Attempted Conquest by Chinese
On the death of General Legaspi, the Government of the Colony was
assumed by the Royal Treasurer, Guido de Lavezares, in conformity
with the sealed instructions from the Supreme Court of Mexico, which
were now opened. During this period, the possession of the Islands
was unsuccessfully disputed by a rival expedition under the command
of a Chinaman, Li-ma-hong, whom the Spaniards were pleased to term a
pirate, forgetting, perhaps, that they themselves had only recently
wrested the country from its former possessors by virtue of might
against right. On the coasts of his native country he had indeed been
a pirate. For the many depredations committed by him against private
traders and property, the Celestial Emperor, failing to catch him by
cajolery, outlawed him.
Born in the port of Tiuchiu, Li-ma-hong at an early age evinced a
martial spirit and joined a band of corsairs which for a long time
had been the terror of the China coasts. On the demise of his chief
he was unanimously elected leader of the buccaneering cruisers. At
length, pursued in all directions by the imperial ships of war, he
determined to attempt the conquest of the Philippines. Presumably
the same incentives which impelled the Spanish mariners to conquer
lands and overthrow dynasties--the vision of wealth, glory and
empire,--awakened a like ambition in the Chinese adventurer. It was
the spirit of the age. [21] In his sea-wanderings he happened to
fall in with a Chinese trading junk returning from Manila with the
proceeds of her cargo sold there. This he seized, and the captive
crew were constrained to pilot his fleet towards the capital of
Luzon. From them he learnt how easily the natives had been plundered
by a handful of foreigners--the probable extent of the opposition he
might encounter--the defences established--the wealth and resources
of the district, and the nature of its inhabitants.
His fleet consisted of 62 war ships or armed junks, well found,
having on board 2,000 sailors, 2,000 soldiers, 1,500 women, a number
of artisans, and all that could be conveniently carried with which
to gain and organize his new kingdom. On its way the squadron cast
anchor off the Province of Ilocos Sur, where a few troops were sent
ashore to get provisions. Whilst returning to the junks, they sacked
the village and set fire to the huts. The news of this outrage was
hastily communicated to Juan Salcedo, who had been pacifying the
Northern Provinces since July, 1572, and was at the time in Villa
Fernandina (now called Vigan). Li-ma-hong continued his course until
calms compelled his ships to anchor in the roads of Caoayan (Ilocos
coast), where a few Spanish soldiers were stationed under the orders
of Juan Salcedo, who still was in the immediate town of Vigan. Under
his direction preparations were made to prevent the enemy entering the
river, but such was not Li-ma-hong's intention. He again set sail;
whilst Salcedo, naturally supposing his course would be towards
Manila, also started at the same time for the capital with all the
fighting men he could collect, leaving only 30 men to garrison Vigan
and protect the State interests there.
On November 29, 1574, the squadron arrived in the Bay of Manila,
and Li-ma-hong sent forward his Lieutenant Sioco--a Japanese--at the
head of 600 fighting men to demand the surrender of the Spaniards. A
strong gale, however, destroyed several of his junks, in which about
200 men perished.
With the remainder he reached the coast at Paranaque, a village seven
miles south of Manila. Thence, with tow-lines, the 400 soldiers hauled
their junks up to the beach of the capital.
Already at the village of Malate the alarm was raised, but the
Spaniards could not give credit to the reports, and no resistance was
offered until the Chinese were within the gates of the city. Martin de
Goiti, the _Maestre de Campo_, [22] second in command to the Governor,
was the first victim of the attack.
The flames and smoke arising from his burning residence were the
first indications which the Governor received of what was going
on. The Spaniards took refuge in the Fort of Santiago, which the
Chinese were on the point of taking by storm, when their attention
was drawn elsewhere by the arrival of fresh troops led by a Spanish
sub-lieutenant. Under the mistaken impression that these were the
vanguard of a formidable corps, Sioco sounded the retreat. A bloody
hand-to-hand combat followed, and with great difficulty the Chinese
collected their dead and regained their junks.
In the meantime Li-ma-hong, with the reserved forces, was lying in
the roadstead of Cavite, and Sioco hastened to report to him the
result of the attack, which had cost the invader over one hundred
dead and more than that number wounded. Thereupon Li-ma-hong resolved
to rest his troops and renew the conflict in two days' time under
his personal supervision. The next day Juan Salcedo arrived by sea
with reinforcements from Vigan, and preparations were unceasingly
made for the expected encounter. Salcedo having been appointed to
the office of _Maestre de Campo_, vacant since the death of Goiti,
the organization of the defence was entrusted to his immediate care.
By daybreak on December 3 the enemy's fleet hove-to off the capital,
where Li-ma-hong harangued his troops, whilst the cornets and drums
of the Spaniards were sounding the alarm for their fighting men to
assemble in the fort.
