“C” Company was able to make some ground and also was able to give

great assistance to “A” and “B” Companies by bringing enfilade fire to

bear on the snipers and machine guns that were holding them up.

As this second barrage lifted, the Battalion assaulted the steep hill

and in spite of heavy frontal fire were successful in capturing the

first line. By this time the two companies of the Queen’s Westminsters

had come up on to our left, and under the gallant leadership of Captain

Flower silenced the machine guns which had enfiladed our attack. When

the first ridge was gained it was found that a valley beyond led to

the second ridge, and here the Turks were again strongly resisting.

After a breather, however, the “Charge” was given, and the men, led

by Captain Wills and Company Sergeant Major Oldcorn of “C” Company,

rushed over the valley and gained the second ridge only to find a

still further ridge strongly held. Machine-gun fire from the flank was

still causing considerable casualties to us, but after a breather, the

Battalion assaulted the third ridge, and thus completed the capture

of Jebel Ektief. The Turks fled down the precipitous slopes, into the

Jordan Valley, and could be seen collecting in small groups as though

preparing for a counter-attack. The Battalion’s casualties in this

action numbered about one hundred.

Further north of Jebel Ektief, the London Irish of the 180th Brigade

had succeeded in capturing Talat ed Dumm after heavy fighting. The

Turk, however, still had isolated machine guns on the hills between

the recently captured positions of Jebel Ektief and Talat ed Dumm, and

these poured a persistent fire into our flank. In the late afternoon

the Kensingtons came up on our left, and soon cleared the ground of

these irritating machine guns, and by the evening everything was quiet

except for an occasional shell from a Turkish battery which could be

seen some couple of miles away across the Jordan Plain, well out of

the range of our guns. Just before dark we had a splendid view of the

Jericho Plain.

No other valley in the world presents such extraordinary physical

features, none other has been the subject of such various theories as

to its origin and character. From our position on the eastern edge

of Jebel Ektief, the ground sloped steeply for about 2,000 feet to

the flat plain below, which stretched for over twenty miles to the

foot-hills of the Moab Mountains. Winding through the plain the river

Jordan could be seen in places where its steep banks were broken by

small branch ravines; while to the south the dismal flat water of

the Dead Sea was visible. The only town on this extensive plain was

Jericho, and as the light failed it appeared as a dead city of mud huts.

The following morning, the 21st February, the London Scottish were

moved on to the plain as far as the white ruins of Neba Musa, and

Australian cavalry patrolled the Jericho area. The Turk had crossed

the Jordan, and all was quiet. About midday, however, four enemy

planes flew over our positions, and, but for a remarkable cloud which

suddenly enveloped the hill, would no doubt have poured bullets into

our bivouacs. When the cloud lifted they were nowhere to be seen. For

two days the Battalion remained on the heights of Jebel Ektief, and

although free from fighting it was a most strenuous business carrying

rations and water from the Quartermaster’s Stores and Transport which

were now in the Jebel Ektief Wadi, from which the attack had started,

some 600 or 700 feet below the summit of the hill.

On the 23rd February, the Battalion was ordered to move as far back as

Jerusalem.

CHAPTER XXXVII

JERUSALEM--MUKMAS--JERICHO--ES SALT--WADI EL JIB

On the 23rd of February the Battalion left Jebel Ektief, and after

some discussion in the wadi near the transport lines, some companies

chose the route via the Wadi Hindi, Abu Dis and Bethany, while others

struck across country over a distinct track, supposed to be the

remains of a pilgrims’ road to the Jordan, and thence along the main

Jerusalem-Jericho Road, via Bethany. Which was the better route has

not been decided, sufficient to say that the troops hated both. Rain

poured down when we were half-way to Jerusalem, and when Sir John Grey

Hills’ house was reached late at night no one had the heart to argue

as to the better way from Jebel Ektief. On the following day (Sunday)

we availed ourselves of the rest. In the evening many attended Divine

Service in the huge chapel of the German Emperor’s Palace, near to

the Mount of Olives. It is a huge structure, and a wonderful view of

the surrounding country could be obtained from the tower. It was used

as a Corps Headquarters during the operations around Jerusalem; not

quite the purpose for which the Kaiser had intended it. The chapel was

wonderfully decorated inside, but the two things which struck one as

being odd, and even profane, were the panelling of the altar, which was

decorated by the crests of each of the Kaiser’s sons; and the ceiling,

which was divided into two parts; one containing a beautiful painting

of the Son of God, while the other contained, equally well painted, a

picture of the Kaiser and his wife sitting on their thrones!

