Cyaxares demanded their persons; on refusal of which, a war commenced

betwixt the Lydians and the Medes, which continued five years. It

was attended with various success; and it is remarkable that one of

their engagements took place in the night. In the sixth year, and

in the midst of an engagement, when neither side could reasonably

claim superiority, the day was suddenly involved in darkness. This

phenomenon, and the particular period at which it was to happen, had

been foretold to the Ionians by Thales the Milesian. Awed by the

solemnity of the event, the parties desisted from the engagement, and

it further influenced them both to listen to certain propositions

for peace, which were made by Syennesis of Cilicia, and Labynetus of

Babylon. To strengthen the treaty, these persons also recommended a

matrimonial connection. They advised that Alyattes should give Aryenis,

his daughter, to Astyages, son of Cyaxares, from the just conviction

that no political engagements are durable, unless strengthened by the

closest of all possible bonds. The ceremony of concluding alliances is

the same in this nation as in Greece, with this addition, that both

parties wound themselves in the arm, and lick each other’s blood.

Astyages, therefore, was the grandfather of Cyrus, though at this time

vanquished by him, and his captive. This was what excited the original

enmity of Crœsus, and prompted him to inquire of the oracle, whether

he should make war upon Persia. He interpreted the delusive reply

which was given him, in a manner the most favourable to himself, and

proceeded in his concerted expedition. When he arrived at the river

Halys, he passed over his forces on bridges, which he there found

constructed; although the Greeks in general assert that this service

was rendered him by Thales the Milesian. Whilst Crœsus was hesitating

over what part of the river he should attempt a passage, as there was

no bridge then constructed, Thales divided it into two branches. He

sunk a deep trench, which commencing above the camp, from the river,

was conducted round it in the form of a semicircle till it again met

the ancient bed. It thus became easily fordable on either side. There

are some who say, that the old channel was entirely dried up, to which

opinion I can by no means assent, for then their return would have been

equally difficult.

_Crœsus in Conflict with Cyrus_

Crœsus having passed over with his army, came into that part of

Cappadocia which is called Pteria, the best situated in point of

strength of all that district, and near the city of Sinope, on the

Euxine. He here fixed his station, and, after wasting the Syrian lands,

besieged and took the Pterians’ principal city. He destroyed also the

neighbouring towns, and almost exterminated the Syrians, from whom he

had certainly received no injury. Cyrus at length collected his forces,

and, taking with him those nations which lay betwixt himself and the

invader, advanced to meet him. Before he began his march, he despatched

emissaries to the Ionians, with the view of detaching them from Crœsus.

This not succeeding, he moved forward, and attacked Crœsus in his camp;

they engaged on the plains of Pteria, with the greatest ardour on both

sides. The battle was continued with equal violence and loss till night

parted the combatants, leaving neither in possession of victory.

The army of Crœsus being inferior in number, and Cyrus on the morrow

discovering no inclination to renew the engagement, the Lydian prince

determined to return to Sardis, intending to claim the assistance of

the Egyptians, with whose king, Amasis, he had formed an alliance,

previous to his treaty with the Lacedæmonians. He had also made an

offensive and defensive league with the Babylonians, over whom

Labynetus was then king. With these, in addition to the Lacedæmonian

aids, who were to be ready at a stipulated period, he resolved, after

spending a certain time in winter quarters, to attack the Persians

early in the spring. Full of these thoughts, Crœsus returned to Sardis,

and immediately sent messengers to his different allies, requiring them

to meet at Sardis, within the space of five months. The troops which he

had led against the Persians, being chiefly mercenaries, he disembodied

and dismissed, never supposing that Cyrus, who had certainly no claims

to victory, would think of following him to Sardis.

Whilst the mind of Crœsus was thus occupied, the lands near his capital

were infested with a multitude of serpents; and it was observed, that

to feed on these, the horses neglected and forsook their pastures.

Crœsus conceiving this to be of mysterious import, which it certainly

was, sent to make inquiry of the Telmessian priests concerning it.

The answer which his messengers received, explaining the prodigy,

they had no opportunity of communicating to Crœsus, for before they

could possibly return to Sardis, he was defeated and a captive. The

Telmessians had thus interpreted the incident:--that a foreign army

was about to attack Crœsus, on whose arrival the natives would be

certainly subdued; for as the serpent was produced from the earth, the

horse might be considered both as a foreigner and an enemy. When the

ministers of the oracle reported this answer to Crœsus, he was already

in captivity, of which, and of the events which accompanied it, they

were at that time ignorant.

Cyrus was well-informed that it was the intention of Crœsus, after the

battle of Pteria, to dismiss his forces; he conceived it therefore

advisable, to advance with all imaginable expedition to Sardis, before

the Lydian forces could again be collected. The measure was no sooner

concerted than executed; and conducting his army instantly into

Lydia, he was himself the messenger of his arrival. Crœsus, although

distressed by an event so contrary to his foresight and expectation,

lost no time in preparing the Lydians for battle. At that period no

nation of Asia was more hardy or more valiant than the Lydians. They

fought principally on horseback, armed with long spears, and were very

expert in the management of the horse.

The field of battle was a spacious and open plain in the vicinity of

Sardis, intersected by many streams, and by the Hyllus in particular,

all of which united with one larger than the rest, called the Hermus.

This, rising in the mountain, which is sacred to Cybele, finally

empties itself into the sea, near the city Phocæa. Here Cyrus found

the Lydians prepared for the encounter; and as he greatly feared the

impression of their cavalry, by the advice of Harpagus the Mede, he

took the following means to obviate the danger. He collected all the

camels which followed his camp, carrying the provisions and other

baggage; taking their burdens from these, he placed on them men

accoutred as horsemen. Thus prepared, he ordered them to advance

against the Lydian horse; his infantry were to follow in the rear

of the camels, and his own cavalry closed the order of the attack.

Having thus arranged his forces, he commanded that no quarter should

be granted to the Lydians, but that whoever resisted should be put

to death, Crœsus himself excepted, who, whatever opposition he might

make, was at all events to be taken alive. He placed his camels in

the van, knowing the hatred which a horse has to this animal, being

neither able to support the smell nor the sight of it. He was satisfied

that the principal dependence of Crœsus was on his cavalry, which he

hoped by this stratagem to render ineffective. The engagement had no

sooner commenced, than the horses seeing and smelling the camels,

threw their own ranks into disorder, to the total discomfiture of

Crœsus. Nevertheless the Lydians did not immediately surrender the day:

they discovered the stratagem, and quitting their horses, engaged the

Persians on foot; a great number of men fell on both sides; but the

Lydians were finally compelled to fly, and, retreating within their

walls, were there closely besieged.

_The Siege of Sardis_

Crœsus, believing the siege would be considerably protracted, sent

other emissaries to his different confederates. The tendency of his

former mission was to require their presence at Sardis within five

months. He now entreated the immediate assistance of his other allies,

in common with the Lacedæmonians.

Whilst the Spartans found themselves in a precarious situation, the

Sardian messenger arrived, relating the extreme danger of Crœsus,

and requesting their immediate assistance. This they without

hesitation resolved to give. Whilst they were making for this purpose,

preparations of men and ships, a second messenger brought intelligence

that Sardis was taken and Crœsus in captivity. Strongly impressed by

this wonderful calamity, the Lacedæmonians made no further efforts.

Sardis was thus taken: On the fourteenth day of the siege, Cyrus sent

some horsemen round his camp, promising a reward to him who should

first scale the wall. The attempt was made, but without success. After

which, a certain Mardian, whose name was Hyræades, made a daring effort

on a part of the citadel where no sentinel was stationed, it being so

strong and so difficult of approach as seemingly to defy all attack.

Around this place alone Meles had neglected to carry his son Leon, whom

he had by a concubine, the Telmessian priests having declared that

Sardis should never be taken if Leon were carried round the walls.

Leon, it seems, was carried by his father round every part of the

citadel which was exposed to attack. He omitted taking him round that,

which is opposite to Mount Tmolus, from the persuasion that its natural

strength rendered all modes of defence unnecessary. Here, however, the

Mardian had the preceding day observed a Lydian descend to recover his

helmet, which had fallen down the precipice. He revolved the incident

in his mind. He attempted to scale it; he was seconded by other

Persians, and their example followed by greater numbers. In this manner

was Sardis stormed, and afterwards given up to plunder.

_The Fate of Crœsus_

We have now to speak of the fate of Crœsus. He had a son, as I have

before related, who, though accomplished in other respects, was

unfortunately dumb. Crœsus, in his former days of good fortune, had

made every attempt to obtain a cure for this infirmity. Amongst other

things, he sent to inquire of the Delphic oracle. The Pythian returned

this answer:

Wide-ruling Lydian, in thy wishes wild,

Ask not to hear the accents of thy child;

Far better were his silence for thy peace,

And sad will be the day when that shall cease.

During the storm of the city a Persian, meeting Crœsus, was, through

ignorance of his person, about to kill him. The king overwhelmed by

his calamity, took no care to avoid the blow or escape death; but his

dumb son, when he saw the violent designs of the Persian, overcome

with astonishment and terror, exclaimed aloud, “Oh, man, do not kill

Crœsus!” This was the first time he had ever articulated, but he

retained the faculty of speech from this event, as long as he lived.

The Persians thus obtained possession of Sardis, and made Crœsus

captive, when he had reigned fourteen years and after a siege of

fourteen days; a mighty empire, agreeably to the prediction which had

deluded him, being then destroyed. The Persians brought him to the

presence of Cyrus, who ordered him to be placed in chains upon the

summit of an huge wooden pile, with fourteen Lydian youths around him.

He did this, either desirous of offering to some deity the first-fruits

of his victory, in compliance with a vow which he had made; or,

perhaps, anxious to know whether any deity would liberate Crœsus, of

whose piety he had heard much, from the danger of being consumed by

fire. When Crœsus stood erect upon the pile, although in this extremity

of misery, he did not forget the saying of Solon, which now appeared

of divine inspiration, that no living mortal could be accounted happy.

When the remembrance of this saying occurred to Crœsus, it is said,

that rousing himself from the profoundest silence of affliction, he

thrice pronounced aloud the name of Solon. Cyrus, hearing this, desired

by his interpreters to know who it was that he invoked. They approached

and asked him, but he continued silent. At length, being compelled to

explain himself, he said, “I named a man with whom I had rather that

all kings should converse, than be master of the greatest riches.” Not

being sufficiently understood, he was solicited to be more explicit; to

their repeated and importunate inquiries, he replied to this effect:

That Solon, an Athenian, had formerly visited him, a man who, when

he had seen all his immense riches, treated them with disdain; whose

sayings were at that moment verified in his fate--sayings which he had

applied not to him in particular, but to all mankind, and especially

to those who were in their own estimation happy. While Crœsus was

thus speaking the pile was lighted, and the flame began to ascend.