Then 1,500 chosen men, well armed, were disembarked under the
leadership of Sioco, who swore to take the place or die in the
attempt. Sioco separated his forces into three divisions. The city
was set fire to, and Sioco advanced towards the fort, into which
hand-grenades were thrown, whilst Li-ma-hong supported the attack
with his ships' cannon.
Sioco, with his division, at length entered the fort, and a
hand-to-hand fight ensued. For a while the issue was doubtful. Salcedo
fought like a lion. Even the aged Governor was well to the front
to encourage the deadly struggle for existence. The Spaniards
finally gained the victory; the Chinese were repulsed with great
slaughter, and their leader having been killed, they fled in complete
disorder. Salcedo, profiting by the confusion, now took the offensive
and followed up the enemy, pursuing them along the sea-shore,
where they were joined by the third division, which had remained
inactive. The panic of the Chinese spread rapidly, and Li-ma-hong,
in despair, landed another contingent of about 500 men, whilst he
still continued afloat; but even with this reinforcement the _morale_
of his army could not be restored.
The Chinese troops therefore, harassed on all sides, made a precipitate
retreat on board the fleet, and Li-ma-hong set sail again for the
west coast of the island. Foiled in the attempt to possess himself
of Manila, Li-ma-hong determined to set up his capital in other
parts. In a few days he arrived at the mouth of the Agno River, in
the province of Pangasinan, where he proclaimed to the natives that he
had gained a signal victory over the Spaniards. The inhabitants there,
having no particular choice between two masters, received Li-ma-hong
with welcome, and he thereupon set about the foundation of his new
capital some four miles from the mouth of the river. Months passed
before the Spaniards came in force to dislodge the invader. Feeling
themselves secure in their new abode, the Chinese had built many
dwellings, a small fortress, a pagoda, etc. At length an expedition
was despatched under the command of Juan Salcedo. This was composed
of about 250 Spaniards and 1,600 natives well equipped with small
arms, ammunition and artillery. The flower of the Spanish Colony,
accompanied by two priests and the Rajah of Tondo, set out to expel
the formidable foe. Li-ma-hong made a bold resistance, and refused to
come to terms with Salcedo. In the meantime, the Viceroy of Fokien,
having heard of Li-ma-hong's daring exploits, had commissioned a
ship of war to discover the whereabouts of his imperial master's
old enemy. The envoy was received with delight by the Spaniards,
who invited him to accompany them to Manila to interview the Governor.
Li-ma-hong still held out, but perceiving that an irresistible
onslaught was being projected against him by Salcedo's party, he
very cunningly and quite unexpectedly slipped away, and sailed out
of the river with his ships by one of the mouths unknown to his
enemies. [23] In order to divert the attention of the Spaniards,
Li-ma-hong ingeniously feigned an assault in an opposite quarter. Of
course, on his escape, he had to abandon the troops employed in this
manoeuvre. These, losing all hope, and having indeed nothing but
their lives to fight for, fled to the mountains. Hence it is popularly
supposed that from these fugitives descends the race of people in the
hill district north of that province still distinguishable by their
oblique eyes and known by the name of Igorrote-Chinese.
"_Aide-toi et Dieu t'aidera_" is an old French maxim, but the Spaniards
chose to attribute their deliverance from their Chinese rivals to
the friendly intervention of Saint Andrew. This Saint was declared
thenceforth to be the Patron Saint of Manila, and in his honour High
Mass was celebrated in the Cathedral at 8 a.m. on the 30th of each
November. In Spanish times it was a public holiday and gala-day, when
all the highest civil, military and religious authorities attended
the _Funcion votiva de San Andres_. This opportunity to assert the
supremacy of ecclesiastical power was not lost to the Church, and for
many years it was the custom, after hearing Mass, to spread the Spanish
national flag on the floor of the Cathedral for the metropolitan
Archbishop to walk over it. However, a few years prior to the Spanish
evacuation the Gov.-General refused to witness this antiquated formula
and it subsequently became the practice to carry the Royal Standard
before the altar. Both before and after the Mass, the bearer (_Alferez
Real_), wearing his hat and accompanied by the Mayor of the City,
stood on the altar floor, raised his hat three times, and three times
dipped the flag before the Image of Christ, then, facing the public,
he repeated this ceremony. On Saint Andrew's Eve the Royal Standard was
borne in procession from the Cathedral through the principal streets
of the city, escorted by civil functionaries and followed by a band
of music. This ceremony was known as the _Paseo del Real Pendon_.
According to Juan de la Concepcion, the Rajahs [24] Soliman and
Lacandola took advantage of these troubles to raise a rebellion
against the Spaniards. The natives, too, of Mindoro Island revolted
and maltreated the priests, but all these disturbances were speedily
quelled by a detachment of soldiers.