On the 25th of February the Battalion moved from Jerusalem, further

north to Mukmas; the route was along the Nablous Road as far as Er Ram,

a distance of about five miles, and here we struck off the main road

eastwards over the roughly made military roads as far as Jeba. Here the

route became more difficult and was across rough mountain paths making

it necessary at times for the Battalion to march in single file. The

transport could not travel the whole route, and was halted near Mukmas,

from which point camels and mules carried stores and rations. The

Battalion halted on the hills near Umm et Talah, and outposts facing

the Jericho plain were taken up by “D” Company. The distance as the

crow flies from Jebel Ektief to Umm et Talah was about five miles, but

the country was of such a nature that the only route between these

points entailed a long march through Jerusalem, a distance of nearly

twenty miles. Just in front of the outpost position was Jebel Kuruntul,

reputed to be the Mount of Temptation. For nearly a month of delightful

weather all was peaceful on our immediate front. Occasionally patrols

pushed out to the front and explored the deep ravines leading on

to the Jericho Plain, but only once were we fired on by the Turks,

and then from a considerable range, probably 1,000 yards. Acting on

the principle, however, that the Devil finds work for idle hands

to do, that wonderful pastime for tired troops was revived, namely

road-making, and large fatigue parties were so employed. It had been a

source of great interest to some of us that nowhere behind the Turkish

lines, away from the four main roads which run north to Nablous, south

to Bethlehem, east to Jericho, and west to Jaffa from the city of

Jerusalem, could any trace be found of ways of communication, except

an occasional mule track; whereas, behind our own lines, a network

of specially constructed tracks was always to be found. It was a

mystery to us how the Turks ever moved their guns, men and supplies in

sufficient quantity to even replace normal daily wastage, but the fact

that after the repulse of the counter attack on Jerusalem in December,

1917, a Turkish Quartermaster surrendered to one of our posts because

he, a Quartermaster, could not get sufficient food, may indicate

that they suffered from shortages through lack of roads and means of

communication.

We had often gazed at dawn on the gorgeous sunrise over the Mountains

of Moab, and seen the dull silver of the Dead Sea turned to burnished

gold; we had also seen that white streak across the dark plain of

Jericho which denoted the presence of that wonderful stream, the

Jordan, but the thought that the words of the old song “One more ribber

to cross” would ever come literally true never entered our heads. If it

did we gave it no serious thought. We had heard of the Jordan Valley

and its appalling heat in summer (for had not the Turk left in Jericho

a note to the effect that they would return in the autumn to bury us),

and also were familiar with the expression “go to Jericho,” so, indeed,

had no wish to spend any time there. If the shades of the hereafter

are hotter than the scene of Joshua’s miracle they can have no terrors

for the 60th London Division. “Brass hats,” however, have ever since

their creation been seers of visions and dreamers of dreams, but their

decision to give us an Easter holiday in Moab could only have been the

result of a nightmare.

Accordingly, the 21st March, 1918, saw the 60th Division concentrated

with the Anzac Mounted Division in the Jordan Valley, ready to carry

out a raid on a scale unheard of in the annals of the war: that is,

penetrating over thirty miles into enemy territory of the wildest

nature, with the destruction of the Hedjaz Railway at Annam as the

objective. The Civil Service Rifles crossed the river on the afternoon

of the 23rd of March by a pontoon bridge at Makhadet Hajlah, which had

been gallantly constructed under fire by the Engineers, and moved up

the left bank of the river, passing on our way the Commander-in-Chief,

General Allenby, and the Duke of Connaught, who was on a tour of

inspection well within range of the Turkish field artillery. Our object

to the north was to rout out a nest of machine guns which was delaying

the crossing at the El Ghoranyieh Ford some five miles to the north,

but to our delight this particular body had realised the threat to

their rear, and had “impshied.”

We bivouacked for the night in the Wadi Nimrin, near Umm Enkhala, and

at 5.0 a.m. the next day moved out in support of the London Scottish

and the Queen’s Westminsters, who attacked the hill of El Haud which,

held in force by the Turk, barred the second means of approach to Es

Salt--that by way of the Wadi Arsinyet.

