sharp point. Some can throw as many

as four at a time, and make them spread in the flight; they use these

for boarding vessels. They make many of their own domestic utensils of

metal, also coats of mail of metal wire and buffalo horn, which resist

hand-weapons, but not bullets. The wire probably comes from Singapore.

The local trade is chiefly in pearls, mother-of-pearl, shells,

shark fins, etc. [66] The Sultan, in Spanish times, had a sovereign

right to all pearls found which exceeded a certain size fixed by

Sulu law--hence it was very difficult to secure an extraordinary

specimen. The Mahometans trade at great distances in their small craft,

called _vintas_, for they are wonderfully expert navigators. Their

largest vessels do not exceed seven tons, and they go as far as Borneo,

and even down to Singapore on rare occasions.

I found that almost any coinage was useful for purchasing in the

market-places. I need hardly add that the Chinese small traders have

found their way to these regions; and it would be an unfavourable

sign if a Chinaman were not to be seen there, for where the frugal

Celestial cannot earn a living one may well assume there is little

prosperity. Small Chinese coins (known as _cash_ in the China Treaty

Ports) are current money there, and I think, the most convenient

of all copper coins, for, having a hole in the centre, they can be

strung together. Chinese began to trade with this island in 1751.

The root of the Sulu language is Sanscrit, mixed with Arabic. Each

Friday is dedicated to public worship, and the faithful are called

to the temple by the beating of a box or hollow piece of wood. All

recite the Iman with a plaintive voice in honour of the Great Prophet;

a slight gesticulation is then made whilst the _Pandita_ reads a

passage from the Mustah. I observed that no young women put in an

appearance at the temple on the occasion of my visit.

At the beginning of each year there is a very solemn ceremonial, and,

in the event of the birth or death of a child, or the safe return

from some expedition, it is repeated. It is a sort of _Te Deum_ in

conformity with Mahometan rites. During a number of days in a certain

month of the year they abstain from eating, drinking, and pleasure

of all kinds, and suffer many forms of voluntary penance. Strangers

are never allowed, I was told, inside the Mosque of the Sultan. The

higher clergy are represented by the hereditary _Cherif_, who has

temporal power also. The title of _Pandita_ simply means priest, and

is the common word used in Mindanao as well as in Palauan Island. He

seems to be almost the chief in his district--not in a warlike sense,

like the _Datto_; but his word has great influence. He performs all

the functions of a priest, receives the vow of the _juramentados_,

and expounds the mysteries and the glories of that better world whither

they will go without delay if they die taking the blood of a Christian.

In theory, the Moros accept the Koran and the teachings of Mahomet:

in practice, they omit the virtues of their religious system and

follow those precepts which can be construed into favouring vice;

hence they interpret guidance of the people by oppression, polygamy

by licentiousness, and maintenance of the faith by bloodshed. Relays

of Arabs come, from time to time, under the guise of Koran expounders,

to feed on the people and whet their animosity towards the Christian.

The _Panditas_ are doctors also. If a _Datto_ dies, they intone a

dolorous chant; the family bursts into lamentations, which are finally

drowned in the din of the clashing of cymbals and beating of gongs,

whilst sometimes a gun is fired. In rush the neighbours, and join in

the shouting, until all settle down quietly to a feast. The body is

then sprinkled with salt and camphor and dressed in white, with the

kris attached to the waist. There is little ceremony about placing

the body in the coffin and burying it. The mortuary is marked by a

wooden tablet--sometimes by a stone, on which is an inscription in

Arabic. A slip of board, or bamboo, is placed around the spot, and a

piece of wood, carved like the bows of a canoe, is stuck in the earth;

in front of this is placed a cocoanut shell full of water.

The old native town, or _cotta_ of Sulu (Jolo) was a collection of

bamboo houses built upon piles extending a few hundred yards into the

sea. This was all demolished by the Spaniards when they permanently

occupied the place in 1876, excepting the Military Hospital, which

was re-constructed of light materials, native fashion. The sea-beach

was cleared, and the native village put back inland.

The site is an extremely pretty little bay on the north of the island,

formed by the points Dangapic and Candea, and exactly in front,

about four or five miles off, there are several low-lying islets,

well wooded, with a hill abruptly jutting out here and there, the

whole forming a picturesque miniature archipelago.

Looking from the sea, in the centre stands the modern Spanish town of

Sulu (Jolo), built on the shore, rising about a couple of yards above

sea-level, around which there is a short stone and brick sea-wall, with

several bends pleasantly relieving the monotony of a straight line.