The Governor willingly accepted the offer of the commander of the
Chinese man-o'-war to convey ambassadors to his country to visit
the Viceroy and make a commercial treaty. Therefore two priests,
Martin Rada and Geronimo Martin, were commissioned to carry a letter
of greeting and presents to this personage, who received them with
great distinction, but objected to their residing in the country.
After the defeat of Li-ma-hong, Juan Salcedo again set out to the
Northern Provinces of Luzon Island, to continue his task of reducing
the natives to submission. On March 11, 1576, he died of fever near
Vigan (then called Villa Fernandina), capital of the Province of
Ilocos Sur. A year afterwards, what could be found of his bones were
placed in the ossuary of his illustrious grandfather, Legaspi, in the
Augustine Chapel of Saint Fausto, Manila. His skull, however, which had
been carried off by the natives of Ilocos, could not be recovered in
spite of all threats and promises. In Vigan there is a small monument
raised to commemorate the deeds of this famous warrior, and there is
also a street bearing his name in Vigan and another in Manila.
For several years following these events, the question of prestige
in the civil affairs of the Colony was acrimoniously contested by
the Gov.-General, the Supreme Court, and the ecclesiastics.
The Governor was censured by his opponents for alleged undue exercise
of arbitrary authority. The Supreme Court, established on the Mexican
model, was reproached with seeking to overstep the limits of its
functions. Every legal quibble was adjusted by a dilatory process,
impracticable in a colony yet in its infancy, where summary justice
was indispensable for the maintenance of order imperfectly understood
by the masses. But the fault lay less with the justices than with
the constitution of the Court itself. Nor was this state of affairs
improved by the growing discontent and immoderate ambition of the
clergy, who unremittingly urged their pretensions to immunity from
State control, affirming the supramundane condition of their office.
An excellent code of laws, called the _Leyes de Indias_, in force
in Mexico, was adopted here, but modifications in harmony with the
special conditions of this Colony were urgently necessary, whilst all
the branches of government called for reorganization or reform. Under
these circumstances, the Bishop of Manila, Domingo Salazar, [25]
took the initiative in commissioning an Austin friar, Alonso Sanchez,
to repair firstly to the Viceroy of Mexico and afterwards to the King
of Spain, to expose the grievances of his party.
Alonso Sanchez left the Philippines with his appointment as
procurator-general for the Augustine Order of monks. As the execution
of the proposed reforms, which he was charged to lay before His
Majesty, would, if conceded, be entrusted to the control of the
Government of Mexico, his first care was to seek the partisanship
of the Viceroy of that Colony; and in this he succeeded. Thence he
continued his journey to Seville, where the Court happened to be,
arriving there in September, 1587. He was at once granted an audience
of the King, to present his credentials and memorials relative
to Philippine affairs in general, and ecclesiastical, judicial,
military and native matters in particular. The King promised to peruse
all the documents, but suffering from gout, and having so many and
distinct State concerns to attend to, the negotiations were greatly
delayed. Finally, Alonso Sanchez sought a minister who had easy access
to the royal apartments, and this personage obtained from the King
permission to examine the documents and hand to him a succinct _resume_
of the whole for His Majesty's consideration. A commission was then
appointed, including Sanchez, and the deliberations lasted five months.
At this period, public opinion in the Spanish Universities was
very divided with respect to Catholic missions in the Indies. Some
maintained that the propaganda of the faith ought to be purely
Apostolic, such as Jesus Christ taught to His disciples, inculcating
doctrines of humility and poverty without arms or violence; and if,
nevertheless, the heathens refused to welcome this mission of peace,
the missionaries should simply abandon them in silence without further
demonstration than that of shaking the dust off their feet.
Others held, and amongst them was Sanchez, that such a method was
useless and impracticable, and that it was justifiable to force their
religion upon primitive races at the point of the sword if necessary,
using any violence to enforce its acceptance.
Much ill-feeling was aroused in the discussion of these two and
distinct theories. Juan Volante, a Dominican friar of the Convent
of Our Lady of Atocha, presented a petition against the views of the
Sanchez faction, declaring that the idea of ingrafting religion with
the aid of arms was scandalous. Juan Volante was so importunate that he
had to be heard in Council, but neither party yielded. At length, the
intervention of the Bishops of Manila, Macao and Malacca and several
captains and governors in the Indies influenced the King to put an
end to the controversy, on the ground that it would lead to no good.