Cyrus being informed of what had passed, felt compunction for what he

had done. His heart reproached him, that being himself a mortal, he

had condemned to a cruel death by fire, a man formerly not inferior

to himself. He feared the anger of the gods, and reflecting that all

human affairs are precarious and uncertain, he commanded the fire to

be instantly extinguished, and Crœsus to be saved with his companions.

They could not, however, with all their efforts, extinguish the flames.

In this extremity, the Lydians affirm, that Crœsus, informed of the

change of the king’s sentiments in his favour by seeing the officious

but seemingly useless efforts of the multitude to extinguish the

flames, implored the assistance of Apollo, entreating, that if he had

ever made him any acceptable offering, he would now interpose and

deliver him from the impending danger. When Crœsus, with tears, had

thus invoked the god, the sky, which before was serene and tranquil,

suddenly became dark and gloomy, a violent storm of rain succeeded,

and the fire of the pile was extinguished. This event satisfied

Cyrus that Crœsus was both a good man in himself and a favourite of

Heaven: causing him to be taken down from the pile, “Crœsus,” said he,

addressing him, “what could induce you to invade my territories, and

become my enemy rather than my friend?” “O king,” replied Crœsus,

“it was the prevalence of your good and of my evil fortune which

prompted my attempt. I attacked your dominions, impelled and deluded

by the deity of the Greeks. No man can be so infatuated as not to

prefer tranquillity to war. In peace, children inter their parents;

war violates the order of nature, and causes parents to inter their

children. It must have pleased the gods that these things should so

happen.”

Cyrus immediately ordered him to be unbound, placed him near his

person, and treated him with great respect; indeed, he excited the

admiration of all who were present. After an interval of silent

meditation, Crœsus observed the Persians engaged in the plunder of

the city. “Does it become me, Cyrus,” said he, “to continue silent

on this occasion, or to speak the sentiments of my heart?” Cyrus

entreated him to speak without apprehension or reserve. “About what,”

he returned, “is that multitude so eagerly employed?”--“They are

plundering your city,” replied Cyrus, “and possessing themselves of

your wealth.”--“No,” answered Crœsus, “they do not plunder _my_ city,

nor possess themselves of _my_ wealth; I have no concern with either;

it is your property which they are thus destroying.”

These words disturbed Cyrus; desiring, therefore, those who were

present to withdraw, he asked Crœsus what measures he would recommend

in the present emergence. “The gods,” answered Crœsus, “have made me

your captive, and you are therefore justly entitled to the benefit of

my reflections. Nature has made the Persians haughty but poor. If you

permit them to indulge without restraint this spirit of devastation, by

which they may become rich, it is probable that your acquiescence may

thus foster a spirit of rebellion against yourself. I would recommend

the following mode to be adopted, if agreeable to your wisdom: station

some of your guards at each of the gates; let it be their business to

stop the plunderers with their booty, and bid them assign, as a reason,

that one-tenth part must be consecrated to Jupiter. Thus you will not

incur their enmity by any seeming violence of conduct; they will even

accede without reluctance to your views, under the impression of your

being actuated by pious motives.”

Cyrus was delighted with the advice, and immediately adopted it;

he stationed guards in the manner recommended by Crœsus, whom he

afterwards thus addressed: “Crœsus, your conduct and your words mark a

princely character. I desire you, therefore, to request of me whatever

you please, and your wish shall be instantly gratified.”--“Sir,”

replied Crœsus, “you will materially oblige me by permitting me to

send these fetters to the god of Greece, whom, above all other gods, I

have most honoured; and to inquire of him, whether it be his custom to

delude those who have claims upon his kindness.” When Cyrus expressed

a wish to know the occasion of this reproach, Crœsus ingenuously

explained each particular of his conduct, the oracles he had received,

and the gifts he had presented, declaring that these inspired

communications had alone induced him to make war upon the Persians. He

finished his narrative with again soliciting permission to send and

reproach the divinity which had deceived him. Cyrus smiled: “I will

not only grant this,” said he, “but whatever else you shall require.”

Crœsus accordingly despatched some Lydians to Delphi, who were

commissioned to place his fetters on the threshold of the temple, and

to ask if the deity were not ashamed at having, by his oracles, induced

Crœsus to make war on Persia, with the expectation of overturning the

empire of Cyrus, of which war these chains were the first-fruits:

and they were farther to inquire if the gods of Greece were usually

ungrateful.

The Lydians proceeded on their journey, and executed their commission;

they are said to have received the following reply from the Pythian

priestess: “That to avoid the determination of destiny was impossible

even for a divinity; that Crœsus, in his person, expiated the crimes

of his ancestor in the fifth descent; who, being a guardsman of the

Heraclidæ, was seduced by the artifice of a woman to assassinate

his master, and without the remotest pretensions succeeded to his

dignities; that Apollo was desirous to have this destruction of Sardis

fall on the descendants of Crœsus, but was unable to counteract the

decrees of fate; that he had really obviated them as far as was

possible, and, to show his partiality to Crœsus, had caused the ruin of

Sardis to be deferred for the space of three years; that of this Crœsus

might be assured that if the will of the fates had been punctually

fulfilled, he would have been three years sooner a captive: neither

ought he to forget that when in danger of being consumed by fire Apollo

had afforded him his succour; that with respect to the declaration of

the oracle, Crœsus was not justified in his complaints; for Apollo

had declared that if he made war against the Persians a mighty empire

would be overthrown; the real purport of which communication, if he

had been anxious to understand, it became him to have inquired whether

the god alluded to his empire, or to the empire of Cyrus; but that,

not understanding the reply which had been made, nor condescending

to make a second inquiry, he had been himself the cause of his own

misfortune: that he had not at all comprehended the last answer of the

oracle, which related to the mule; for that this mule was Cyrus, who

was born of two parents of two different nations, of whom the mother

was as noble as the father was mean; his mother was a Mede, daughter of

Astyages, king of the Medes; his father was a Persian, and tributary to

the Medes, who, although a man of the very meanest rank, had married

a princess, who was his mistress.” This answer of the Pythian, the

Lydians, on their return, communicated to Crœsus. Crœsus, having heard

it, exculpated the deity, and acknowledged himself to be reprehensible.

Such, however was the termination of the empire of Crœsus, and this the

recital of the first conquest of Ionia.[e]

FOOTNOTES

[15] The story of Rosamond, queen of the Lombards, as related by Mr.

Gibbon, bears so exact a resemblance to this of Candaules, that I am

unable to forego the pleasure of transcribing it.--“The queen of Italy

had stooped from her throne to the arms of a subject: and Helmichis,

the king’s armour-bearer, was the secret minister of her pleasure and

revenge. Against the proposal of the murder he could no longer urge

the scruples of fidelity or gratitude; but Helmichis trembled when he

revolved the danger, as well as the guilt. He pressed, and obtained,

that one of the bravest champions of the Lombards should be associated

to the enterprise: but no more than a promise of secrecy could be drawn

from the gallant Perideus.--The mode of seduction employed by Rosamond

betrays her shameless insensibility both to honour and to love. She

supplied the place of one of her female attendants, who was beloved

by Perideus, and contrived some excuse for darkness and silence, till

she could inform her companion that he had enjoyed the queen of the

Lombards, and that his own death, or the death of the king, must be

the consequence of such treasonable adultery. In this alternative he

chose rather to be the accomplice than the victim of Rosamond, whose

undaunted spirit was incapable of fear or remorse.”--TRANSLATOR.

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS

[The letter [a] is reserved for Editorial Matter.]

CHAPTER I. THE HITTITES

[b] CHARLES W. SUPER, from an article “A Decade of Hittite Research,”

in the _American Antiquarian_. Chicago, 1891. Vol. XXI.

[c] FRITZ HOMMEL, _Die Semitischen Völker und Sprachen_.

[d] EDUARD MEYER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_.

[e] ERNEST BABELON, _Manuel d’archéologie orientale_.

[f] PAUL KAROLIDES, _Die sogenannte Assyro-Chaldäer und Hittiten von

Kleinasien_.

[g] A. H. SAYCE, _Monuments of the Hittites_.

[h] Anonymous so-called Poem of Pentaur.

[i] H. C. BRUGSCH, _Thesaurus Inscriptionum Ægyptiarum_.

[j] PERROT and CHIPIEZ, _Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquité_.

[k] XANTHUS, _Lydiaca_.

CHAPTER II. SCYTHIANS AND CIMMERIANS

[b] PAUL KAROLIDES, _op. cit._

[c] GEORGE GROTE, _History of Greece_.

[d] HERODOTUS, _The History of Herodotus_ (translated from the Greek by

William Beloe).

[e] EDUARD MEYER, _op. cit._

[f] THUCYDIDES, _The History of the Peloponnesian War_ (translated from

the Greek by Hobbes).

[g] STRABO, _Γεωγραφικά_.

CHAPTER III. SOME PEOPLES OF SYRIA, ASIA MINOR, AND ARMENIA

[b] MAX DUNCKER, _Geschichte des Alterthums_.

[c] A. SOCIN, the article on “Syria,” in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_.

[d] The Holy Bible.

[e] STRABO, _op. cit._

[f] HERODOTUS, _op. cit._

[g] XANTHUS, _op. cit._

[h] XENOPHON, _Anabasis_.

CHAPTER IV. THE LYDIANS

[b] PAUL KAROLIDES, _op. cit._

[c] GEORGE RADET, _La Lydie et le monde grec au temps des Mermnades_.

[d] A. H. SAYCE, from the article on “Lydia,” in the _Encyclopædia

Britannica_.

[e] NICOLAS OF DAMASCUS, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum_, Fragment

4.

[f] J. A. CRAMER, _Description of Asia Minor_.

[g] HERODOTUS, _op. cit._

[h] PLINIUS SECUNDUS, _Historia Naturalis_.

[i] STRABO, _op. cit._

[j] STEPHANUS BYZANTINUS, _Ethnica_.

[k] DEMETRIUS OF SCEPSIS, Τρωικὸς διάκοσμος.

[l] XANTHUS, _op. cit._

[m] H. C. BRUGSCH, _Geschichte Ægyptens unter den Pharaonen_.

[n] H. SCHLIEMANN, _Ilios_.

APPENDIX A. CLASSICAL TRADITIONS

[b] JUSTIN, _History of the World_ (translated from the Latin by T.

Brown).

[c] POMPONIUS MELA, _The Rare and Singular Works of Pomponius Mela_

(translated from the Latin byA. Golding).

[d] DIODORUS SICULUS, _The Historical Library_ (translated from the

Greek by G. Booth).