A Boche “pip squeak” battery, which endeavoured to hinder us, drew

the attention upon itself of one of our own 4·5 howitzer batteries,

and speedily ceased fire. We were not called upon to assist, and were

fortunate to witness a most successful attack in open order against

an extended position. The sight of lines of London infantry advancing

calmly under a heavy enemy field and machine-gun fire, and also of the

final assault with the bayonet was one to be remembered and treasured.

El Haud was taken with little loss to our forces, and we moved up to

the foot-hills and bivouacked in the Wadi Arsinyet, near El Haud.

The river Jordan at Makhadet Hajlah is 1,200 feet below sea level, and

El Haud is 846 feet above, and the weather changed, becoming steadily

worse. The night was wet and bitterly cold, and we were not sorry to

start at 7.0 a.m. the next day on our advance up the Arsinyet track to

Es Salt (Ramoth Gilead).

In heavy rain up a most slippery, muddy, and stony track, we toiled

upwards and upwards as advanced guard to the Brigade, which, with a

Regiment of Australian Light Horse and Mountain Battery, was soon

strung out in single file. Communication was maintained with the 181st

Brigade on the main Es Salt Road by means of a portable wireless

installation, carried by the Light Horse. After a most exhausting climb

of nearly 3,000 feet, we arrived on the outskirts of Es Salt about

1.0 p.m., thoroughly fatigued and soaked to the skin. The weather was

bitterly cold, and it was felt all the more, for in a little over

twenty-four hours we had moved from the tropical heat of the Jordan

Valley up some 4,800 feet to the climatic conditions in winter of the

top of a mountain higher than Snowdon. The Turk had retired hurriedly,

and offered little opposition, and further progress being impossible

owing to our exhausted state we bivouacked--and slept in inches of mud.

The night was disturbed by much rifle fire from Es Salt, and at dawn on

the 26th, No. 16 Platoon was detailed to reconnoitre the town. Under

Lieutenant Andrew, who was acting as O.C. Company, they entered the

town to find no trace of the Turk, and to receive a tumultuous welcome

from the population who, during the night, had kept up a “feu de joie”

from their house-tops, which noise we had interpreted as hostile

rifle fire. We were the first British infantry to enter Es Salt, for

it was not until some hours later that the 181st Brigade, which had

been moving up the main road from Shunet Nimrin, arrived in the town.

Supplies were lacking owing to the great difficulty of getting the

camels up the slippery mountain track, and an officer was detailed to

proceed to the 181st Brigade and bring back some water camels--water

being the pressing need.

The remainder of the Division moved up the Annam road, and the defence

of Es Salt was left to the Civil Service Rifles. The same evening the

Battalion moved out to the north-east of the town to Kefi Huda (3,597

feet), and took up a position covering the route from the north to Es

Salt.

News came through of a possible attack by some 2,000 Circassian

cavalry, and arrangements were at once made for their proper reception.

Time available was short, but by toiling all night under the protection

of standing patrols of the Australian Light Horse, dawn on the Maundy

Thursday saw the 2/15th snugly settled ready behind stone sangars.

Firing started with the first light of dawn and continued throughout

the day, but no serious attack was attempted by the Turk.

At dawn on Good Friday, under cover of a thick mist, the Turks attacked

with bombs a post in the centre of the Battalion. An energetic reply

with Mills hand and rifle grenades, and a burst of fire from a machine

gun resulted in their speedy repulse. The mist suddenly lifted, and

opposite a neighbouring post was discovered a Turkish captain and his

batman, with their kit complete. He was brought in and it transpired

that he had set out with 200 men to assault the hill under cover of the

mist, but his left flank got too far forward and pressed the attack

before the remainder were ready, and they in consequence--like the

burglar who heard the noise overhead--thought all was lost and fled,

leaving their officer stranded on the hillside. In his pocket was found

a small diagram which showed the relative positions of all our Lewis

and machine guns, and this caused no little searching in the mind, for

we had, as we thought, camouflaged them successfully. However, even

if he, the captain, knew, his snipers apparently did not, for, though

throughout the week-end we were continually sniped, one of our Lewis

guns, though continually in action, had not a shot fired at it.

[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF OPERATIONS AROUND JERUSALEM]

There were constant alarms, and on the night of the 30th/31st March “D”

Company repulsed four separate determined attacks on their position,

with no loss to themselves. On the right and left “A” and “B” Companies

were troubled slightly, but the brunt of the defence of Es Salt fell on

the centre of the line.