The King retired to the Monastery of the Escorial, and Sanchez was
cited to meet him there to learn the royal will. About the same time
the news reached the King of the loss of the so-called Invincible
Armada, sent under the command of the incompetent Duke of Medina
Sidonia to annex England. Notwithstanding this severe blow to the
vain ambition of Philip, the affairs of the Philippines were delayed
but a short time. On the basis of the recommendation of the junta,
the Royal Assent was given to an important decree, of which the
most significant articles are the following, namely:--The tribute
was fixed by the King at ten reales (5s.) per annum, payable by the
natives in gold, silver or grain, or part in one commodity and part
in the other. Of this tribute, eight reales were to be paid to the
Treasury, one-half real to the bishop and clergy (_sanctorum_ tax),
and one-and-a-half reales to be applied to the maintenance of the
soldiery. Full tribute was not to be exacted from the natives still
unsubjected to the Crown. Until their confidence and loyalty should
be gained by friendly overtures, they were to pay a small recognition
of vassalage, and subsequently the tribute in common with the rest.
Instead of one-fifth value of gold and hidden treasure due to His
Majesty (_real quinto_), he would thenceforth receive only one-tenth
of such value, excepting that of gold, which the natives would be
permitted to extract free of rebate.
A customs duty of three per cent. _ad valorem_ was to be paid on
merchandise sold, and this duty was to be spent on the army.
Export duty was to be paid on goods shipped to New Spain (Mexico), and
this impost was also to be exclusively spent on the armed forces. These
goods were chiefly Chinese manufactures.
The number of European troops in the Colony was fixed at 400
men-at-arms, divided into six companies, each under a captain, a
sublieutenant, a sergeant, and two corporals. Their pay was to be
as follows, namely:--Captain P35, sub-lieutenant P20, sergeant P10,
corporal P7, rank and file P6 per month; besides which, an annual
gratuity of P10,000 was to be proportionately distributed to all.
Recruits from Mexico, for military service in the Islands, were not
to enlist under the age of 15 years.
The Captain-General was to have a body-guard of 24 men (Halberdiers)
with the pay of those of the line, under the immediate command of a
Captain to be paid P15 per month.
Salaries due to State employees were to be punctually paid when due;
and when funds were wanted for that purpose, they were to be supplied
from Mexico.
The King made a donation of P12,000, which, with another like sum to
be contributed by the Spaniards themselves, would serve to liquidate
their debts incurred on their first occupation of the Islands.
The Governor and Bishop were recommended to consider the project
of a refuge for young Spanish women arrived from Spain and Mexico,
and to study the question of dowries for native women married to
poor Spaniards.
The offices of Secretaries and Notaries were no longer to be sold,
but conferred on persons who merited such appointments.
The governors were instructed not to make grants of land to their
relations, servants or friends, but solely to those who should have
resided at least three years in the Islands, and have worked the
lands so conceded. Any grants which might have already been made to
the relations of the governors or magistrates were to be cancelled.
The rent paid by the Chinese for the land they occupied was to be
applied to the necessities of the capital.
The Governor and Bishop were to enjoin the judges not to permit
costly lawsuits, but to execute summary justice verbally, and so far
as possible, fines were not to be inflicted.
The City of Manila was to be fortified in a manner to ensure it
against all further attacks or risings.
Four penitentiaries were to be established in the Islands in the most
convenient places, with the necessary garrisons, and six to eight
galleys and frigates well armed and ready for defence against the
English corsairs who might come by way of the Moluccas.
In the most remote and unexplored parts of the Islands, the Governor
was to have unlimited powers to act as he should please, without
consulting His Majesty; but projected enterprises of conversion,
pacification, etc., at the expense of the Royal Treasury, were to be
submitted to a Council comprising the Bishop, the captains, etc. The
Governor was authorized to capitulate and agree with the captain and
others who might care to undertake conversions and pacifications on
their own account, and to concede the title of _Maestre de Campo_
to such persons, on condition that such capitulations should be
forwarded to His Majesty for ratification.
Only those persons domiciled in the Islands would be permitted to
trade with them.
A sum of P1,000 was to be taken from the tributes paid into the Royal
Treasury for the foundation of the Hospital for the Spaniards, and
the annual sum of P600, appropriated by the Governor for its support,
was confirmed. Moreover, the Royal Treasury of Mexico was to send
clothing to the value of 400 ducats for the Hospital use.
The Hospital for the natives was to receive an annual donation of P600
for its support, and an immediate supply of clothing from Mexico to
the value of P200.
Slaves held by the Spaniards were to be immediately set at liberty. No
native was thenceforth to make slaves. All new-born natives were
declared free. The bondage of all existing slaves from ten years
of age was to cease on their attaining twenty years of age. Those
above twenty years of age were to serve five years longer, and then
become free. At any time, notwithstanding the foregoing conditions,
they would be entitled to purchase their liberty, the price of which
was to be determined by the Governor and the Bishop. [26]
There being no tithes payable to the Church by Spaniards or natives,
the clergy were to receive for their maintenance the half-real above
mentioned in lieu thereof, from the tribute paid by each native
subjected to the Crown. When the Spaniards should have crops, they
were to pay tithes to the clergy (_diezmos prediales_).