[e] HERODOTUS, _op. cit._

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE HISTORY OF THE MINOR NATIONS OF WESTERN

ASIA

BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED, CITED, OR EDITORIALLY CONSULTED IN THE

PREPARATION OF THE PRESENT HISTORY

The nations of Asia Minor, having a relatively unimportant position,

have naturally not attracted the attention of historians to any such

extent as their more important contemporaries. The Hittites, as already

noted, are mentioned a few times in the Hebrew writings, and are

referred to explicitly in the Egyptian records of Ramses the Great.

But they had passed from the scene before the advent of the Greek

historians, which fact accounts largely for the infrequent reference

to them in modern times, until the decipherment of the Egyptian and

Assyrian records brought them again to notice. A peculiar interest

attaches to the Hittites now, since their own monuments have shown

that they possessed a unique form of hieroglyphic writing. Professor

Sayce has investigated this perhaps more fully than any other scholar;

but various others have entered into controversies as to its exact

character,--controversies which as yet have led to no very definite

conclusion.

[Illustration: HITTITE HIEROGLYPHICS]

Of the other nations of Asia Minor, the Lydians have received most

attention from the historian. The chief known sources for Lydian

history were the native historian Xanthus, whose works have mostly

failed to come down to us; and Herodotus, whose stories of the Lydian

kings, no doubt somewhat embellished, have been a source of interest

to all subsequent investigators. In recent times special works on the

Lydians have been written by Radet and by Schubert. Numerous travellers

have given us more or less valuable notes on Asia Minor, chiefly of a

geographical and archæological character. The best general treatment

of the subject is to be found in the histories of antiquity of Duncker

and Eduard Meyer. Duncker’s treatment is more popular, but in some

respects not quite up to date. Eduard Meyer’s treatment is at once

scientific and philosophical, but the first volume of his work has been

out of print for some time, and the promised new edition is not yet

forthcoming. The new archæological finds have given a fresh interest to

the nations of Asia Minor, which will probably result in a much more

voluminous literature on the subject in the near future.

=Ainsworth=, W. F., Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, London, 1842.

* * * * *

=Babelon=, E. Manuel, d’archéol. orientale, Paris, 1888.--=Baer=, K.

E. von, Historische Fragen, 1873.--=Barkley=, A Ride through Asia

Minor and Armenia, London, 1891.--=Belck=, W., Beiträge zur alten

Geog. und Gesch. Vorderasiens, Leipsic, 1901.--=Belgiojoso=, C. di T.,

Asie mineure et Syrie: Souvenirs de Voyages, Paris, 1858.--=Bergmann=,

F. H., Les Amazones dans l’histoire et dans la fable, Colmar,

1858.--=Bertacchi=, C., L’Asie Minore: L’oriente e gli Armeni,

Messina, 1896.--=Billerbeck=, A., Eine Studie zur alten Geschichte

Westasiens, Leipsic, 1893.--=Brockes=, F., Quer durch Kleinasien,

Gütersloh, 1900.--=Brunnhofer=, H., Vom Pontus bis zum Indus,

Leipsic, 1890.--=Bukowski=, Y. von, Die geologischen Verhältnisse

der Umgebung von Balia Maaden im nordwestl. Kleinasien (Mysien),

Leipsic, 1892.--=Buresch=, K., Aus Lydien: Epigraphisch-geographische

Reiseberichte (herausg. von O. Ribbeck), Leipsic, 1898.--=Burnaby=, F.,

On Horseback through Asia Minor, London, 1898.

* * * * *

=Campbell=, John, The Hittites: their Inscriptions, their History,

Toronto, 1890, and London, 1891.--=Cara=, P. Cesare A. de, Gli

Hethei-Pelasgi, Rome, 1894.--=Choisy=, A., L’Asie Mineure et les Turcs

en 1875 (in Revue Archéol., nouv. sér., Vol. XXXII, Paris).--=Conder=,

C. R., Heth and Moab, London, 1885; The Hittites and their Language,

Edinburgh, 1898.--=Cramer=, J. A., A Geographical and Historical

Description of Asia Minor, Oxford, 1832, 2 vols.--=Curtius=, E.,

Beiträge zur Geschichte und Topographie Kleinasiens, Berlin, 1872.

* * * * *

=Davis=, E. J., Anatolica, London, 1874.--=Diodorus Siculus=, The

Historical Library, London, 1700.--=Duncker=, Max, Geschichte des

Alterthums, Leipsic, 1855-1877, 6 vols.

* * * * *

=Fellows=, Charles, An Account of Discoveries in Lycia, London, 1841;

Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, London, 1852.--=Fradenburgh=, J.

N., Old Heroes: The Hittites, New York, 1899.--=Fréret=, N., Recherches

sur la chronologie de l’histoire de Lydie (in Mém. Acad. Inscr.),

Paris, 1725.--=Fressl=, J., Skythen Saken, Munich, 1886.

* * * * *

=Gelzer=, J. H., Das Zeitalter des Gyges (im Rhein. Museum, Vol. XXXV),

1880.--=Georgiades=, Smyrne et l’Asie Mineure, Paris, 1885.--=Goltz=,

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* * * * *

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Reisen im südwestl. Kleinasien, Vienna, 1896.--=Herodotus=, Historiæ,

Strassburg, 1816, 5 vols.--=Herwegh=, D., Cogitationes philologicæ

circa voces Scythicas etc. exhibitæ, Upsala, 1743.--=Herzog=, R.,

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Kleinasien und Nordsyrien, Berlin, 1890.

* * * * *

=Jensen=, Peter, Hittiter und Armenier, Strassburg, 1898.--=Justinus=,

Historiarum Philippicarum Libri XLIV, Venice, 1470. An epitome of

Trogus Pompeius.

* * * * *

=Kärger=, Kleinasien, Berlin, 1892.--=Karolides=, Paul, Die

sogenannten Assyro-Chaldäer und Hittiten von Kleinasien, Athens,

1898.--=Kiepert=, H., Spezialkarte vom westlichen Kleinasien, Berlin,

1890.--=Kretschmer=, P., Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen

Sprache, Göttingen, 1896.

* * * * *

=Lanckoronski=, C., Les villes de la Pamphylie et de la Lydie, Paris,

1890.--=Langlois=, S. A., Voyage dans la Cilicie et dans les montagnes

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1899.

* * * * *

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* * * * *

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* * * * *

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* * * * *

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* * * * *

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* * * * *

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* * * * *

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* * * * *

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London, 1890; Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Mysia, London, 1892.

PART VII

THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDIA

BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE FOLLOWING AUTHORITIES

ARRIAN, GUSTAV LE BON, EUGENE BURNOUF, MOUNTSTUART

ELPHINSTONE, A. H. L. HEEREN, W. W. HUNTER,

SIR W. JONES, FERDINAND JUSTI, SALOMAN

LEFMANN, JAMES MILL, THE VEDAS,

H. H. WILSON

WITH ADDITIONAL CITATIONS FROM

CESARE CANTU, H. T. COLEBROKE, T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, MAX

DUNCKER, FA-HIAN AND HWEN TSANG, J. FERGUSSON,

HANNO, HERODOTUS, B. H. HODGSON, CHRISTIAN

LASSEN, PLINIUS SECUNDUS, GEORG WEBER

COPYRIGHT, 1904,

BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS.

_All rights reserved._

PART VII.--ANCIENT INDIA

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

INDIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE 475

CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE 482

CHAPTER II. INDIAN HISTORY--LEGEND AND REALITY 493

CHAPTER III. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE ANCIENT HINDUS 508

CHAPTER IV. BRAHMANISM AND BUDDHISM 525

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 549

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN HISTORY 550

INDIAN HISTORY IN OUTLINE

A PRELIMINARY SURVEY, COMPRISING A CURSORY VIEW OF THE SWEEP OF EVENTS

AND A TABLE OF CHRONOLOGY

The important place which India holds in recent history combines with

the fascination of its mysteries to give this country an interest

in the eyes of the modern historian which it never held previously

to the last century. Thus one finds that in the most recent German

_Weltgeschichte_ the history of ancient India is given almost as

much space as is devoted to the entire history of ancient Greece

or Rome. Whereas, to point a contrast, it may be noted that in the

classical _Weltgeschichte_ of Schlosser, written half a century ago,

the history of India is allotted only about a dozen pages. It may

fairly be held that in each of these cases there is a lack of true

historical perspective, for, whereas it would be absurd to claim

that India receives anything like just treatment in the condensed

summary of Schlosser, it would be equally absurd to claim that the

actual world-historic merit of India is at all comparable--from a

European standpoint--to that of Greece or Rome. But questions of exact

importance aside, the facts just cited evidence a growing realisation

of the importance of the oriental branch of the great Aryan tree. They

show among other things that the Western mind is being aroused from

that standpoint of insular dogmatism on which it placed itself with

such seeming security.

It is a hopeful sign of the times, for it suggests that the hour is

near at hand when it will be generally demanded of the historian who

attempts to deal with general history that he shall look out upon the

world not with the eyes of a narrow European partisanship, but with

true cosmopolitanism. When this is done it will become more and more

evident that a great people of the Orient, who had attained the highest

stage of culture, had developed an extraordinary literature, and

achieved the height of an amazing practical philosophy at least half a

millennium before the beginning of our era, are not to be treated with

contempt because their conceptions of religion and their estimate of

the right ideals of practical civilisation differ from our own. To such

a clarified view the position given to the history of India in the work

just referred to must manifestly tend.

It must be admitted, however, that whatever the interest attaching

to Indian history, almost insuperable difficulties stand in the way

of a clear interpretation of that history. The country itself is of

enormous size, comprising about a million and a half of square miles,

and giving residence to a population estimated at some two hundred and

forty millions. This enormous population is made up of a great variety

of races, the origin of which is altogether obscure. When one speaks

of the history of ancient India, one practically ignores all these

indigenous races, and refers merely to the invading hosts of so-called

Aryans that came into the country from the northwest and finally became

dominant there. How greatly these invaders were modified as a race by

their contact with the native hordes of India, is evidenced in the wide

gap that separates the Aryan of India to-day from the Aryan of Europe.

As to the exact time when the Aryan invasion occurred, all is obscure.

Nor is anything definite known of the history of conquest, and the

subsequent development of the race in India, except such merely

inferential glimpses as may be gained through study of the Vedas. India

was indeed known to the western world from a very early period. We have

seen that the Assyrian monuments depict animals unmistakably of Indian

origin, as being brought in tribute to the court of Shalmaneser II. But

neither these nor any other records of the western world suffice to

throw any light whatever upon the real history of India or give us any

knowledge of the country beyond the mere proof that its existence was

known, until so relatively late a period as the conquest of Alexander.

After that time the West and the East were in closer contact.

