CHAPTER II

MARKETING

In the last chapter we have followed the growing of the wheat from

seed time to harvest. But when the farmer has harvested his corn his

troubles are by no means over. He has still to thrash it, dress it,

sell it, and deliver it to the mill or to the railway station. In the

good old times a hundred years ago thrashing was done by the flail,

and found work during the winter for many skilled labourers. This

time-consuming method has long disappeared. In this country all the

corn is now thrashed by machines, driven as a rule by steam, but still

in some places by horse-gearing. The thrashing machine, like all other

labour saving devices, when first introduced was bitterly opposed by

the labourers, who feared that they might lose their winter occupation

and the wages it brought them. In the life of Coke of Norfolk, the

first Lord Leicester, there is a graphic account of the riots which

took place when the first thrashing machine was brought into that

county.

Only the larger farmers possess their own machines. The thrashing on

the smaller farms is done by machines belonging to firms of engineers,

which travel the country, each with its own team of men. These

machines will thrash out more than 100 bags of wheat or barley in a

working day. The more modern machines dress the corn so that it is

ready for sale without further treatment. After it is thrashed the

wheat is carried in sacks into the barn and poured on to the barn

floor. It is next winnowed or dressed, again by a machine, which

subjects it to a process of sifting and blowing in order to remove

chaff, weed-seeds and dirt. As it comes from the dressing machine it is

measured into bags, each of which is weighed and made up to a standard

weight ready for delivery. In the meantime the farmer has taken a

sample of the wheat to market. The selling of wheat takes place on

market day in the corn hall, or exchange, with which each market town

of any importance is provided. In the hall each corn merchant in the

district rents a small table or desk, at which he stands during the

hour of the market. The farmer takes his sample from one merchant to

another and sells it to the man who offers him the highest price. The

merchant keeps the sample and the farmer must deliver wheat of like

quality. In the western counties it is sometimes customary for the

farmers to take their stand near their sample bags of corn whilst the

merchants walk round and make their bids.

But unfortunately it too often happens that the struggling farmer

cannot have a free hand in marketing his corn. In many cases he must

sell at once after harvest to raise the necessary cash to buy stock

for the winter’s feeding. This causes a glut of wheat on the market

in the early autumn, and the price at once drops. In other cases the

farmer has bought on credit last winter’s feeding stuffs, or last

spring’s manures, and is bound to sell his wheat to the merchant in

whose debt he finds himself, and to take the best price offered in a

non-competitive market.

These are by no means all the handicaps of the farmer who would market

his corn to the best advantage. Even the man who is blessed with plenty

of ready money, and can abide his own time for selling his wheat, is

hampered by the cumbrous weights and measures in use in this country,

and above all by their lack of uniformity. In East Anglia wheat is sold

by the coomb of four bushels. By common acceptance however the coomb

has ceased to be four measured bushels, and is always taken to mean 18

stones or 2¼ cwt. This custom is based on the fact that a bushel of

wheat weighs on the average 63 pounds, and four times 63 pounds makes

18 stones. But this custom is quite local. In other districts the unit

of measure for the sale of wheat is the load, which in Yorkshire means

three bushels, in Oxfordshire and Gloucestershire 40 bushels, and in

parts of Lancashire 144 quarts. Another unit is the boll, which varies

from three bushels in the Durham district to six bushels at Berwick.

It will be noted that most of the common units are multiples of the

bushel, and it might be imagined that this would make their mutual

relations easy to calculate. This however is not so, for in some cases

it is still customary to regard a bushel as a measure of volume and to

disregard the variation in weight. In other cases the bushel, as in

East Anglia, means so many pounds, but unfortunately not always the

same number. Thus the East Anglian bushel is 63 pounds, the London

bushel on Mark Lane Market is the same, the Birmingham bushel is only

62 pounds, the Liverpool and Manchester bushel 70 pounds, the Salop

bushel 75 pounds, and in South Wales the bushel is 80 pounds. Finally,

wheat is sold in Ireland by the barrel of 280 pounds, on Mark Lane by

the quarter of eight bushels of 63 pounds, imported wheat in Liverpool

and Manchester by the cental of 100 pounds, and the official market

returns issued by the Board of Agriculture are made in bushels of 60

pounds. There is, however, a growing tendency to adopt throughout the

country the 63 pound bushel or some multiple thereof, for example the

coomb or quarter, as the general unit, and the use of the old-fashioned

measures is fast disappearing.

The farmer of course knows the weights and measures in use in his own

and neighbouring markets, but unless he takes the trouble to look

up in a book of reference the unit by which wheat is sold at other

markets, and to make a calculation from that unit into the unit in

which he is accustomed to sell, the market quotations in the newspapers

are of little use to him in enabling him to follow the fluctuations

of the price of wheat. Thus a Norfolk farmer who wishes to interpret

the information that the price of the grade of wheat known as No. 4

Manitoba on the Liverpool market is 7/3½, must first ascertain that

wheat is sold at Liverpool by the cental of 100 pounds. To convert

the Liverpool price into price per coomb, the unit in which he is

accustomed to sell, he must multiply the price per cental by 252, the

number of pounds in a coomb of wheat, and divide the result by 100, the

number of pounds in a cental; thus:

7/3½ x 252 ÷ 100 = 18/4½.