A grant was made of 12,000 ducats for the building and ornaments of
the Cathedral of Manila, and an immediate advance of 2,000 ducats
on account of this grant was made from the funds to be remitted
from Mexico.
Forty Austin friars were to be sent at once to the Philippines, to be
followed by missionaries from other corporations. The King allowed
P500 to be paid against the P1,000 passage money for each priest,
the balance to be defrayed out of the common funds of the clergy,
derived from their share of the tribute.
Missionaries in great numbers had already flocked to the Philippines
and roamed wherever they thought fit, without licence from the Bishop,
whose authority they utterly repudiated.
Affirming that they had the direct consent of His Holiness the Pope,
they menaced with excommunication whosoever attempted to impede
them in their free peregrination. Five years after the foundation of
Manila, the city and environs were infested with niggardly mendicant
friars, whose slothful habits placed their supercilious countrymen
in ridicule before the natives. They were tolerated but a short time
in the Islands; not altogether because of the ruin they would have
brought to European moral influence on the untutored tribes, but
because the Bishop was highly jealous of all competition against the
Augustine Order which he assisted. Consequent on the representations
of Alonso Sanchez, His Majesty ordained that all priests who went to
the Philippines were, in the first place, to resolve never to quit the
Islands without the Bishop's sanction, which was to be conceded with
great circumspection and only in extreme cases, whilst the Governor
was instructed not to afford them means of exit on his sole authority.
Neither did the Bishop regard with satisfaction the presence of the
Commissary of the Inquisition, whose secret investigations, shrouded
with mystery, curtailed the liberty of the loftiest functionary, sacred
or civil. At the instigation of Alonso Sanchez, the junta recommended
the King to recall the Commissary and extinguish the office, but
he refused to do so. In short, the chief aims of the Bishop were to
enhance the power of the friars, raise the dignity of the Colonial
mitre, and secure a religious monopoly for the Augustine Order.
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas was the next Governor appointed to these
Islands, on the recommendation of Alonso Sanchez. In the Royal
Instructions which he brought with him were embodied all the
above-mentioned civil, ecclesiastical and military reforms. At
the same time, King Philip abolished the Supreme Court. He wished
to put an end to the interminable lawsuits so prejudicial to the
development of the Colony. Therefore the President and Magistrates
were replaced by Justices of the Peace, and the former returned to
Mexico in 1591. This measure served only to widen the breach between
the Bishop and the Civil Government. Dasmarinas compelled him to
keep within the sphere of his sacerdotal functions, and tolerated no
rival in State concerns. There was no appeal on the spot against the
Governor's authority. This restraint irritated and disgusted the Bishop
to such a degree that, at the age of 78 years, he resolved to present
himself at the Spanish Court. On his arrival there, he explained to
the King the impossibility of one Bishop attending to the spiritual
wants of a people dispersed over so many Islands. For seven years after
the foundation of Manila as capital of the Archipelago, its principal
church was simply a parish church. In 1578 it was raised to the dignity
of a Cathedral, at the instance of the King. Three years after this
date the Cathedral of Manila was solemnly declared to be a "Suffragan
Cathedral of Mexico, under the advocation of Our Lady of the Immaculate
Conception"; Domingo Salazar being the first Bishop consecrated. He
now proposed to raise the Manila See to an Archbishopric, with three
Suffragan Bishops. The King gave his consent, subject to approval
from Rome, and this following in due course, Salazar was appointed
first Archbishop of Manila, but he died before the Papal Bull arrived,
dated August 14, 1595, officially authorizing his investiture.
In the meantime, Alonso Sanchez had proceeded to Rome in May,
1589. Amongst many other Pontifical favours conceded to him, he
obtained the right for himself, or his assigns, to use a die or stamp
of any form with one or more images, to be chosen by the holder, and
to contain also the figure of Christ, the Very Holy Virgin, or the
Saints Peter or Paul. On the reverse was to be engraven a bust portrait
of His Holiness, with the following indulgences attached thereto,
viz.:--"To him who should convey the word of God to the infidels,
or give them notice of the holy mysteries--each time 300 years'
indulgence. To him who, by industry, converted any one of these,
or brought him to the bosom of the Church--full indulgence for all
sins." A number of minor indulgences were conceded for services to
be rendered to the Pontificate, and for the praying so many Pater
Nosters and Ave Marias. This Bull was dated in Rome July 28, 1591.
Popes Gregory XIV. and Innocent IX. granted other Bulls relating to the
rewards for using beads, medals, crosses, pictures, blessed images,
etc., with which one could gain nine plenary indulgences every day
or rescue nine souls from purgatory; and each day, twice over, all
the full indulgences yet given in and out of Rome could be obtained
for living and deceased persons.