Seleucus, a general of Alexander’s and the inheritor of the chief part

of his Asiatic territories, entered into diplomatic relations with

an Indian Raja, Chandragupta by name, who had driven the Macedonian

garrisons from the Punjab and proved himself too formidable to be

conquered. The ambassador sent by Seleucus to the court of the

Raja was named Megasthenes. The Greek appears to have been greatly

impressed with what he saw of Indian life, for he wrote an enthusiastic

description of the manners and customs of the Indian people. This

account would appear to have circulated widely in the Grecian world,

and to have afforded one of the sources for the accounts of India

given at a later day by Diodorus and Arrian; but, unfortunately, the

original has not come down to us. Its loss was probably due, in part,

at any rate, to the excellence of Arrian’s work. Arrian drew also upon

the account of India written by Nearchus, the general who commanded

Alexander’s fleet.

No doubt there were other writers of the time of Alexander and the

immediately succeeding period who wrote on India, but if so, their

works, like those of Megasthenes and Nearchus, were superseded by the

famous work of Arrian, which, as has been pointed out by Professor

Lefmann, was for many centuries regarded as the most authoritative

book on the subject. Arrian, it will be recalled, was also the author

of the most authoritative life of Alexander the Great. It is not

quite clear that his _Indica_ was originally intended as a separate

production; in any event, it naturally grew out of the history of

Alexander. There is no reason to suppose that Arrian had visited India,

but his recognised merits as a careful historian give a high degree of

reliability to his work as evidencing the best knowledge of his time.

It must be understood, however, that this knowledge had referred almost

exclusively to the manners and customs of India, throwing almost no

light whatever on the sweep of historical events.

Turning to India itself, we find that almost no historical documents

except the religious books have come down from antiquity. The one

bright spot in Indian history of a relatively early period is furnished

by the reign of King Asoka.[16] Asoka lived about the middle of the

third century B.C. He was a great conqueror, and appears to have

brought a large part of India under his sway. His famous edict was

engraved on rocks and pillars throughout his domain. These edicts are

chiefly concerned with the practical enforcement of the duties enjoined

by the Buddhist faith.

[Illustration: A SPECIMEN OF AN ASOKA INSCRIPTION: MATHIA PILLAR]

“Seventeen versions of the edicts of Asoka have been discovered,” says

Taylor. “They are engraved on rocks and pillars in all parts of India,

and there are several inscriptions of dedication on caves or rock-cut

temples which were constructed by him. There are also six pillar

inscriptions, of which the best known are those at Delhi and Allahabad.

On five of the pillars are inscribed the six edicts promulgated in

the year 236 B.C., while the rock inscriptions contain copies, more

or less complete, of the fourteen earlier edicts which date from 251

B.C. One of the most perfect covers the face of a huge granite boulder,

seventy-five feet in length and twelve in height, at Girnar, near

Junagarh, in Gujarat. There is another copy at Dhauli; a fourth, in a

different alphabet, at Kapur-di-giri, on the frontiers of Afghanistan;

and a fifth, four hundred miles to the southeast, at Khalsi. There are

also six rock inscriptions, containing single edicts. An imperfect

fragment, on which the well-known title of Asoka can however be read,

has been brought from Ceylon.

“The wide range of these inscriptions shows the extent of the dominion

or supremacy of Asoka. They are found from Gujarat on the western coast

to Orissa on the east; as far north as Peshawar, as far south as the

boundary of the Madras Presidency, if not even in Ceylon. They range

over fifteen degrees of longitude, and twenty-seven of latitude.”[17]

Aside from their interest as historical documents, these inscriptions

of Asoka had the greatest importance in giving an insight into the

literature of India; for it was through them that the Indian alphabet

was interpreted by Princeps. “The Delhi pillar and the granite boulder

at Girnar,” says Taylor, “may fairly take their place in the history of

epigraphy beside the bilingual inscription of Malta, the Rosetta Stone,

and the rock of Behistun.” Unfortunately, the later rulers of India did

not follow the example of Asoka, and his inscriptions are almost unique

among the epigraphic remains of India.

It will be evident then, that classical literature and monumental

remains give but brief glimpses of the actual history of early India.

It follows that no full knowledge of this subject is, or perhaps ever

can be, available.

2000 B.C. The Indians are that branch of the Indo-European family

which moved from the west into the tableland of Iran, the

valley of the Indus, and the Punjab. Here they were the

first of their family to attain to a higher civilisation

than their brothers. The members of this branch called

themselves Aryans, “the noble” or “the ruling.” In their new

home they found a race of black people, which was enslaved

or expelled.

The sole evidence of their early life is the Rig-Veda, from

which it appears that the knowledge of effectual invocations

and sacrifices to the gods was in possession of certain

families.

1500 They slowly push their way along the spurs of the

Himalayas into the valley of the Ganges, whose aborigines

were enslaved or driven into the Himalayas on the north and

the Deccan on the south.

In the struggle with the natives the separate tribes are

amalgamated into larger communities; the small unions of

tribes become nations, which divide the land of the Ganges

among themselves; the tribal chiefs are changed into

military leaders, and the successful leaders become the

heads of important states. This took a considerable amount

of time. There were the Matsyas on the west bank of the

Jumna; the Surasenas, who lived in the cities of Mathura

and Krishnapura, and the afterwards united kingdoms of the

Bharatas and Panchalas on the Jumna and Ganges. These were

governed at Hastinapura. Farther to the east and north

were the Kosalas whose capital was Ajodhya; the Videhas of

Mithila. On the Ganges were the Kasis, capital Varanasi

(Benares), the Angas at Champa (Bhagalpur), and south of the

river was the kingdom of the Magadhas, the most important on

the Ganges, with the capital at Rajagriha.

1400 This is the approximate beginning of the dynastic

periods for most of the kingdoms on the Ganges. Of the

kingdom of Magadha:

=Brihadratha= reported to be the first king.

His third successor was =Somapi=, the first of the

Barhadrathas.

1300 Somapi, the first of the Barhadratha dynasty.

There are about thirty kings of this dynasty. The last one,

=Ripunjaya=, dies about 800 B.C. They rule at Rajagriha.

1400 =Kuru=, evidently the first dynastic king of the

Bharatas.

The name of the royal family passes over to the people, and

they are henceforth known as the Kurus.

The Kurus are the first to establish extensive dominion over

the tribes of the Upper Ganges, and they drive eastward the

tribes which were once united to them and had followed them

into the Jumna valley,--the Kosalas, Angas, Videhas, and

Magadhas.

It is the struggles of these tribes against the Kurus which

are described in the _Mahabharata_.

The Pandus, a younger race than the Kurus, and who have

become prominent among the Panchalas, rise in rebellion. The

Pandus have many allies. The Kurus disappear in a great war

shortly before 1200 B.C., and the kings of Pandu ascend the

throne of Hastinapura. They hold it for thirty generations,

governing at Hastinapura.

1200 Shortly after the great war, =Parikshit= comes to

the united Kuru (Bharata)--Pandu (Panchala) throne. He

reigns sixty years in Hastinapura, and dies (according to

tradition) from the bite of a snake.

The origin of the kingdom of Kosala was probably of a

somewhat later date than that of Magadha and Bharata. The

people looked to =Manu= as their first king, and reckoned

one hundred and sixteen kings from him to =Prasenajit=

(600-550 B.C.). The age 1400-1200 B.C. is that of the

arrangement of the kingdoms, the establishment of the

position of the nobles, the rise of the Kshattriyas--the

warrior caste.

Their organised kingdoms show a striking contrast to the

condition of those Aryans who remained in the Indus region.

We have no knowledge of their fortunes except that most of

them retained their tribal life without kings. “The people,”

says Duncker, “show not the least interest in preserving the

memory of their actions or fortunes.”

1200-1000 is approximately the period of the formation of

the castes. These were:

(1) The priests or Brahmans--families who had kept to

themselves knowledge of the prayers, rites, and sacrifices

of the religion since the old days.

(2) The Kshattriyas--or warriors (the Rajputs of the present

day), among whom were the rulers of the kingdoms.

(3) The Vaisyas--or husbandmen.

(4) The Sudras--a non-Aryan servile class (the Dasas of the

Rig-Veda), the remnant of the aboriginal tribes.

These castes gradually become separate and distinct.

Intermarriage ceases and each keeps to its hereditary

employments. As yet the Kshattriyas are the most important,

but the priests are slowly influencing the people to the

idea that the relations of men to the gods transcend all the

other relations of life, thereby pushing themselves into the

first place.

The kingdoms on the Ganges continue as in the preceding

epoch. Under king =Nichahra= the capital of the Pandus

(Bharatas) is removed from Hastinapura to Kausambi, lower

down the Ganges.

In the Punjab and the land of the Indus, a considerable

number of principalities have arisen among the kingless

tribes. There are also some nations governed by overseers

of cantons, heads of cities and districts. Among the

states that of Kashmir is the most important. About 1000

B.C. we know there is a brisk trade between the Upper

and Lower Indus. Phœnician ships bring home gold and

sandal-wood, obtained from the Upper Indus. The process

of caste-formation has not gone on to any extent in these

regions, and there are now no links between the people of

the Indus and the Ganges.

1000-800 Era of the struggle for supremacy between the priests

and nobles. At its close the Brahmans have been raised to

the first order, and the severest known class distinctions

in history have become established--distinctions which are

in force at the present day. The supremacy of the priesthood

is due to the new religious view it developed--the discovery

of the idea of Brahma which takes place about 1000 B.C. This

idea was evolved from the mysterious secret of worship, the

spirit of prayer, and the phenomena of birth and decay.

Behind these phenomena lies a single soul--the world soul.

From this soul they arrive at a deity, the cause and basis

of the world. This deity is Brahma. It drives out the

ancient gods. A rigid system of the universe is developed

in which the most spiritual beings stand nearest to Brahma,

while the most material are the most remote. We have no

knowledge as to the resistance made by the Kshattriyas

to these ideas, but they are accepted by the people, and

the Brahmans as being the most spiritual of the people,

attain the first place, and the whole terrible system of

Brahmanism, involving the rise of the people to spirituality

through continuous regeneration, and its complicated

800 system of reward and punishment, comes into effect. Although

they have the first place, the Brahmans do not interfere

with the ruling power in the hands of the Kshattriyas. The

monarchs are in full possession of despotic power, and are

used by the priests to hold their rule. The Brahmans draw

up the customs of family law, marriage and inheritance,

of the rights and duties of the castes. The new system is

not universally adopted. Even on the Ganges some districts

resisted the new system and held to their ancient laws

and customs. In the Indus only a few regions followed the

development.

800 The territory of the Jumna and Ganges has become the

“Sacred Land.”

800-600 Era of development of Indian philosophy. The people

give themselves to the study of worship and dogma under the

Brahmanic system.

800 The dynasty of Pradyota succeeds the Barhadrathas on the

throne of Magadha.

The rulers of this and the other kingdoms are thorough

despots who oppress their people greatly and force severe

taxes and exactions from them.