It is evident that the farmer who wishes to follow wheat prices in

order to catch the best market for his wheat, must acquaint himself

with an extremely complicated system of weights and measures, and

continually make troublesome calculations. The average English farmer

is an excellent craftsman. He is unsurpassed, indeed one may safely say

unequalled, as a cultivator of the land, as a grower of crops, and as

a breeder and feeder of stock, but like most people who lead open-air

lives, he is not addicted to spending his evenings in arithmetical

calculations. The corn merchant, whose business it is to attend to

such matters, is therefore at a distinct advantage, and the farmer

loses the benefit of a rise in the market until the information slowly

filters through to him. No doubt the time will come, when not only

wheat selling, but all business in this country, will be simplified by

the compulsory enactment of sale by uniform weight. The change from

the present haphazard system or want of system would no doubt cause

considerable temporary dislocation of business, and would abolish many

ancient weights and measures, interesting to the historian and the

archaeologist in their relations to ancient customs, but in the long

run it could not but expedite business, and remove one of the many

handicaps attaching to the isolated position of the farmer.

Having sold his wheat the farmer now puts it up in sacks of the

standard of weight or measure prevailing in his district. If the

merchant who bought it happens to be also a miller, as is frequently

the case, the wheat is delivered to the mill. Otherwise it is sent

to the railway station to the order of the merchant who bought

it. Meantime the merchant has probably sold it to a miller in a

neighbouring large town, to whom he directs the railway company to

forward it. Thus the wheat directly or indirectly finds its way to a

mill, where it will be mixed with other wheats and ground into flour.

We have now followed wheat production in England from the ground to

the mill. But at the present time home grown wheat can provide only

about one-fifth of the bread-stuffs consumed by the population of

the United Kingdom, and any account of the growing of wheat cannot

be complete without some mention of the methods employed in other

countries. The extensive methods of wheat-growing in the more thinly

populated countries have already been shortly mentioned. But though

their methods of production are of the simplest, the arrangements for

marketing their produce are far more advanced in organisation than

those already described for the marketing of home grown produce.

For thrashing in Canada and the Western States, travelling machines

are commonly used, but they are larger than the machines in use in

this country, and the men who travel with them work harder and for

longer hours. It is usual for a Canadian travelling “outfit” to thrash

1000 bags of wheat in a day, about ten times as much as is considered

a day’s thrashing in England. Harvesting and thrashing machinery has

evolved to an extraordinary extent in the West on labour saving lines.

On the Bonanza farms of the Western States machines are in use which

cut off the heads of the wheat, thrash out the seed, and bag it ready

for delivery, as they travel round and round the field. Such machines

of course leave the straw standing where it grew, and there it is

subsequently burnt. Since wheat is grown every year, few animals are

kept beyond the working horses. Very little straw suffices for them and

the rest has no value since its great bulk prohibits its profitable

carriage to a distance.

After being thrashed the grain is delivered, usually in very large

loads drawn by large teams of horses, to the nearest railway station,

whence it is despatched to the nearest centre where there is a grain

store, or elevator as it is called. Here it is sampled by inspectors

under the control, either of the Government or the Board of Trade, as

the committee is called which manages the wheat exchange at Chicago

or other of the great wheat trading centres. The inspectors examine

the sample, and on the result of their examination, assign the wheat

to one or other of a definite series of grades. These grades are

accurately defined by general agreement of the Board of Trade or by

the Government. Each delivery of wheat is kept separate for a certain

number of days after it has been graded, in case the owner wishes to

appeal against the verdict of the inspector. Such appeals are allowed

on the owner forfeiting one dollar per car load of grain if the verdict

of the inspector is found to have been correct. At the Chicago wheat

exchange 27 grades of wheat are recognised. The following examples show

the methods by which they are defined. The definitions are the subject

of frequent controversy.

No. 1 Northern Hard Spring Wheat shall be sound, bright, sweet, clean,

and shall consist of over 50 per cent. of hard Scotch Fife, and weigh

not less than 58 pounds to the measured bushel.

No. 1 Northern Spring Wheat shall be sound, sweet and clean; may

consist of hard and soft varieties of spring wheat, but must contain

a larger proportion of the hard varieties, and weigh not less than 57

pounds to the measured bushel.

No. 2 Northern Spring Wheat shall be spring wheat not clean enough or

sound enough for No. 1, but of good milling quality, and must not weigh

less than 56 pounds to the measured bushel.