Forming a background to the European town, there are three thickly

wooded hillocks almost identical in appearance, and at each extremity

of the picture, lying farther back inland, there is a hill sloping

down gradually towards the coast. The slope on the eastern extremity

has been cleared of undergrowth to the extent of about 50 acres,

giving it the appearance of a vast lawn. At the eastern and western

extremities are the native suburbs, with huts of light material built a

few yards into the sea. On the east side there is a big Moro bungalow,

erected on small tree-trunks, quite a hundred yards from the beach

seawards. To the west, one sees a long shanty-built structure running

out to sea like a jetty; it is the shore market. The panorama could

not be more charming and curious. Still farther west, towering above

every other, stands the _Bad Tumantangas_ peak (Mount of Tears),

the last point discernible by the westward-journeying Joloano, who

is said to sigh with patriotic anguish at its loss to view, with all

the feeling of a Moorish Boabdil bidding adieu to his beloved Granada.

The town is uniformly planned, with well-drained streets, running

parallel, crossed at rectangles by lovely avenues of shading

trees. Here and there are squares, pretty gardens, and a clean and

orderly market-place. There is a simple edifice for a church, splendid

barracks equal to those in Manila when these were built, many houses of

brick and stone, others of wood, and all roofed with corrugated iron.

The neighbourhood is well provided with water from natural streams. The

town is supplied with drinking-water conducted in pipes, laid for the

purpose from a spring about a mile and a quarter distant, whilst other

piping carries water to the end of the pier for the requirements of

shipping. This improvement, the present salubrity of the town (once a

fever focus), and its latest Spanish embellishments, are mainly due to

the intelligent activity of its late Governors, Colonel (now General)

Gonzalez Parrado, and the late General Juan Arolas.

The town is encircled on the land side by a brick loop-holed wall. The

outside (Spanish) defences consisted of two forts, viz:--The "_Princesa

de Asturias_" and "_Torre de la Reina_" and within the town those of

the "_Puerta Blockaus_", "_Puerta Espana_" and the redoubt "_Alfonso

XII._"--this last had a Nordenfeldt gun.

The Spanish Government of Sulu was entirely under martial law, and

the Europeans (mostly military men) were constantly on the alert for

the ever-recurring attacks of the natives.

The general aspect of Sulu (Jolo) is cheerful and attractive. The day

scene, enlivened by the Moro, passing to and fro with his lithe gait,

in gay attire, with the _barong_ in a huge sash, and every white man,

soldier or civilian, carrying arms in self-defence, may well inflame

the imaginative and romantic mind. One can hardly believe one is

still in the Philippines. At night, the shaded avenues, bordered by

stately trees, illuminated by a hundred lamps, present a beautiful,

picturesque scene which carries the memory far, far away from the

surrounding savage races. Yet all may change in a trice. There is

a hue and cry; a Moro has run _amok_--his glistening weapon within

a foot of his escaping victim; the Christian native hiding away in

fear, and the European off in pursuit of the common foe; there is a

tramping of feet, a cracking of firearms; the Moro is biting the dust,

and the memory is brought abruptly back from imagination's flights

to full realization of one's Mahometan _entourage_.

By a decree dated September 24, 1877, all the natives, and other

races or nationalities settled there, were exempted from all kinds of

contributions or taxes for 10 years. In 1887 the term was extended for

another 10 years; hence, no imposts being levied, all the Spaniards

had to do was to maintain their prestige with peace.

In his relations with the Spaniards, the Sultan held the title

of Excellency, and he, as well as several chiefs, received annual

pensions from the Government at the following rates:--

Pesos.

Sultan of Sulu 2,400

Sultan of Mindanao 1,000

Datto Beraduren, heir to the Sulu Sultanate 700

Paduca Datto Alimudin, of Sulu 600

Datto Amiral, of Mindanao 800

Other minor pensions 600

=====

P6,100

and an allowance of 2 pesos for each captive rescued, and 3 pesos

for each pirate caught, whether in Sulu or Mindanao waters.

The Sultan is the _Majasari_ (the stainless, the spotless)--the

Pontiff-king--the chief of the State and the Church; but it is said

that he acknowledges the Sultan of Turkey as the _Padishah_. He is

the irresponsible lord and master of all life and property among his

subjects, although in his decrees he is advised by a Council of Elders.