Sanchez returned to Spain (where he died), bringing with him the
body of Saint Policarp, relics of Saint Potenciana, and 157 Marytrs;
amongst them, 27 popes, for remission to the Cathedral of Manila.
The Supreme Court was re-established with the same faculties as
those of Mexico and Lima in 1598, and since then, on seven occasions,
when the Governorship has been vacant, it has acted _pro tem_. The
following interesting account of the pompous ceremonial attending
the reception of the Royal Seal, restoring this Court, is given by
Concepcion. [27] He says:--"The Royal Seal of office was received
from the ship with the accustomed solemnity. It was contained in a
chest covered with purple velvet and trimmings of silver and gold,
over which hung a cloth of silver and gold. It was escorted by
a majestic accompaniment, marching to the sounds of clarions and
cymbals and other musical instruments. The _cortege_ passed through
the noble city with rich vestments, with leg trimmings and uncovered
heads. Behind these followed a horse, gorgeously caparisoned and
girthed, upon whose back the President placed the coffer containing
the Royal Seal. The streets were beautifully adorned with exquisite
drapery. The High Bailiff, magnificently robed, took the reins in
hand to lead the horse under a purple velvet pall, bordered with
gold. The magistrates walked on either side; the aldermen of the city,
richly clad, carried their staves of office in the august procession,
which concluded with a military escort, standard bearers, etc., and
proceeded to the Cathedral, where it was met by the Dean, holding
a Cross. As the company entered the sacred edifice, the Te Deum was
intoned by a band of music."
In 1886 a Supreme Court, exactly similar to, and independent of,
that of Manila, was established in the City of Cebu. The question of
precedence in official acts having been soon after disputed between
the President of the Court and the Brigadier-Governor of Visayas, it
was decided in favour of the latter, on appeal to the Gov.-General. In
the meantime, the advisability of abolishing the Supreme Court of Cebu,
was warmly debated by the public.
For many years after the conquest, deep religious sentiment pervaded
the State policy, and not a few of the Governors-General acquired
fame for their demonstrations of piety. Nevertheless, the conflictive
ambition of the State and Church representatives was a powerful
hindrance to the progress of the Colony.
The quarrel between Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera (1635-44) and
the Archbishop arose from a circumstance of little concern to the
Colony. The Archbishop ordered a military officer, who had a slave,
either to sell or liberate her. The officer, rather than yield
to either condition, wished to marry her, but failing to obtain
her consent, he stabbed her to death. He thereupon took asylum in a
convent, whence he was forcibly removed, and publicly executed in front
of Saint Augustine's Church by order of the Governor. The Archbishop
protested against the act, which, in those days, was qualified as a
violation of sanctuary.
The churches were closed whilst the dispute lasted. The Jesuits,
always opposed to the Austin friars, sided with the Governor. The
Archbishop therefore prohibited them to preach outside their churches
in any public place, under pain of excommunication and 4,000 ducats
fine, whilst the other priests agreed to abstain from attending their
religious or literary _reunions_. Finally, a religious council was
called, but a coalition having been formed against the Archbishop,
he was excommunicated--his goods distrained--his salary stopped,
and he was suspended in his archiepiscopal functions under a penalty
of 4,000 ducats fine. At this crisis, he implored mercy and the
intervention of the Supreme Court. The magistrates decided against the
prelate's appeal, and allowed him twelve hours to comply, under pain
of continued excommunication and a further fine of 1,000 ducats. The
Archbishop thereupon retired to the Convent of Saint Francis, where
the Governor visited him. The Archbishop subsequently made the most
abject submission in an archiepiscopal decree which fully sets forth
the admission of his guilt. Such a violent settlement of disputes
did not long remain undisturbed, and the Archbishop again sought the
first opportunity of opposing the lay authority. In this he can only be
excused--if excuse it be--as the upholder of the traditions of cordial
discord between the two great factions--Church and State. The Supreme
Court, under the presidency of the Governor, resolved therefore to
banish the Archbishop from Manila. With this object, 50 soldiers
were deputed to seize the prelate, who was secretly forewarned of
their coming by his co-conspirators. On their approach he held the
Host in his hand, and it is related that the sub-lieutenant sent in
charge of the troops was so horrified at his mission that he placed
the hilt of his sword upon the floor and fell upon the point, but as
the sword bent he did not kill himself. The soldiers waited patiently
until the Archbishop was tired out and compelled, by fatigue, to
replace the Host on the altar. Then they immediately arrested him,
conducted him to a boat under a guard of five men, and landed him on
the desert Island of Corregidor. The churches were at once reopened;
the Jesuits preached where they chose; terms were dictated to the
contumacious Archbishop, who accepted everything unconditionally,
and was thereupon permitted to resume his office. The acts of Corcuera
were inquired into by his successor, who caused him to be imprisoned
for five years; but it is to be presumed that Corcuera was justified
in what he did, for on his release and return to Spain, the King
rewarded him with the Governorship of the Canary Islands.