No. 3 Northern Spring Wheat shall be composed of inferior shrunken

spring wheat, and weigh not less than 54 pounds to the measured bushel.

No. 4 Northern Spring Wheat shall include all inferior spring wheat

that is badly shrunken or damaged, and shall weigh not less than 49

pounds to the measured bushel.

When sampling wheat for grading, the inspectors also estimate the

number of pounds of impurities per bushel, a deduction for which is

made under the name of dockage. At the same time the weight of wheat in

each car is officially determined. All these points, grade, dockage,

and weight, are officially registered, and as soon as the time has

elapsed for dealing with any appeal which may arise, the wheat is

mixed with all the other wheats of the same grade which may be at

the depot, an official receipt for so many bushels of such and such a

grade of wheat subject to so much dockage being given to the seller or

his agent. These official receipts are as good as cash, and the farmer

can realise cash on them at once by paying them into his bank, without

waiting for the wheat to be sold.

As each delivery of wheat is graded and weighed, word is sent to

the central wheat exchanges that so many bushels of such and such

grades are at the elevator, and official samples are also sent on

at the same time. The bulk of the sales however are made by grade

and not by sample. The actual buying and selling takes place in the

wheat exchanges, or wheat pits as they are called, at Chicago, New

York, Minneapolis, Duluth, Kansas City, St Louis, and Winnipeg, each

of which markets possesses its own special character. Chicago the

greatest of the wheat markets of the world passes through its hands

every year about 25 million bushels of wheat, chiefly from the western

and south-western States. It owes its preeminence to the converging

railway lines from those States, and to its proximity to Lake Michigan

which puts it in touch with water carriage. New York has grown in

importance as a wheat market since the opening of the Erie Canal. It

is especially the market for export. Minneapolis is above all things

a milling centre. No doubt it has become so partly on account of the

immense water-power provided by the Falls of St Antony. It receives

annually nearly 100 million bushels of wheat, its speciality being the

various grades of hard spring wheat. Duluth is the most northern of the

American wheat markets. It receives and stores over 50 million bushels

annually. It owes its importance to its position on Lake Superior,

which is available for water carriage. Kansas City deals with over 40

million bushels per annum, largely hard winter wheat, which it ships

down the Missouri River. St Louis deals in soft winter wheats to the

extent of about 20 million bushels per annum. Winnipeg is the market

for Canadian wheats, to the extent of over 50 million bushels per

annum. It has the advantage of two navigable rivers, the Red River and

the Assiniboine, and it is also a great railway centre. Its importance

is increasing as the centre of the wheat-growing area moves to the

north and west, and it is rapidly taking the leading position in the

wheat markets of the world.

It has been stated above that Chicago is the greatest wheat market,

but it will no doubt have been noticed that this is not borne out by

the figures which have been quoted. For instance, Minneapolis receives

every year nearly four times as much wheat as Chicago. The reason of

this apparent discrepancy is that the sales at Minneapolis are really

_bona fide_ sales of actual wheat for milling, whilst nine-tenths

of the sales at Chicago are not sales of actual wheat, but of what

are known as “futures.” On this assumption, whilst the actual wheat

received at Chicago is 25 million bushels, the sales amount to 250

million bushels. Such dealing in futures takes place to a greater or

less extent at all the great wheat markets, but more at Chicago than

elsewhere.

The primary reason for dealing in futures is that the merchant who

buys a large quantity of wheat, which he intends to sell again at some

future time, may be able to insure himself against loss by a fall

in price whilst he is holding the wheat he has bought. This he does

by selling to a speculative buyer an equal quantity of wheat to be

delivered at some future time. If whilst he is holding his wheat prices

decline, he will then be able to recoup his loss on the wheat by buying

on the market at the reduced price now current to meet his contract

with the speculative buyer, and the profit he makes on this transaction

will more or less cover his loss on the actual deal in wheat which

he has in progress. As a matter of fact he does not actually deliver

the wheat sold to the speculative buyer. The transaction is usually

completed by the speculator paying to the merchant the difference in

value between the price at which the wheat was sold and the price to

which it has fallen in the interval. This payment is insured by the

speculative buyer depositing a margin of so many cents per bushel at

the time when the transaction was made. Speculation is, however, kept

within reasonable bounds by the fact that a seller may always be called

upon to deliver wheat instead of paying differences.

The advantage claimed for this system of insurance is that whilst

it is not more costly to the dealers in actual wheat than any other

equally efficient method, it supports a number of speculative buyers

and sellers, whose business it is to keep themselves in touch with

every phase of the world’s wheat supply. The presence of such a body of

men whose wits are trained by experience of market movements, and who

are ready at any moment to back their judgment by buying and selling

large quantities of wheat for future delivery, is considered to exert

a steadying effect on the price of wheat, and to lessen the extent of

fluctuations in the price.

The Story of a Loaf of Bread · 第 2 / 8 章