Nevertheless, in spite of his absolute authority, he does not seem to

have perfect control over the acts of his nobles or chiefs, who are

a privileged class, and are constantly waging some petty war among

themselves, or organizing a marauding expedition along the coast. The

Sultan is compelled, to a certain extent, to tolerate their excesses,

as his own dignity, or at least his own tranquillity, is in a great

measure dependent on their common goodwill towards him. The chiefs

collect tribute in the name of the Sultan, but they probably furnish

their own wants first and pay differences into the Royal Treasury,

seeing that it all comes from their own feudal dependents.

The Sultan claims to be the nominal owner of all the product of Sulu

waters. In the valuable Pearl Fisheries he claims to have a prior

right to all pearls above a certain value, although the finder is

entitled to a relative bounty from the Sultan. "Ambal," a product found

floating on the waters and much esteemed by the Chinese as medicine,

is subject to royal dues. The great pearl-fishing centre is Siassi

Island (in the Tapul group), lying about 20 miles south of Sulu Island.

The Sultanate is hereditary under the Salic Law. The Sultan is

supported by three ministers, one of whom acts as Regent in his absence

(for he might choose to go to Singapore, or have to go to Mecca,

if he had not previously done so); the other is Minister of War,

and the third is Minister of Justice and Master of the Ceremonies.

Slavery exists in a most ample sense. There are slaves by birth and

others by conquest, such as prisoners of war, insolvent debtors, and

those seized by piratical expeditions to other islands. A creole friend

of mine was one of these last. He had commenced clearing an estate for

cane-growing on the Negros coast, when he was seized and carried off

to Sulu Island. In a few years he was ransomed and returned to Negros,

where be formed one of the finest sugar haciendas and factories in

the Colony.

In 1884 a Mahometan was found on a desolate isle lying off the Antique

coast (Panay Is.), and of course had no document of identity, so he

was arrested and confined in the jail of San Jose de Buenavista. From

prison he was eventually taken to the residence of the Spanish

Governor, Don Manuel Castellon, a very humane gentleman and a personal

friend of mine. In Don Manuel's study there was a collection of

native arms which took the stranger's fancy; one morning he seized

a kris and lance, and, bounding into the breakfast-room, capered

about, gesticulated, and brandished the lance in the air, much to the

amusement of the Governor and his guests. But in an instant the fellow

(hitherto a mystery, but undoubtedly a _juramentado_) hurled the lance

with great force towards the Public Prosecutor, and the missile, after

severing his watch-chain, lodged in the side of the table. The Governor

and the Public Prosecutor at once closed with the would-be assassin,

whilst the Governor's wife, with great presence of mind, thrust a

table-knife into the culprit's body between the shoulder-blade and

the collar-bone. The man fell, and, when all supposed he was dead,

he suddenly jumped up. No one had thought of taking the kris out of

his grasp, and he rushed around the apartment and severely cut two of

the servants, but was ultimately despatched by the bayonets of the

guards who arrived on hearing the scuffle. The Governor showed me

his wounds, which were slight, but his life was saved by the valour

of his wife--Dona Justa.

It has often been remarked by old residents, that if free licence were

granted to the domesticated natives, their barbarous instincts would

recur to them in all vigour. Here was an instance. The body of the

Moro was carried off by an excited populace, who tied a rope to it,

beat it, and dragged it through the town to a few miles up the coast,

where it was thrown on the sea-shore. The priests did not interfere;

like the Egyptian mummies cast on the Stygian shores, the culprit

was unworthy of sepulture--besides, who would pay the fees?

During my first visit to Sulu in 1881, I was dining with the Governor,

when the conversation ran on the details of an expedition about to be

sent to Maybun, to carry despatches received from the Gov.-General

for the Sultan, anent the Protectorate. The Governor seemed rather

surprised when I expressed my wish to join the party, for the journey

is not unattended with risk to one's life. [I may here mention that

only a few days before I arrived, a young officer was sent on some

mission a short distance outside the town of Jolo, accompanied by a

patrol of two guards. He was met by armed Mahometans, and sent back

with one of his hands cut off. I remember, also, the news reaching

us that several military officers were sitting outside a cafe in

Jolo Town, when a number of _juramentados_ came behind them and cut

their throats.] However, the Governor did not oppose my wish--on the

contrary, he jocosely replied that he could not extend my passport so

far, because the Sulus would not respect it, yet the more Europeans

the better.

Officials usually went by sea to Maybun, and a gunboat was now and

again sent round the coast with messages to the Sultan, but there

was no Government vessel in Jolo at this time.

Our party, all told, including the native attendants, numbered about

30 Christians, and we started early in the morning on horseback. I

carried my usual weapon--a revolver--hoping there would be no need to

use it on the journey. And so it resulted; we arrived, without being

molested in any way, in about three hours, across a beautiful country.