It is chronicled that Sabiniano Manrique de Lara (1653-63), who
arrived in the galleon _San Francisco Xavier_ with the Archbishop
Poblete, refused to disembark until this dignitary had blessed the
earth he was going to tread. It was he too who had the privilege of
witnessing the expurgation of the Islands of the excommunications
and admonitions of Rome. The Archbishop brought peace and goodwill
to all men, being charged by His Holiness to sanctify the Colony.
The ceremony was performed with great solemnity, from an elevation,
in the presence of an immense concourse of people. Later on, the
pious Governor Lara was accused of perfidy to his royal master,
and was fined P60,000, but on being pardoned, he retired to Spain,
where he took holy orders.
His successor, Diego Salcedo (1663-68), was not so fortunate in his
relations with Archbishop Poblete, for during five years he warmly
contested his intervention in civil affairs. Poblete found it hard to
yield the exercise of veto in all matters which, by courtesy, had been
conceded to him by the late Governor Lara. The Archbishop refused to
obey the Royal Decrees relating to Church appointments under the Royal
patronage, such preferments being in the hands of the Gov.-General as
vice-royal patron. These decrees were twice notified to the Archbishop,
but as he still persisted in his disobedience, Salcedo signed an
order for his expulsion to Mariveles. This brought the prelate to his
senses, and he remained more submissive in future. It is recorded
that the relations between the Governor and the Archbishop became
so strained that the latter was compelled to pay a heavy fine--to
remain standing whilst awaiting an audience--to submit to contumely
during the interviews--and when he died, the Governor ordered royal
feasts to celebrate the joyful event, whilst he prohibited the _de
profundis_ Mass, on the ground that such would be inconsistent with
the secular festivities.
The King, on being apprised of this, permitted the Inquisition to
take its course. Diego Salcedo was surprised in his Palace, and
imprisoned by the bloodthirsty agents of the _Santo Oficio_. Some
years afterwards, he was shipped on board a galleon as a prisoner to
the Inquisitors of Mexico, but the ship had to put back under stress
of weather, and Salcedo returned to his dungeon. There he suffered
the worst privations, until he was again embarked for Mexico. On this
voyage he died of grief and melancholy. The King espoused the cause
of the ecclesiastics, and ordered Salcedo's goods, as well as those
of his partisans, to be confiscated.
Manuel de Leon (1669-77) managed to preserve a good understanding with
the clergy, and, on his decease, he bequeathed all his possessions
to the Obras Pias (q.v.).
Troubles with the Archbishop and friars were revived on the Government
being assumed by Juan de Nargas (1678-84). In the last year of
his rule, the Archbishop was banished from Manila. It is difficult
to adequately appreciate the causes of this quarrel, and there is
doubt as to which was right--the Governor or the Archbishop. On his
restoration to his See, he was one of the few prelates--perhaps the
only one--who personally sought to avenge himself. During the dispute,
a number of friars had supported the Government, and these he caused
to stand on a raised platform in front of a church, and publicly recant
their former acts, declaring themselves miscreants. Juan de Nargas had
just retired from the Governorship after seven years' service, and the
Archbishop called upon him likewise to abjure his past proceedings and
perform the following penance:--To wear a penitent's garb--to place a
rope around his neck, and carry a lighted candle to the doors of the
cathedral and the churches of the Parian, San Gabriel and Binondo,
on every feast day during four months. Nargas objected to this
degradation, and claimed privilege, arguing that the Archbishop had
no jurisdiction over him, as he was a Cavalier of the Military Order
of St. James. But the Archbishop only desisted in his pretensions to
humiliate Nargas when the new Governor threatened to expel him again.
Fernando Bustamente Bustillo y Rueda (1717-19) adopted very
stringent measures to counteract the Archbishop's excessive claims to
immunity. Several individuals charged with heinous crimes had taken
church asylum and defied the civil power and justice. The Archbishop
was appealed to, to hand them over to the civil authorities, or allow
them to be taken. He refused to do either, supporting the claim of
immunity of sanctuary. At the same time it came to the knowledge of
the Governor that a movement had been set on foot against him by those
citizens who favoured the Archbishop's views, and that even the friars
had so debased themselves as to seek the aid of the Chinese residents
against the Governor. Jose Torralba (q.v.), the late acting-Governor,
was released from confinement by the Governor, and reinstated by him
as judge in the Supreme Court, although he was under an accusation of
embezzlement to the extent of P700,000. The Archbishop energetically
opposed this act. He notified to Torralba his excommunication and
ecclesiastical pains, and, on his own authority, attempted to seize his
person in violation of the privileges of the Supreme Court. Torralba,
with his sword and shield in hand, expelled the Archbishop's messenger
by force. Then, as judge in the Supreme Court, he hastened to avenge
himself of his enemies by issuing warrants against them. They fled to
Church asylum, and, with the moral support of the Archbishop, laughed
at the magistrates. There the refugees provided themselves with arms,
and prepared for rebellion. When the Archbishop was officially informed
of these facts, he still maintained that nothing could violate their
immunity. The Governor then caused the Archbishop to be arrested and
confined in a fortress, with all the ecclesiastics who had taken an
active part in the conspiracy against the Government.