665 The Saisunaga dynasty succeeds the Pradyota on the

throne of Magadha.

The first two kings are =Kshemadharman= and =Bhattya=.

603 =Bimbisara= succeeds to the throne.

In his reign justice, morals, and religion are regulated in

Magadha and neighbouring states, according to the Brahmanic

system.

560 Birth of Prince Sarvathasiddha (Siddartha) son of

Suddhodana, king of the petty principality of Kapilavastu.

He belonged to the race of the Sakyas, which had emigrated

from the delta of the Indus to the land of the Kosalas.

550 =Ajatasatru= succeeds Bimbisara--is said to have put him

to death.

=Prasenajit=, twenty-third ruler of the Kosalas after the

great war, is their king and rules at Sravasti, a new city

they had built to the north of Ajodhya, the ancient capital.

=Vatsa=, son of Satanika, the twenty-fifth successor of

Parikshit, is king of the Bharatas (Panchalas-Pandus) at

their new capital Kausambi.

The life of these kings is one of great magnificence and

luxury. Their palaces are gorgeous and their harems numerous.

540 According to Arrian, Cyrus the Great reaches the Indus

on his march. This has never been substantiated, though

it is probable that he compelled the nations on the right

bank of the river to pay tribute when he reached Gedrosia

(Baluchistan).

532 Renunciation of the world by Siddartha.

522 He begins to preach his doctrines at Varanasi (Benares).

He is henceforth known as Buddha “the Enlightened.” He

preaches the reformed doctrine known as Buddhism. It points

out a way of escape from the terrible consequences of the

Brahmanical system by the suppression of desire. It ends in

the negation of existence--Nirvana.

It does not thrive in India owing to its abstractness

and morbid views of life as well as by the competition

of Sivaism and Vishnuism. But in modified form it has

flourished in Afghanistan, Tibet, and China.

519 =Udayabhadra= murders his father, Ajatasatru, and

succeeds him.

512 Darius subjugates the tribes on the right bank of the

Indus north of the Kabul. In the reorganisation of the

Persian empire, the territory becomes a satrapy, and is

said to have paid the highest tribute in the whole empire.

The Persian dominion does not seem to have had any deep

influence on the life of the Aryans, and it is uncertain

whether it continued until the coming of Alexander the Great.

503 =Anuruddhaka= murders his father Udayabhadra and

succeeds him.

495 =Nagadasaka= murders his father Anuruddhaka, and

succeeds him.

480 Death of Buddha.

471 Nagadasaka is dethroned by the people and =Sisunaga=, a

son of Ajatasatru, formerly a vassal king of the Vrijis, is

put in his place.

453 =Kalasoka=, his son, succeeds him. He leaves the capital

Rajagriha for a new one he has built--Pataliputra (the

Palibothra of Megasthenes) at the confluence of the Sonu and

Ganges.

After the reign of Ajatasatru the kings of Magadha increase

their power and dominions, and the states to the north and

west of Magadha gradually become a part of that kingdom.

450 The Pandu dynasty of Bharata comes to an end, whereby

the Panchalas and Surasenas become subject to the king of

Magadha.

500-400 The conquests and emigrations of the Aryans extend

to the Deccan and Ceylon.

The pearls and coral found in these localities give a new

impetus to trade.

425 Kalasoka is succeeded by three sons, ruling in

succession.

403 =Nanda=, the head of a robber band, organises an army,

attacks and captures Pataliputra, murders =Pinjamakha=

the king, and ascends the throne. He and his descendants

keeping the kingdom intact, reign until 340, when

340 =Dasasiddhika= is murdered by his wife’s paramour,

Indradatta, who puts his son =Dhanananda= on the throne.

This king is the =Xandrames= or =Agrames= of Greek writers,

and his realm is called the kingdom of the Prasians

(Prachyas or Gangarides). He is said to have acquired great

wealth, and kept an enormous army.

The power of Magadha is at its height.

327 Alexander the Great begins the conquest of the Aryans on

the right bank of the Indus. He captures Pushkala after a

siege of thirty days and overpowers the Gandarians.

After a stubborn resistance, the Asvakas (the Assacanes,

Aspasians, or Hippasians of the Greeks) are subjugated

during the winter.

326 Early in the year Alexander prepares to cross the

Indus. =Mophis=, the ruler of Takahasila (Greek Taxiles),

surrenders without resistance. The king of Kashmir sends his

brother to announce submission, and several smaller princes

come in person to give homage.

Alexander advances to the Vitasta (Hydaspes, modern

Jhelum) river, and meets the army of =King Porus=, whose

territory extends to the Asikni. Porus has been promised the

assistance of the king of Kashmir, in spite of the latter’s

submission to the Macedonian. Before this help arrives

Alexander defeats Porus, but restores him to his throne

and increases his power by assigning him some conquered

territory. The king of Kashmir now comes in person to give

homage. The Asvakas revolt and the Khattias, assisted by

the Kshudrakas and Malavas, make stubborn resistance, but

all are subdued. Other princes submit. The Agalassians are

severely defeated.

325 Alexander sails up the Asikni to the Indus. The tribes

of the Punjab and Indus are easily reduced.

The principalities on the Lower Indus are seized without

difficulty. Alexander fortifies the conquered territory and

establishes satrapies. In August he returns to Persia with

eighty thousand men. In September, Nearchus sails for Persia

with the fleet. After Alexander’s departure =Philippus=, the

satrap of the Punjab, is murdered by mutinous mercenaries.

=Eudemus= and Mophis of Takshasila are made temporary

satraps.

323 June 11, death of Alexander.

321 Antipater appoints =Peithon= satrap of Upper India, and

=Porus= of the Lower Indus. Murder of Porus by Eudemus.

320 This crime instigates =Chandra Gupta= (Sandrocottus), a

man of humble origin, probably a native of the Punjab, to

arouse his countrymen against the Greeks. They flock to his

standard.

317 Chandra Gupta expels the satraps from the land of the

Indus. He proceeds against the kingdom of Magadha.

315 Conquest of Magadha by Chandra Gupta. Dhanananda

probably slain.

312 He ascends the throne of Magadha. Beginning of the

Maurya dynasty.

305 Seleucus attempts to re-establish Greek supremacy in

the Punjab and Indus valley. He encounters army of Chandra

Gupta, is forced to make an unfavourable treaty and alliance

with him.

300 Changes have been introduced into the Brahmanic system

through the influence of Buddhism. Vishnu (the preserver)

and Siva (the destroyer) form a trilogy with Brahma (the

creator). There is a liberation from regeneration.

291 Death of Chandra Gupta. His son =Vindusara= succeeds.

He keeps up the kingdom. Megasthenes is the ambassador of

Seleucus at the court of Magadha.

263 =Asoka= “the Buddhist Constantine,” son of Vindusara,

succeeds to the throne of Magadha.

256-254 Treaty with Antiochus Theos. From being a cruel man

Asoka is converted to Buddhism. Builds monasteries and many

splendid edifices for the new faith. Associates Buddhist

priests with him in the government. Professed by the king

and his family, Buddhism now spreads rapidly throughout

India.

Ceylon under =King Devanampriya-Tishya= (245-205) is also

converted.

The kingdom of Magadha is extended over Surashtra (Guzerat),

Orissa, Kalinga, and in the south beyond the Godavari.

The monumental history of India begins.

226 =Subhagasena= succeeds his father, Asoka. In his reign

or that of his father the columns of Bharhut, Sanchi, and

Buddha Gaya were erected.

180 Eucratides, king of Bactria, conquers the Indus as far

as Patala.

GRÆCO-BACTRIAN DOMINION IN THE INDUS REGION

178 Fall of the dynasty of Maurya.

The Sungas ascend the throne.

Two kings, =Puspamitra= and =Agnimitra=, reign thirty years.

148 The Gupta dynasty succeeds.

125 The Tatar tribe of Su drives the Greeks from Bactria,

and the Græco-Bactrian settlements in the Punjab are

overthrown by Tue-Chi.

The extent of the Scythian invasion has been variously

estimated. Some scholars believe that they virtually

supplanted the previous population of India, and there seems

little doubt that by far the most numerous section of the

Punjab population is of Scythian origin. At all events the

Scythians play an important part in the subsequent history

of northern India, and are the means of Buddhism getting

into central and eastern Asia.

57 Beginning of the era founded in honour of King

Vikramaditya. This name has been borne by several kings in

Indian history--all famous for their struggles against the

Scythians, from which much confusion has arisen.

A.D. 2-78 A.D. By this time the Scythians have established an

empire over which the Kanishka family rules.

78 =Salivahana=, a king of southern India, is supposed

to have checked the advance of the Scythians towards the

south. After this, the fortunes of the invaders undergo many

reverses. From now until the time of the Mohammedan conquest

our knowledge of Indian history is most imperfect. But among

the opponents of the Scythians there are:

60-235 The Sah (or Xatrapa) kings living northwest of Bombay.

319-470 The Gupta kings of Oudh and the northwest provinces.

480-722 The Valabhi kings in Cutch, the northwest districts

of Bombay and Malwa.

510-560 Within the period took place the great battle

of Korur in which King Vikramaditya of Ujjain in Malwa

annihilated the Scythian army.

636 First appearance of the Mohammedans in India.

Osman sends a naval expedition to the Bombay coast.

712 Kasim invades Sind and establishes himself in the Indus

valley.

722 The invaders overthrow the Valabhi dynasty.

828 The Hindus expel the Mohammedans and regain possession

of Sind.

977-1176 Era of Mohammedan invasion.

A portion of the Punjab annexed to the Saracen empire.

1199 Mohammedan conquest of Behar.

1203 Mohammedan conquest of Lower Bengal.

1295-1315 Conquest of southern India.

1398 Tatar invasion of Timur (Tamerlane).

1482 Accession of =Babar=. (The Mogul dynasty.)

1556 Accession of =Akbar the Great=. The Mohammedan empire

of India established.

FOOTNOTES

[16] The word is spelled with various modifications of the second

letter, which is usually pronounced like _s_ in sure.

[17] Isaac Taylor: _The History of the Alphabet_.

CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE

India like China and Egypt is reputed to be a land of evasive

mysteries. Like them it had a self-contained civilisation with

apparently no desire to reach out from it to the greater world. To be

sure, India was not shut off from outside contact as fully as China,

for the Phœnicians were early drawn by its fabled treasures to visit it

in a commercial capacity, and tradition relates that, at least once,

Assyrian forces had invaded its bounds on a less peaceful mission. But,

nevertheless, the share of the Indians themselves in such intercourse

was largely passive. They received foreign traders, unlike the early

Egyptians; and they repelled foreign invaders; but they themselves

seemed just as little inclined as before to spread beyond national

bounds. Even the Egyptians had their periods of foreign conquests, when

they penetrated Asia, at least as far as the Tigris, but if the Hindus

ever yielded to a like impulse there is no record of it preserved to

us. Yet their influence upon the nations that traded with them must

have been considerable and they thus have a larger share in the scheme

of ancient history than China. Even so, however, their place is a minor

one compared with that of Egypt and Babylonia. Even were it greater,

the records from which to reconstruct its history are meagre and we

shall be obliged to content ourselves with a sketch that is at best but

fragmentary.