We passed two low ranges of hills, which appeared to run from S.W. to

N.E., and several small streams, whilst here and there was a ranche

of the Sultan's subjects. Each ranche was formed of a group of

10 to 20 huts, controlled by the cacique. Agriculture seemed to

be pursued in a very pristine fashion, but, doubtless owing to the

exuberant fertility of the soil, we saw some very nice crops of Rice,

Indian Corn, Sugar Cane, and Indigo and Coffee plantations on a small

scale. In the forest which we traversed there were some of the largest

bamboos I have ever seen, and fine building timber, such as Teak,

Narra, Molave, Mangachapuy, and Camagon (_vide_ Woods). I was assured

that Cedars also flourished on the island. We saw a great number of

monkeys, wild pigeons, cranes, and parrots, whilst deer, buffaloes,

and wild goats are said to abound in these parts.

On our arrival at Maybun, we went first to the bungalow of a

Chinaman--the Sultan's brother-in-law--where we refreshed ourselves

with our own provisions, and learnt the gossip of the place. On

inquiry, we were told that the Sultan was sleeping, so we waited at

the Chinaman's. I understood this man was a trader, but there were no

visible signs of his doing any business. Most of our party slept the

_siesta_, and at about four o'clock we called at the Palace. It was

a very large building, well constructed, and appeared to be built

almost entirely of materials of the country. A deal of bamboo and

wood were used in it, and even the roof was made of split bamboo,

although I am told that this was replaced by sheet-iron when the

young Sultan came to the throne. The vestibule was very spacious,

and all around was pleasantly decorated with lovely shrubs and plants

peculiar to most mid-tropical regions. The entrance to the Palace was

always open, but well guarded, and we were received by three _Dattos_,

who saluted us in a formal way, and, without waiting to ask us any

question, invited us, with a wave of the hand, to follow them into

the throne-room. [67] The Sultan was seated on our entering, but when

the bearer of the despatches approached with the official interpreter

by his side, and we following, he rose in his place to greet us.

His Highness was dressed in very tight silk trousers, fastened partly

up the sides with showy chased gold or gilt buttons, a short Eton-cut

olive-green jacket with an infinity of buttons, white socks, ornamented

slippers, a red sash around his waist, a kind of turban, and a kris at

his side. His general appearance was that of a Spanish bull-fighter

with an Oriental finish off. We all bowed low, and the Sultan,

surrounded by his Sultanas, put his hands to his temples, and, on

lowering them, he bowed at the same time. We remained standing whilst

some papers were handed to him. He looked at them--a few words were

said in Spanish, to the effect that the bearer saluted His Highness

in the name of the Governor of Sulu. The Sultan passed the documents

to the official interpreter, who read or explained them in the Sulu

language; then a brief conversation ensued, through the interpreter,

and the business was really over. After a short pause, the Sultan

motioned to us to be seated on floor-cushions, and we complied. The

cushions, covered with rich silk, were very comfortable. Servants, in

fantastic costumes, were constantly in attendance, serving betel-nut

to those who cared to chew it.

One Sultana was fairly pretty, or had been so, but the others were

heavy, languid, and lazy in their movements; and their teeth,

dyed black, did not embellish their personal appearance. The

Sultan made various inquiries, and passed many compliments on us,

the Governor, Gov.-General, etc., which were conveyed to us through

the interpreter. Meanwhile, the Sultanas chatted among themselves,

and were apparently as much interested in looking at us as we were

in their style, features, and attire. They all wore light-coloured

"dual garments" of great width, and tight bodices. Their _coiffure_

was carefully finished, but a part of the forehead was hidden by an

ungraceful fringe of hair.

We had so little in common to converse on, and that little had to

be said through the interpreter, that we were rather glad when we

were asked to take refreshments. It at least served to relieve the

awkward feeling of glancing at each other in silence. Chocolate and

ornamental sweetmeats were brought to us, all very unpalatable. When we

were about to take our departure, the Sultan invited us to remain all

night in the Palace. The leader of our party caused to be explained

to him that we were thankful for his gracious offer, but that, being

so numerous, we feared to disturb His Highness by intruding so far

on his hospitality. Still the Sultan politely insisted, and whilst

the interpretation was being transmitted I found an opportunity to

acquaint our chief of my burning curiosity to stay at the Palace. In

any case, we were a large number to go anywhere, so our leader, in

reply to the Sultan, said that he and four Europeans of his suite

would take advantage of His Highness's kindness.