Open riot ensued, and the priests marched to the Palace, amidst
hideous clamourings, collecting the mob and citizens on the way. It was
one of the most revolting scenes and remarkable events in Philippine
history. Priests of the Sacred Orders of Saint Francis, Saint Dominic,
and Saint Augustine joined the Recoletos in shouting "Viva la Iglesia,"
"Viva nuestro Rey Don Felipe Quinto." [28] The excited rabble rushed
to the Palace, and the Guard having fled, they easily forced their
way in. One priest who impudently dared to advance towards the
Governor, was promptly ordered by him to stand back. The Governor,
seeing himself encircled by an armed mob of laymen and servants of
Christ clamouring for his downfall, pulled the trigger of his gun,
but the flint failed to strike fire. Then the crowd took courage
and attacked him, whilst he defended himself bravely with a bayonet,
until he was overwhelmed by numbers. From the Palace he was dragged
to the common jail, and stabbed and maltreated on the way. His son,
hearing of this outrage, arrived on horseback, but was run through
by one of the rebels, and fell to the ground. He got up and tried to
cut his way through the infuriated rioters, but was soon surrounded
and killed, and his body horribly mutilated.
The populace, urged by the clerical party, now fought for the
liberty of the Archbishop. The prison doors were broken open, and the
Archbishop was amongst the number of offenders liberated. The prelate
came in triumph to the Palace, and assumed the Government in October,
1719. The mob, during their excesses, tore down the Royal Standard,
and maltreated those whom they met of the unfortunate Governor's
faithful friends. A mock inquiry into the circumstances of the riot
was made in Manila in apparent judicial form. Another investigation
was instituted in Mexico, which led to several of the minor actors in
this sad drama being made the scapegoat victims of the more exalted
criminals. The Archbishop held the Government for nine years, and
was then transferred to the Mexican Bishopric of Mechoacan.
Pedro Manuel de Arandia (1754-59) is said to have expired of
melancholy, consequent, in a measure, on his futile endeavours to
govern at peace with the friars, who always secured the favour of
the King.
On four occasions the Supreme State authority in the Colony has been
vested in the prelates. Archbishop Manuel Rojo, acting-Governor at
the time of the British occupation of Manila in 1763, is said to
have died of grief and shame in prison (1764) through the intrigues
of the violent Simon de Anda y Salazar (q.v.).
Jose Raon was Gov.-General in 1768, when the expulsion of the Jesuits
was decreed. After the secret determination was made known to him,
he was accused of having divulged it, and of having concealed his
instructions. He was thereupon placed under guard in his own residence,
where he expired (_vide_ Simon de Anda y Salazar).
Domingo Moriones y Murillo (1877-80), it is alleged, had grave
altercations with the friars, and found it necessary to remind the
Archbishop Payo that the supreme power in the Philippines belonged
to the State--not to the Church representative.
From the earliest times of Spanish dominion, it had been the practice
of the natives to expose to view the corpses of their relations
and friends in the public highways and villages whilst conveying
them to the parish churches, where they were again exhibited to the
common gaze, pending the pleasure of the parish priest to perform the
last obsequies. This outrage on public decorum was proscribed by the
Director-General of Civil Administration in a circular dated October,
18, 1887, addressed to the Provincial Governors, enjoining them to
prohibit such indecent scenes in future. Thereupon the parish priests
simply showed their contempt for the civil authorities by simulating
their inability to elucidate to the native petty governors the true
intent and meaning of the order. At the same time, the Archbishop
of Manila issued instructions on the subject to his subordinates
in very equivocal language. The native local authorities then
petitioned the Civil Governor of Manila to make the matter clear to
them. The Civil Governor forthwith referred the matter back to the
Director-General of Civil Administration. This functionary, in a new
circular dated November 4, confirmed his previous mandate of October
18, and censured the action of the parish priests, who "in improper
language and from the pulpit," had incited the native headmen to set
aside his authority. The author of the circular sarcastically added
the pregnant remark, that he was penetrated with the conviction that
the Archbishop's sense of patriotism and rectitude _would deter him
from subverting the law_. This incident seriously aroused the jealousy
of the friars holding vicarages, and did not improve the relations
between Church and State.