There is another point of view from which the Hindus have an interest

exceeding that of even the most important of ancient nations that

we have hitherto studied. For with them we come for the first time

in contact with the great Aryan race. Hitherto we have traced the

history of the Hamitic, Semitic, and Turanian races, but now with the

Aryan race we enter upon what may be considered the direct channel of

European history, for practically all subsequent history has to do with

this race.

Turning then to the Hindus, the easternmost branch of the great

Indo-Germanic or Aryan race, we find, as was to be expected, the

same utter obscurity as to origin that we have seen encompassing all

questions of racial beginnings elsewhere. One perhaps is justified,

however, in feeling that in the case of the Hindus secure traditions

carry us one stage farther back than is the case, for example, with

such races as the Egyptians and Chinese. For it is accepted as a clear

historic fact that the Aryan race, who came to be at a very early

day,--at least 1000 B.C.,--the absolutely dominant force practically

throughout the vast territory of India, had invaded this territory from

the northwest; had come, in short, from that Central-Asiatic centre

of distribution which we have just spoken of as the long accepted

traditional cradle of the Aryan races. Whether at a still earlier

period this migration had its source in more distant lands, including

ultimately the Atlantic borders of Europe, is altogether problematical,

but that the immediate source of invasion was Central Asia is not to be

doubted.

The beginning of this invasion in which the Central-Asiatic Aryan

people descended upon the northwestern regions of the land, which

we now term India, date from a vaguely determined period, which can

hardly be more recent than 2000 years B.C. From this beginning the

invaders spread farther and farther beyond the Ganges, occupying the

great fertile plains of Central India, and ultimately the plateau of

the Deccan, and crowding the original inhabitants into out-of-the-way

corners of the land till they seemed almost exterminated. This

extermination of the original or non-Aryan population of India,

however, was only relative, as even now there are many millions of

their descendants still living in India; but the invaders became so

utterly dominant and so enormously preponderant in numbers that the

original inhabitants may practically be disregarded in treating of

Indian history.

The exact details of the early history of the Aryans in India are quite

unknown. So far as the history of this period can be reconstructed

at all, materials for it are furnished, as in the case of the early

history of almost all other nations, solely by traditions, which came

ultimately, and that at a very early day, to be woven into a system of

theology. Here, as elsewhere, those tales and myths of godlike heroes

and hero-gods which embalmed the spirit of many aspiring generations,

came ultimately, when gathered into books, to be accepted as a divine

revelation made to a single early prophet. Here, as among several

other nations, there was also built up a great system of national epic

poetry. Parts of this are preserved to us under the titles of the

_Mahabharata_ and the _Ramayana_, and are in themselves, as is always

the case with the great national epics, important sources of history if

properly interpreted.

The great religious books bore the name of Vedas, and these at a

relatively late stage of national evolution,--yet, perhaps as early as

800 or 900 B.C.,--were gathered into a document, which came to be known

as Manu’s Code, Manu being a name which signified ethnologically the

first man, and the code being of course the supposed divine revelation

delivered to that first man. This code in its various departments is

the chief source on which historians must draw in interpreting the

early history of India. At the time when this code was written, society

in India had already reached a relatively high grade of civilisation;

in particular, the priests had fixed their firm hold upon the national

life, and that strange system of castes, which is so typical a feature

in Indian life, had become firmly established.

Some centuries later, the power of the Brahmans was for a time

threatened through the advent of a new prophet and philosophical

teacher in the person of the prince Buddha. This reformer lived about

the 6th century B.C. He was of royal blood, but he early threw aside

the prerogatives of his birth and became a peripatetic philosopher.

His aim was essentially the same as that which actuated another Aryan,

Socrates by name, in the distant land of Greece, at a slightly later

period. He strove to inculcate lessons of right living, of practical

morality. With religion, as such, he professed to have little concern,

yet soon after his death his teachings served as the foundations

for a new religious system, which spread rapidly under stimulus of

persecution and waged a long, fierce warfare with the established

creeds of Brahmanism.

As regards India itself, this religious rebellion did not prove a

revolution, for the established religion of Brahmanism remained in

firm possession of the field, expelling the would-be usurper. But the

doctrines of Buddha thus renounced in the land of their origin, spread

rapidly to the east, into Tibet and China, and are to-day accepted as

the one true faith by some scores of millions of people--an appreciable

proportion of the total population of the globe: perhaps as large a

number as subscribe to the tenets of any other single form of religious

belief.

As to the political history of India, in a narrower sense,

comparatively little need be said, so closely is this history bound

up with the growth and struggles of religious doctrines. The land was

early divided into lesser principalities ruled by petty sovereigns,

who themselves were more or less dominated by the priesthood. There

were, of course, times when one or another of these principalities

was aggrandised through the efforts of an unusual sovereign, and, as

we shall see, there were periods and places where memorials of the

power of princes and of priests were left in the form of extraordinary

temples and grottos of unique design and execution. But beyond the

fact of the gradual sweep of the Aryan civilisation from the northwest

toward the south and east, until it gradually encompassed the entire

Indian peninsula, and the further fact of the growth of Brahmanism,

with all that it implied, until it dominated the entire race, there is

no single main current in the evolution of the people of ancient India,

which the present-day historian can trace in any such clean-cut way,

as, for example, he can trace the succession of dominant dynasties in

Egypt, or in Assyrio-Babylonia.[a]

THE LAND

On the southern border of that central highland which, like “a high

firm rocky islet in the storm-tossed sea,” forms the centre of the

Asiatic continent, rise the Himalayas, the highest mountain-range on

earth, in parallel chains broken by wild abysses. Boundless fields of

snow and ice which even the power of the tropical sun cannot affect

and white mountain tops of shimmering brilliance surround the Himavat,

“the King of rocks,” as it is termed in the Indian epic, where “nothing

blooms, not a spear of grass puts forth its green, and no bird soars

through the air, where not a living thing stirs save the wind alone.”

The dead silence of ice-bound nature reigns everywhere, no plant, no

moss springs from the steep snow-covered slopes. Vegetation commences

only at the third ridge of mountains, and, making its first appearance

in oaks, birches, and pines and in a scanty cultivation of corn, soon

shows its full power in the mighty tree-growth of the lower forest

region, which then passes into a highland on the west, and on the east

into a richly watered plain, where in the tree-high jungle grass of

the impenetrable primeval forest, tigers, elephants, and huge snakes

abound, and in the stagnant waters and swamps the plants rot and “the

air is filled with foul pestilence.” “This mountainous wall,” says

Duncker, “which extends about 1750 miles from west to east, determines

the nature and life of the country that stretches out southward from it

as the peninsula of Italy does from the European Alps,” and gives it

the character of a “continent isolated geographically, climatically,

and historically.”

The Himalaya Mountains protect highland and plains from the rough north

winds which blow cold and devastating over the highland of central

Asia; but they also check the rain clouds, the collected moisture of

the ocean which the monsoons drive hither from the southern sea. So

these clouds have to pour forth their store of water on the plains

at the foot of the Himalayas, “turning the sun’s heat into coolness

and the parched vegetation into a luxuriant green.” Hence arises that

variety of climate and vegetation which has ever caused India to

appear the most blessed part of the earth, the fruit-garden of the

world.

The shape of India can be compared to two triangles, which, coinciding

at their base, extend their two apexes to opposite points of the

compass, northward and southward. The northern triangle, whose sides

are intersected by lofty chains of mountains, while broad lowlands and

plains stretch over the middle, is Hindustan proper. Across it the

mightiest rivers in the country, the Indus in the west, the Brahmaputra

in the east, and the Ganges in the middle, after bursting forth from

the icefields of the Himalayas, follow their tortuous courses to the

Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal.

The southern triangle, on the other hand, the sides of which consist of

flat coast and the middle of broad plateaus and chains of mountains,

is formed by the Deccan, the middle one of the three great peninsulas

which extend from the mainland of Asia toward the south.

Hindustan is composed of the two river valleys of the Indus and Ganges,

which are quite distinct in nature and history. Both rivers have their

source in the northern mountains, in the vicinity of the sacred lakes,

where Kailasa, the mountain of the gods, rises to an unmeasured height,

in the same district where the three other great streams of India, the

Sutlej, the Brahmaputra, and the Jumna, have their rise.

The Indus at first turns westward, then, not far from the famous vale

of Kashmir, it takes a southerly direction, and increased by the

Jhelum, Sutlej, and three other tributaries, it flows on through the

Punjab (“Land of the Five Rivers”) to the Indian Ocean.

The Ganges, on the contrary, which with its tributary the Jumna takes

a southerly course, soon reaches the Indian plains, but, checked in

its course by the rugged Vindhya Mountains, it turns to the east,

and increased by many tributaries from north and south, it pours

its fertilising waters over its low banks, producing that luxuriant

vegetation which manifests itself both in the mighty tree-growth with

its shady boughs and tops, and in the richness of the splendid products

and the tropical flora.

With this fertility, however, is combined an enervating sultry

atmosphere and a foul pestilential air, arising from the heat and

moisture of the climate, which has most disastrous effects in the

alluvial district of Bengal, where the waters of the Brahmaputra in

their southerly course approach the wide stream of the Ganges.

“The district above the Delta,” says Lassen, “where the still undivided

Ganges is so wide that one can scarcely see from bank to bank, is

a most rich and fertile country, but of an enervating and sultry

climate. In the Delta itself an even more luxuriant power of production

manifests itself. The earth brings forth such mighty, impenetrable

thickets of trees and climbing plants that man, unable to contend with

it, is obliged to give it over to the wild beasts for a dwelling, to

the tiger for sovereignty.”

The Indus first follows, in a westerly direction, the great rock-gorge

which runs with a depth of ten thousand feet between the parallel

mountain chains of the Karakoram (Muz-Tagh) and the Himalayas. After

breaking through the Hindu Kush mountains in a narrow bed, it flows

in a southerly direction from the point where, not far from the city

of Attock, at the west of the flowery Vale of Kashmir, its waters are

increased by the river Kabul.

The Vale of Kashmir, which from snowfield to snowfield has a width

of only ten to twelve miles, once enjoyed a great fame as the seat

of the original paradise of the human race. And although more exact

investigations have stripped off much of its poetic charm, it may

nevertheless, on account of the fertility of its soil, its glorious

climate, and the beauty of its mountain scenery be regarded as one

of the most blessed spots upon earth. It forms an isolated world by

itself, is favourably situated for trade with the north and the west,

and was in earliest times one of the principal seats of Indian culture.