We withdrew from the Sultan's presence, and some of us Europeans

walked through the town accompanied by functionaries of the royal

household and the interpreter. There was nothing striking in the

place; it was like most others. There were some good bungalows of

bamboo and thatching. I noticed that men, women, and children were

smoking tobacco or chewing, and had no visible occupation. Many of

the smaller dwellings were built on piles out to the sea. We saw a

number of divers preparing to go off to get pearls, mother-of-pearl,

etc. They are very expert in this occupation, and dive as deep as 100

feet. Prior to the plunge they go through a grotesque performance of

waving their arms in the air and twisting their bodies, in order--as

they say--to frighten away the sharks; then with a whoop they leap

over the edge of the prahu, and continue to throw their arms and legs

about for the purpose mentioned. They often dive for the shark and

rip it up with a kris.

Five of us retired to the Palace that night, and were at once conducted

to our rooms. There was no door to my room; it was, strictly speaking,

an alcove. During the night, at intervals of about every hour, as it

seemed to me, a Palace servant or guard came to inquire how the Senor

was sleeping, and if I were comfortable. "Duerme el Senor?" ("Does

the gentleman sleep?") was apparently the limit of his knowledge of

Spanish. I did not clearly understand more than the fact that the man

was a nuisance, and I regretted there was no door with which to shut

him out. The next morning we paid our respects to His Highness, who

furnished us with an escort--more as a compliment than a necessity--and

we reached Jolo Town again, after a very enjoyable ride through a

superb country.

The Sultan's subjects are spread so far from the centre of

government--Maybun--that in some places their allegiance is but

nominal. Many of them residing near the Spanish settlements are quick

at learning Castilian sufficiently well to be understood, but the

Spaniards tried in vain to subject them to a European order of things.

About 20 miles up the coast, going north from Zamboanga, the Jesuits

sent a missionary in 1885 to convert the _Subuanos_. He endeavoured

to persuade the people to form a village. They cleared a way through

the forest from the beach, and at the end of this opening, about

three-quarters of a mile long, I found a church half built of wood,

bamboo, and palm-leaves. I had ridden to the place on horseback along

the beach, and my food and baggage followed in a canoe. The opening

was so roughly cleared that I thought it better to dismount when

I got half way. As the church was only in course of construction,

and not consecrated, I took up my quarters there. I was followed

by a _Subuano_, who was curious to know the object of my visit. I

told him I wished to see the headman, so this personage arrived

with one of his wives and a young girl. They sat on the floor with

me, and as the cacique could make himself understood in Spanish,

we chatted about the affairs of the town _in posse_. The visiting

priest had gone to the useless trouble of baptizing a few of these

people. They appeared to be as much Christian as I was Mahometan. The

cacique had more than one wife--the word of the _Pandita_ of the

settlement was the local law, and the _Pandita_ himself of course had

his seraglio. I got the first man, who had followed me, to direct me

to the _Pandita's_ house. My guide was gaily attired in bright red

tight acrobat breeches, with buttons up the side, and a jacket like

a waistcoat, with sleeves so close-fitting that I suppose he seldom

took the trouble to undress himself. I left the cacique, promising to

visit his bungalow that day, and then my guide led me through winding

paths, in a wood, to the hut of the _Pandita_. On the way I met a

man of the tribe carrying spring-water in a bamboo, which he tilted

to give me a drink. To my inquiries if he were a Christian, and if

he knew the _Castilian Pandita_ (Spanish priest), he replied in the

affirmative; continuing the interrogation, I asked him how many gods

there were, and when he answered "four," I closed my investigation of

his Christianity. My guide was too cunning to take me by the direct

path to the _Pandita's_ bungalow. He led me into a half-cleared plot

of land facing it, whence the inmates could see us for at least ten

minutes making our approach. When we arrived, and after scrambling up

the staircase, which was simply a notched trunk of a tree about nine

inches diameter, I discovered that the _Pandita_, forewarned, had fled

to the mountain close by, leaving his wives to entertain the visitor. I

found them all lounging and chewing betel-nut, and when I squatted

on the floor amongst them they became remarkably chatty. Then I went

to the cacique's bungalow. In the rear of this dwelling there was a

small forge, and the most effective bellows of primitive make which I

have ever seen in any country. It was a double-action apparatus, made

entirely of bamboo, except the pistons, which were of feathers. These

pistons, working up and down alternately by a bamboo rod in each hand,

sustained perfectly a constant draught of air. One man was squatting

on a bamboo bench the height of the bellows' rods, whilst the smith

crouched on the ground to forge his kris on the anvil.

The headman's bungalow was built the same as the others, but with

greater care. It was rather high up, and had the usual notched

log-of-wood staircase, which is perhaps easy to ascend with naked

feet. The cacique and one of his wives were seated on mats on the

floor. After mutual salutations the wife threw me three cushions, on

which I reclined--doing the _dolce far niente_ whilst we talked about

the affairs of the settlement. The conversation was growing rather

wearisome anent the Spanish priest having ordered huts to be built

without giving materials, about the scarcity of palm-leaves in the

neighbourhood, and so forth, so I bade them farewell and went on to

another hut. Here the inmates were numerous--four women, three or four

men, and two rather pretty male children, with their heads shaven so

as to leave only a tuft of hair towards the forehead about the size of

a crown piece. To entertain me, six copper tom-toms were brought out,

and placed in a row on pillows, whilst another large one, for the bass

accompaniment, was suspended from a wooden frame. A man beat the bass

with a stick, whilst the women took it in turns to kneel on the floor,

with a stick in each hand, to play a tune on the series of six. A few

words were passed between the three men, when suddenly one of them

arose and performed a war-dance, quaintly twisting his arms and legs

in attitudes of advance, recoil, and exultation. The dance finished,

I mounted my horse and left the settlement in embryo, called by the

missionaries Reus, which is the name of a town in Catalonia.

The climate of Mindanao and Sulu Islands is healthy and delightful. The

heat of Zamboanga is moderated by daily breezes, and in Sulu, in the

month of June, it is not oppressive. A year's temperature readings

on the Illana Bay coast (Mindanao Is.) are as follows, viz.:--

Average of Inside the House, Outside in the Shade,

Fahrenheit. Fahrenheit.

6 a.m. Noon. 6 p.m. 6 a.m. Noon. 6 p.m.

Jan.-March 73 deg. 84 deg. 83 deg. 72 deg. 84 deg. 80 deg.

April-June 74 1/2 deg. 83 deg. 78 1/2 deg. 74 1/2 deg. 92 1/2 deg. 78 deg.

July-Sept. 74 deg. 84 deg. 80 deg. 72 1/2 deg. 88 deg. 79 deg.

Oct.-Dec. 73 deg. 85 deg. 80 deg. 73 deg. 83 deg. 78 deg.

The Island of Palauan (Paragua) was anciently a dependency of the

Sultanate of Brunei (Borneo), hence the dominion over this island

of the Sultan of Sulu as suzerain lord of Brunei. At the beginning

of the 18th century Spaniards had already settled in the north of

it. It had a very sparse population, and a movement was set on foot

to subjugate the natives. In order to protect the Spanish settlers

from Mahometan attacks a fort was established at Labo. However, the

supplies were not kept up, and many of the garrison died of misery,

hunger, and nakedness, until 1720, when it was abandoned.

Some years afterwards the island was gratuitously ceded to the

Spaniards by the Sultan of Sulu, at their request. Captain Antonio

Fabeau was sent there with troops to take formal possession, being

awarded the handsome salary of P50 per month for this service. On

the arrival of the ships, an officer was sent ashore; the people

fled inland, and the formalities of annexation were proceeded with

unwitnessed. The only signs of possession left there were the corpses

of the troops and sailors who died from eating rotten food, or were

murdered by Mahometans who attacked the expedition. Subsequently a

fortress was established at Taytay, where a number of priests and

laymen in a few years succeeded in forming a small colony, which at

length shared the fate of Labo. The only Spanish settlement in the

island at the date of the evacuation was the colony of Puerta Princesa,

on the east coast. [68]

Before starting on my peregrination in Palauan Island, I sought in vain

for information respecting the habits and nature of the _Tagbanuas_,

a half-caste Malay-Aeta tribe, disseminated over a little more than

the southern half of the island. [69] It was only on my arrival at

Puerta Princesa that I was able to procure a vague insight into the

peculiarities of the people whom I intended to visit. The Governor,

Don Felipe Canga-Argueelles, was highly pleased to find a traveller

who could sympathize with his efforts, and help to make known, if

only to the rest of the Archipelago, this island almost unexplored

in the interior. He constantly wrote articles to one of the leading

journals of Manila, under the title of "Echoes from Paragua" (Palauan),

partly with the view of attracting the attention of the Government

to the requirements of the Colony, but also to stimulate a spirit of

enterprise in favour of this island, rich in hardwoods, etc.