In the mountains of Kashmir rises the Jhelum (Hydaspes) [the ancient

Vitasta], one of those famous four rivers which together with the Indus

have given the country the name of Punjab (or Land of the Five Rivers).

The most easterly river is the Sutlej, called in its lower course

Garra, and by the Greeks, Hyphasis.

After the Indus has received these rivers, its valley is bounded on

the west by the mountain chains of Persia, and on the east by a wide

waterless steppe, which extends from the foothills of the Himalayas to

the sea, and which gives only sparse nourishment to the buffalo herds,

asses and camels. Near the mouth of the river, inundations of the

sea, the dense growth of rushes and reeds and the want of fresh water

prevent better cultivation and a denser population.

Westward of the upper Indus lies the rich beautiful mountain land of

Afghanistan, intersected by branches of the Hindu Kush Mountains, and

since remote antiquity the great caravan route--“a long gateway between

Iran and India, through which the products of the land as well as those

of the spirit passed for exchange.” In the south of Afghanistan the

western boundary of India is formed by some chains of mountains that

tower above the low narrow banks of the Indus; first by the Sulaiman

chain, with the “Throne of Solomon,” 11,317 feet high, many narrow

passes and bare heights, and then by the Brahui Mountains with a

southern branch stretching to the sea, and harbouring in its roadless,

secluded valleys a black race of strange form and language. In the

west these mountains traverse the plateau of Kelat, whose narrow rocky

gorges afford the sole pass to the traveller who desires to go from

the central Indus valley to Persia. The eastern side of the mountains

as far as the bank of the Indus, Sewestan and Kakha Gardara, with its

splendid date palms, is still reckoned as Indian territory.

The southern triangle, the Deccan, a tableland of a tropical character,

is quite different from Hindustan, which with the exception of the

mountainous district in the south of the Himalayas and in the north of

Vindhyas, mainly embraces the plains in the two river valleys of the

Indus and the Ganges.

From the girdle of the Vindhya Mountains which lie like a great bulwark

in front of the Deccan, the bold rugged chain of the Aravalli, rich in

myths, branches off to the northwest, while the Ghats stretch along the

western coast, leaving only a narrow strip of land with small, westerly

flowing streams. The tableland slopes gradually to the east until it

forms a rich, well-watered, sea-washed valley near the Bay of Bengal,

which receives most of the rivers, like the Mahanadi, the Godavari,

the Krishna [Kistna], the Kaveri, etc. Only two of the rivers of the

Vindhya, the Narbada and the Tapti, flow westward.

As Lassen says: “The Deccan can be described as a strip of coast in

the west, another in the east and in the middle among the Ghats, a

mountainous land cut up by streams into several small districts.” The

highland in the centre, intersected by many river valleys and wild

defiles, “has on the whole no very great elevation, and still it is

entirely within the cooler mountain district and removed from the

sultry heat of the lowlands; it is only quite in the south that it is

high enough for the formation of snow.”

The peninsula, therefore, presents an extremely varied natural aspect,

a “grand alternation of waste shifting sands and rich alluvial

deposits, of bare mountain-sides and densely wooded swampy lowlands,

of narrow defiles and open river beds; and yet it lacks the many

indentations of the sea with their navigable rivers which have made

western Europe such a populous land.”

The Vindhya Mountains, although only of moderate height, formed a wide

barrier between Hindustan and the Deccan, and with their impassable

ruggedness, luxuriant forests, and wild beasts afforded the aborigines

a safe refuge from the northern conquerors. And thus, even in the

splendid period of Brahmanism, unconquered races maintained themselves

in independence in these impenetrable defiles and wild forests of the

central country, and did not give up their language, their savage

nature, and their rude religious cult with its human sacrifices, for

the orderly life, the settled state, and the mild Brahmanic religion of

the Aryan Hindu.

The alternation of highland and valley, the pleasant mixture of

mountain air and tropical heat, the invigorating influence of the

moisture, which the nearness of the sea, the countless streams, and the

regularly recurring rains of the monsoon season spread over the whole

land, produced that richness of vegetation, that fertility of soil,

and that fulness and variety of every kind of natural product which

even in antiquity caused India to be praised as a land of happiness and

blessing, made it the aim of the world’s commerce, but at the same time

aroused the cupidity of the conqueror.

Whilst the snow valleys and mountain districts of the Himalayas with

their temperate climate, produce plants and cereals, fruit and forest

trees corresponding to southern European species, in the plains of the

Jumna and the Ganges the vegetation of the tropical climate grows along

with that of the temperate zones. By the side of corn, legumes, and

fruit in most luxuriant abundance there is here rice and cotton, sugar

and indigo, and a wonderful southern flora of a marvellous richness of

colour; and in the districts of the Deccan, where, as on the coast of

Malabar, the monsoons and the mountain streams bring an abundance of

moisture, the noble products of India ripen to a threefold harvest.

Here the most varied tropical plants thrive in rare abundance, here

with industry three rice harvests can be obtained, here grow the

sugar-cane and the pepper plant, the banana and the mango; here rise

stately forests of the Indian oak, called teak, of the precious

sandal-wood, of palm and fig trees with their cool shady avenues; this

is the home of the betel-nut tree and the nutmeg tree; here the land

is redolent of spices and sweet odours; here blooms the vari-coloured

water lily, the sacred lotus plant in whose seed the form of the future

plant is visible, wherefore it was to the Indian a symbol of the

evolution of the world from its original germ.

The streams carry gold sand, in the mountains are diamond mines, and

precious stones and crystals of the most beautiful brilliancy, the

seas furnish pearls for the adornment of temples and for jewelry. A

numerous fauna, particularly the cow, the horse and the elephant,

has the most varied relations with man, and hence also occupies an

important place in the religious conceptions of the Hindu; the goat

of the Himalayas supplies the fine wool for the cashmere shawls, the

musk deer gives perfume, the silkworm spins the noble thread for the

most costly fabric; and the great dogs of some of the western states

were trained by the Indians and Persians for the chase and for war. The

bright-feathered birds (parrots), which even learn the language of man,

the peacocks with their broad tails of dark blue and emerald, and the

countless family of monkeys excited the admiration of Greek antiquity

from Herodotus and Ctesias down to the authors of the Alexandrian

period [Megasthenes]. India was always the land of wonders, where

fancy established her kingdom, where legend and poetry loved to

tarry.[b]

This then is the theatre of India’s history. What of the strange people

who have dwelt there so little changed by time? The ethnology of the

Indians has been debated fiercely and long.

THE EARLY PEOPLES OF INDIA

The population of India amounts to about a fourth part of that of

the globe and consists of various races. In the Vindhyas the Munda

tribes are still to be found to a great extent in their original

condition and without the knowledge of the use of metal. They seem to

be the original inhabitants, related to the other coloured peoples of

southern Asia, and appear to have been driven from the plains into the

mountains by nations who immigrated at a later period. Their religion

is fetish-worship. Their clothing is limited to what is absolutely

indispensable.

To them belong the Kols who inhabit the highlands of Chota Nagpur in

southern Behar, northwest of Calcutta: they are divided into various

sections, the Santals, the Kols of Singbum or Larka Kols, the Kols of

Bhumij, and the Munda Kols south of Ranchi in the Kolhan, and others;

the Khamti, a kindred people, live on the borders of further India: the

Ramusi, who live between Poona and Kolapur and the Warali, southeast

of Damaun (between Bombay and Surat), speak the Sanskrit tongue of the

Mahrattas; the Bhils dwell in the woods on the Tapti and Nerbudda and

in Guzerat, but have also adopted civilisation together with the Aryan

language. The Mairs in the Aravalli hills southwest of Ajmir and the

Mina in the neighbourhood of the Jumna are also Munda tribes.

The Deccan is inhabited mainly by the Dravidians, whose languages are

entirely different from the Munda and Sanskrit tongues. Like the Munda

they have dark skins, but with the exception of a few mountain peoples

they are civilised and they possess voluminous writings. They include

the Tamil in the southernmost part of the Deccan, extending from

Palikat (north of Madras) to Cape Comorin and east of a line drawn to

the same cape from Bangalore through Coimbatore. The Telinga or Telugu

(Sanskrit, Andhra) inhabit the country between Palikat and Orissa, and

are bordered on the northwest by the Mahratta country. Inscriptions

tell us of Andhra kings of the first century B.C. The Telugu names of

many towns on the east coast show that this people were once extended

over an area which reached much further north and even to Bengal. Like

the Tamil they have both a popular and a literary language. The Tulu

in the neighbourhood of Mangalore, formerly also reached to the coast,

where the Malabar are now to be found; the latter received Christianity

from Persia at an early period and wrote their language in Syrian

characters called Karshunish.

North of them are the Kanarese, inhabiting the coast and the inland

districts towards Mysore, where they join uncivilised mountain peoples,

the Kota, Badaga, and Koduga (Coorg). The Toda in the Nilgiris north

of Coimbatore, represent the unmixed type of the race; they are taller

than the other peoples and practise polyandry. Their religion consists

in the fear of spirits, whose malignity is opposed by magic; the grand

function of the village priest is the milking of the cows. The Uraon

Kols and the Rajmahal Kols of the Lower Ganges as far as Gondwana are

also of Dravidian origin. They are the pariahs of the social system;

the Gonds speak Hindi, a Sanskrit language. They worship two gods,

from whom proceed the good and evil in creation.

Other Dravidian peoples are the Ku or Kandhs in the mountains of

Orissa, and finally, the Brahuis in the mountains of Baluchistan, south

of Kelat in eastern Iran--the Ethiopians of the Greeks. Their presence

in this remote territory is a token of the wide extension of the race

in former times, and they perhaps migrated from the highlands of Asia.

Yet another nationality is represented by the original inhabitants

of Ceylon (called in Sanskrit Sinhaladvipa, or the Island of the

Sinhalas), the Vaddas, _i.e._ hunters, east of the Mahawalliganga who

are still preserved from the admixture of foreign blood; ethnologically

they show a resemblance to the ancient Dravidian peoples, but their

language, the Elu, is quite peculiar to themselves.

It is supposed that about the year 2000 the immigration of Aryan

(Indo-European) tribes started from the northwest. At some undefined

period these Aryans formed one people with the Iranians, and their

language, Sanskrit, is closely related to the Iranian. About 1500 years

before Christ they had spread over the territory of the Indus, but

it was not till five hundred years later that they began to conquer

the plain of the Ganges, and the severe struggles which they had to

sustain against the population are reflected in the epic as well as in

countless legends; for in virtue of a peculiar love of the fantastic

and thanks to the diligence of Brahman priests, the Aryan Indians have

enveloped their ancient history in a cloud of myths and literally

revelled in the construction of chronological systems covering

immeasurable periods of time.