Puerta Princesa is a good harbour, situated on a gulf. The soil

was levelled, trees were planted, and a slip for repairing vessels

was constructed. There was a fixed white light visible eleven miles

off. It was a naval station for two gunboats, the Commander of the

station being _ex-officio_ Governor of the Colony. It was also a

Penal Settlement for convicts, and those suspected by the civil or

religious authorities. To give employment to the convicts and suspects,

a model sugar-estate was established by the Government. The locality

supplied nearly all the raw material for working and preserving the

establishment, such as lime, stone, bricks, timber, sand, firewood,

straw for bags, rattans, etc.

The aspect of the town is agreeable, and the environs are pretty,

but there is a great drawback in the want of drinking-water, which,

in the dry season, has to be procured from a great distance.

The Governor showed me great attention, and personally took command of

a gunboat, which conducted me to the mouth of the Iguajit River. This

is the great river of the district, and is navigable for about three

miles. I put off in a boat manned by marines, and was rowed about

two miles up, as far as the mission station. The missionary received

me well, and I stayed there that night, with five men, whom I had

engaged to carry my luggage, for we had a journey before us of some

days on foot to the opposite coast.

My luggage, besides the ordinary travelling requisites and provisions,

included about 90 yards of printed stuffs of bright colours, six dozen

common handkerchiefs, and some 12 pounds' weight of beads on strings,

with a few odds and ends of trinkets; whilst my native bearers were

provided with rice, dried fish, betel-nut, tobacco, etc., for a week

or more. We set out on foot the next day, and in three days and a

half we reached the western shore.

The greatest height above the sea-level on our route was about 900

metres, according to my aneroid reading, and the maximum heat at

mid-day in the shade (month of January) was 82 deg. Fahr. The nights were

cold, comparatively speaking, and at midnight the thermometer once

descended to 59 deg. Fahr.

The natives proved to be a very pacific people. We found some engaged

in collecting gum from the trees in the forest, and others cutting

and making up bundles of rattans. They took these products down to

the Iguajit River mission station, where Chinese traders bartered

for them stuffs and other commodities. The value of coin was not

altogether unknown in the mission village, although the difference

in value between copper and silver coinage was not understood. In

the interior they lived in great misery, their cabins being wretched

hovels. They planted their rice without ploughing at all, and all

their agricultural implements were made of wood or bamboo.

The native dress is made of the bark of trees, smashed with stones,

to extract the ligneous parts. In the cool weather they make tunics of

bark, and the women wear drawers of the same material. They adorn their

waists with sea-shell and cocoanut shell ornaments, whilst the fibre

of the palm serves for a waistband. The women pierce very large holes

in their ears, in which they place shells, wood, etc. They never bathe

intentionally. Their arms are bows and arrows, and darts blown through

a kind of pea-shooter made of a reed resembling _bojo_ (q.v). They

are a very dirty people, and they eat their fish or flesh raw.

I had no difficulty whatever in procuring guides from one group of

huts to the next on payment in goods, and my instructions were always

to lead me towards the coast, the nearest point of which I knew was

due west or a few points to the north.

We passed through a most fertile country the whole way. There

were no rivers of any importance, but we were well supplied with

drinking-water from the numerous springs and rivulets. The forests

are very rich in good timber, chiefly _Ipil_ (_Eperma decandria)_,

a very useful hardwood (_vide_ Woods). I estimated that many of these

trees, if felled, would have given clean logs of 70 to 80 feet long. I

presume the felling of timber was not attempted by these natives

on account of the difficulties, or rather, total want of transport

means. From a plateau, within half a day's journey of the opposite

coast, the scenery was remarkably beautiful, with the sea to the west

and an interminable grandeur of forest to the east. There were a few

fishermen on the west coast, but further than that, there was not a

sign of anything beyond the gifts of Nature. About half a mile from the

coast, on the fringe of the forest, there was a group of native huts,

two of which were vacated for our accommodation in exchange for goods.

With an abundance of fish, we were able to economize our

provisions. One of my men fell ill with fever, so that we had to

wait two days on the west coast, whilst I dosed him with Eno's fruit

salt and quinine. In the meantime, I studied the habits of these

people. Among the many things which astonished them was the use of

matches, whilst our cooking highly amused them. Such a thing as a

horse I suppose had never been seen here, although I would gladly have

bought or hired one, for I was very weary of our delay. We all went

on the march again, on foot nearly all the way, by the same passes

to the Iguajit River, where we found a canoe, which carried us back

to Puerta Princesa.