At the time of the Ophir voyage, when Solomon sent to India for ivory,

apes, and peacocks, there were as yet no Aryans in southern India, for

the name for apes, in Hebrew “qof,” and in Sanskrit “kapi,” cannot

be an Aryan word; it first comes to hand in the latest book of the

Rig-Veda, but also appears in the form “qaf” as early as the IVth

Dynasty in Egypt, and the name for peacocks, “tuki,” has been borrowed

from the Malabar “togei.” From an ethnological point of view the Aryans

of India are not a pure race, as they appear to have been when they

dwelt in the valley of the Indus; for in the Veda a contrast is often

drawn between a clear complexion and the dark skin of the indigenous

peoples. They must on the contrary have mixed with natives at some

period when a peculiar civilisation and, in consequence, an increasing

separation of the different classes was in course of development;

and not only has the physical type greatly altered its original

Indo-European character, but the whole civilisation of the Indians

has received the stamp of southern and eastern Asia, which makes them

appear to us even stranger than the Asiatic Semites or the Egyptians.

This fact is often overlooked, because the use of the Aryan speech

continually reminds us of the close relationship between the Indian

Aryans and the Persians and Europeans. And it is not merely that the

Aryans have assumed the racial marks of the Dravidian, but on the other

hand the pure type of the indigenous population has only been preserved

in the uncivilised mountain peoples. In later centuries the course of

history introduced still further elements, as the Indo-Scythians in

the northwest, the Persians and Arabians, and, finally, the Europeans,

including those Mohammedans who have had so much influence on religious

development.

In the territory in which the Aryan population preponderated, the

Sanskrit language superseded the native one. The most widely diffused

language of India is the Hindi, whose sphere is bordered in the west

by the languages of the Punjab and of Sind with that of Cutch, in the

south by the Guzerati language, the Mahratta, and the Telinga, and in

the east by the tongues of Orissa and Bengal, to which the Asami is

added. With the exception of Telinga, these are all Aryan languages.

In the north, Hindi reaches as far as the Terai, a vast prairie

and forest inhabited by elephants, rhinoceros, tigers and other

wild beasts, beyond which, extended over the southern slope of the

Himalayas, dwells a whole series of peoples. In the high mountains and

beyond them these peoples adjoin the Tibetans; the Rong or Lepcha in

Sikkim, whose language, a Tibetan dialect, became known a few years

ago; the Kiratis and Limbus of eastern Nepal; the Murmis and Newars in

Nepal; the Kumaunis, and others.

The Mohammedan Indians have enriched Hindi with Arabic and Persian

words and make use of the Arabic writing. This language which differs

greatly from Hindi in grammar and syntax, is called Hindustani and

is the chief speech current in India. Within the Hindi, Kellogg

distinguishes eleven idioms, and these are again subdivided into

dialects. Besides the Sanskrit languages already mentioned which

border on Hindi, there are also some to be found in the Himalayas,

especially in Kashmir and in Dardistan, a country bordered on the

north by Muztagh (Karakoram), on the west by the mountain chain which

divides it from the country of Chitral in the north, on the east by a

similar range between the Indus and Krishnaganga, and on the northeast

by the territories of Rongdo and Baltistan. According to Ujfalvy the

inhabitants of the latter are also Aryans who have adopted the Tibetan

language. Dardistan is inhabited by various races, who only immigrated

in the Middle Ages and at a still later period, and even now are still

in an unsettled condition. It was not explored till recent times by

Schlagintweit, Leitner, Hayward and Biddulph. Whilst in ancient times

the Darada (Dardæ) were spread over the valley of the Indus as far as

the gold-fields of Thok Jalung, the name of Dard was found by Biddulph

only opposite the entrance to the Kandia valley, where the Indus turns

its course southward.

Another widespread people are the Shins, whose special seat is Gilgit

and their language a Sanskrit tongue, closely related to those of the

Punjab and Kashmir and to Hindustani. These people found their way

from Shinkari between the Indus and Krishnaganga, and form the main

population of the Indus valley from Ghor to Ghorband: their language

has several dialects and in Baltistan they call themselves Rom, as the

gypsies do.

Another daughter-language of Sanskrit is spoken by the tribes in the

southwest of Dardistan, who claim to have come from Swat. This language

has also different dialects as the Gowro, the Narisati and the language

of the Siah-posh in Wamastan. On the other hand the people in Hunza,

Nagar and Yassin speak Burishki, which Biddulph regards as the language

of the Yuechi. The Yidghah, a Persian idiom, is also found in Dardistan.

The oldest monuments of Indo-Aryan literature, namely the Veda hymns,

contain many allusions to historical conditions, which the poet,

however, assumed to be well known, or they may have been related in

prose passages inserted between the verses which are all that now

remain. They mention five peoples, the Turwasa, Jadu, Anu, Druhju

and the Puru, who finally won the upper hand after the battle of the

ten kings and are called Kuru in the epic. Besides this they mention

a series of kings and priests who can, however, be assigned to no

definite time or place.

The social conditions are primitive, and whilst the original

inhabitants had advanced so far in civilisation that they possessed

fortified towns and great wealth in herds, furniture, metal

ornaments and good weapons, the Aryans were still in the condition of

cattle-breeders, to whom the possessions of the enemy were a welcome

spoil. Even in the epic, the Danawa Maja, a Daitja, or enemy of the

(Aryan) gods, and architect of the Asuras, builds a palace for the

sons of Pandu; for it was from the natives that the Aryans learnt the

art of building in stone, they themselves, like other Indo-Europeans,

understanding only how to build in wood and piles, or they dwelt in

caves.

The Aryan prayers for the prosperity of their own cows, for a rich

produce of butter, grass and crops, were directed to divine beings in

whom natural phenomena and the elements are personified, but which also

embody moral conceptions. But the songs of the Rig-Veda date from such

various periods that, side by side with these ideas of a simple age, we

also discern a detailed picture of sacrificial rites and an advanced

culture, and even the appearance of doubt of the religious verities;

it is quite comprehensible that new poems might at any time come into

existence, or new families of singers (Rishis) appear on the scene

with their store of hymns for sacrificial purposes, until a general

collection of songs had been drawn up and adapted to a form of worship

regulated in perpetuity by agreement between all the families of Rishis

whom their class interests made anxious to be reconciled with one

another.

The four Vedas (or collections of ceremonial songs), were supplemented

by an enormous mass of literature proceeding from various sections, or

schools. This includes, first the Brahmana, works serving to guide the

priests in the procedure relating to sacrifices, then those explaining

and justifying the application of the verses to each separate part of

the service on mythological or symbolic grounds. Here the view taken

attains the region of philosophical speculation, so that in these

Upanishads, some one hundred and fifty in number, lie the beginnings

of a philosophy of religion, and the later works of this class contain

a regular philosophical system. The inexhaustible knowledge laid up in

these numerous works was finally epitomised in the shortest conceivable

form in the so-called Sutra (manuals), which, however, are frequently

written only in a language of technical symbols so that they require an

explanation from the teacher or a commentary. They are intended to be

learnt by heart.

The Vedas cannot have been committed to the Indian writing at a very

early period, since we know of none older than the inscriptions of

Asoka, which date from the middle of the third century B.C.; one of

the writings which here appear, and which runs from left to right,

is the Watteluta alphabet, derived from those Arabic alphabets to be

seen in the inscriptions found in Harra or Safa in eastern Hauran and

deciphered by Halévy in 1877. This character belongs to the Alexandrian

period. In the northwest of India a second alphabet is to be found on

the Asoka inscriptions and on coins. It runs from right to left and is

considered to be the same which was brought here in the Persian epoch

and was derived from the Aramaic used in the Persian empire; however,

it too may have been introduced later, for it strongly resembles the

alphabet of the Blacas papyrus (assigned to the age of the Ptolemies,

or, with more probability, to that of the later Persians), and other

papyruses of the Alexandrian epoch. It is not conceivable that Asoka

and those who issued the coins would have made use of these alphabets

if an older and more perfect one had existed in India and been used for

the Vedas; but in order to commit the Vedas to writing and to fix their

form in all the details of phonetics and accentuation, a character was

required whose perfection is only attained by the cultured Devanagari

writing, which appears to have been first used in Malwa, the kingdom

of Vikramaditya: it is still less conceivable that, for instance, the

Pratisakhya sutras of the four Vedas should have had before them a

work in a more imperfect writing, since these compendiums of phonology

descend to the most extreme subtleties and in doing so presuppose the

precise text which we now possess and which must consequently have

received a fixed form at least at the epoch of these grammatical works.

If we fix the conquest of the territory of the Ganges in the period at

the beginning of the first millennium B.C., we do so on no historical

evidence but only on the grounds of the probability that that conquest

extended over hundreds of years and that in the first centuries before

Christ it was an accomplished fact. The _Mahabharata_, that vast epic

compared with which Homer seems a mere pocket-book, only received its

present form some centuries after Christ, and the lists we have of the

kings of those peoples who figure in the poem, especially those of the

country of Magadha (Behar), are unreliable and vary in the different

copies in which they are found.

The spread of the Aryans along the coast of the Deccan and as far as

Ceylon, of which the _Ramayana_ gives a fabulous account, is also

not chronologically definable, for this poem in twenty-four thousand

distiches is also a very late product, and that extension lay far

behind it, for in the ancient geographers we already find Aryan names

affixed to towns in southern India.

The first piece of information concerning Indian history whose date

is certain is that of Darius’ conquest of the territory of the Indus,

which formed a Persian satrapy. Since then the western countries of

India have been under foreign rulers, first under the Bactrian and

Indo-Scythian kings, later on under the Sassanids, as is shown both by

Indian coins of contemporary kings with a Sassanian stamp and legends

in Pahlavi and Sanskrit and by historical notices concerning the

relations of the kings of Marwar to Peroz and Anoscharwan, so that the

conquest of Mahmoud of Ghazni and later rulers only renewed the ancient

claims of Iran upon Indian possessions.[c]

[Illustration: RUINS OF OLD INDIAN TEMPLE AT BOMBAY]

CHAPTER II. INDIAN HISTORY--LEGEND AND REALITY

Protected by the highest mountains of the world and traversed

by lovely fertile hills, India is bounded on one side by the

Pacific Ocean and on the other by the Himalayas, watered by a

thousand streams, and great rivers, upon the banks of which

the sun ripens all kinds of delicious fruits which grow of

themselves.

A large population flourishes on the perpetually green, immense

plains sloping down to the sea; the canals are frequented with

navigators who from oldest times have received in exchange for

money the wonderful natural products of the country.

The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 02 · 第 23 / 28 章