The island produces many marketable articles, such as beeswax, edible

bird's nests, fine shells, dried shell-fish, a few pearls, bush-rope

or _palasan_ (q.v.) of enormous length, wild nutmegs, ebony, logwood,

etc., which the Chinese obtain in barter for knives and other small

manufactures.

The first survey of the Palauan Island coast is said to have been

made by the British. A British map of Puerta Princesa, with a few

miles of adjoining coast, was shown to me in the Government House

of this place. It appears that the west coast is not navigable for

ships within at least two miles of the shore, although there are a

few channels leading to creeks. Vessels coming from the west usually

pass through the Straits of Balabac, between the island of that name

and the islets off the Borneo Island coast.

In the Island of Balabac there was absolutely nothing remarkable to

be seen, unless it were a little animal about the size of a big cat,

but in shape a perfect model of a doe. [70] I took one to Manila,

but it died the day we arrived. No part of the island (which is

very mountainous and fertile) appeared to be cultivated, and even

the officials at the station had to obtain supplies from Manila,

whilst cattle were brought from the Island of Cuyo, one of the

Calamianes group.

In the latter years, the Home Government made efforts to colonize

Palauan Island by offering certain advantages to emigrants. By Royal

Order, dated February 25, 1885, the Islands of Palauan and Mindanao

were to be occupied in an effectual manner, and outposts established,

wherever necessary, to guarantee the secure possession of these

islands. The points mentioned for such occupation in Palauan Island

were Tagbusao and Malihut on the east coast, and Colasian and Malanut

on the west coast. It also confirmed the Royal Decree of July 30,

1860, granting to all families emigrating to these newly established

military posts, and all peaceful tribes of the Islands who might

choose to settle there, exemption from the payment of tribute for six

years. The families would be furnished with a free passage to these

places, and each group would be supplied with seed and implements.

A subsequent Royal Order, dated January 19, 1886, was issued, to the

effect:--That the Provincial Governors of the Provinces of North and

South Ilocos were to stimulate voluntary emigration of the natives

to Palauan Island, to the extent of 25 families from each of the two

provinces per annum. That any payments due by them to the Public

Treasury were to be condoned. That such families and any persons

of good character who might establish themselves in Palauan should

be exempt from the payment of taxes for ten years, and receive free

passage there for themselves and their cattle, and three hectares of

land gratis, to be under cultivation within a stated period. That two

chupas of rice (_vide_ Rice measure) and ten cents of a peso should

be given to each adult, and one chupa of rice to each minor each day

during the first six months from the date of their embarking. That

the Governor of Palauan should be instructed respecting the highways

to be constructed, and the convenience of opening free ports in that

island. That the land and sea forces should be increased; and of

the latter, a third-rate man-o'-war should be stationed on the west

coast. That convicts should continue to be sent to Palauan, and the

Governor should be authorized to employ all those of bad conduct in

public works. That schools of primary instruction should be established

in the island wherever such might be considered convenient, etc.,

etc. [71]

The Spaniards (in 1898) left nearly half the Philippine Archipelago

to be conquered, but only its Mahometan inhabitants ever persistently

took the aggressive against them in regular continuous warfare. The

attempts of the Jesuit missionaries to convert them to Christianity

were entirely futile, for the _Panditas_ and the Romish priests were

equally tenacious of their respective religious beliefs. The last

treaty made between Spain and Sulu especially stipulated that the

Mahometans should not be persecuted for their religion.

To overturn a dynasty, to suppress an organized system of feudal

laws, and to eradicate an ancient belief, the principles of which

had firmly established themselves among the populace in the course of

centuries, was a harder task than that of bringing under the Spanish

yoke detached groups of Malay immigrants. The pliant, credulous nature

of the Luzon settlers--the fact that they professed no deeply-rooted

religion, and--although advanced from the migratory to the settled

condition--were mere nominal lieges of their puppet kinglings, were

facilities for the achievement of conquest. True it is that the

dynasties of the Aztecs of Mexico and the Incas of Peru yielded to

Spanish valour, but there was the incentive of untold wealth; here,

only of military glory, and the former outweighed the latter.

If the Spaniards failed to subjugate the Mahometans, or to incorporate

their territory in the general administrative system of the Colony,

after three centuries of intermittent endeavour, it is difficult to

conceive that the Philippine Republic (had it subsisted) would have

been more successful. It would have been useless to have resolved

to leave the Moros to themselves, practically ignoring their

existence. Any Philippine Government must needs hold them in check

for the public weal, for the fact is patent that the Moro hates the

native Christian not one iota less than he does the white man.