The situation was nevertheless serious, and the 2/14th and 2/16th

Battalions were brought back to Es Salt.

The Battalion was relieved on the night of the 31st of March, and

at dawn moved down to the south side of Es Salt. The Divisional

withdrawal from Annam, the assault on which place had not been entirely

successful, was now in full swing, and the majority of the Armenian

population of Es Salt, terrified at the prospect of the return of

the terrible Turk, was hastily evacuating the town. The road, which

had been churned up by men, horses, guns, and wheeled transport, was

inches deep in liquid mud, and was packed with refugees. Old men and

boys, women and children of all ages, with their household goods in

large bundles on their backs, staggered along obsessed with great fear.

Their flight was terrible, and not a few of us hurriedly realised that

it is not only troops who suffer in war time. We could give little

assistance; our own baggage wagons were already overburdened and our

own loads were heavy, but we did what we could.

At 8.0 a.m. on the 1st of April (Easter Monday), after standing in full

marching order in the mud for a solid hour, we started our retirement,

and though hindered and hampered by the crowd of refugees which surged

and swayed either side of us, we marched steadily until 5.0 a.m. next

day, when we emerged from the hills at Shunet Nimrin, and bivouacked

for a few hours, after which we continued and, crossing the Jordan

River by the Ghoraniyeh Ford, we arrived at a position in the Wadi

Nuemiah about 3 p.m., having covered a distance of about thirty miles

since 8.0 p.m. the previous night.

Every one was footsore, dirty, unshaven, with seven days’ growth of

beard, and thoroughly tired, but we soon settled down to our first

proper night’s rest for nine days, during which time we had experienced

almost the extremes of heat and cold, and had marched about seventy

miles through some of the most atrocious country our army has ever

operated in. The other Brigades had fared even worse than we had, but

the whole Division had covered itself with honour, and had no reason to

be dispirited at the apparent failure of its novel enterprise. Gains

in warfare are not measured by territory alone, and the influence of

this raid--indeed it was almost a campaign--had a far reaching effect

on the strategy of the Palestine campaign.

We were happy, on our return to the Jordan Valley, to welcome back from

leave in England our Commanding Officer, Lieut.-Colonel Bisdee, and the

Battalion, though it had worked well under its temporary Commander, was

delighted to see its Commanding Officer back once again, and it speaks

much for the spirit of comradeship of the Regiment that no one was

perhaps more pleased to be with us again than Colonel Bisdee himself.

After a day’s rest in the valley, we moved once again up towards

Jerusalem, and halted at Talat ed Dumm for twenty-four hours. At Talat

ed Dumm there is a wayside house reputed to be the Good Samaritan Inn

of Biblical times. After this short rest we again pushed up the old

Jericho road, which we had come to know almost as well as the Strand.

On arriving at Jerusalem we were again billeted on the Mount of Olives.

The road from Jericho goes through particularly desolate and wild

country, and no doubt in years to come, many a Civil Service Rifleman,

when questioned by his offspring concerning the man who fell among

thieves, will truthfully say, “If you had seen the road you would not

be surprised.”

It was not a habit in those days to keep us idle, and we were soon

moved on up the Jerusalem-Nablous road via Bireh and Ram Allah to the

Wadi el Jib, where we temporarily relieved the 10th (Irish) Division.

The Battalion was in reserve, and bivouacked on a terraced hillside

which was covered with fig trees and vines. It was very hot, and we

were glad to resume our summer kit. The camping ground was one of the

most pleasant we had experienced in Palestine, and we made the most of

it. There were flowers and plants in great profusion, and botanists

amongst us spent hours collecting specimens; one of them, a botanist by

profession, collected a hundred or so specimens which he had never seen

before, and which he could not name.

Of actual war we saw but little, occasional bombing raids were made by

enemy planes, but our chief enemy was just behind us--a gunner officer

in charge of an 18-pounder battery, whose idea of humour was to give

an order for ten rounds gun fire regularly each night at varying times

between midnight and 4.0 a.m. Our considered opinion of this gentleman

cannot be published here.

A week later we moved back as far as Attara, where we gave a most

sincere and regretful God speed to our Colonel, who left us to take

command of the 2/13th Battalion London Regiment. Colonel Bisdee had

joined us at El Shaulth in September, 1917, and no Commanding Officer

was ever so popular, both with his officers and men. He had instilled

into the Regiment a magnificent spirit, and it is no idle boast to say

that the Regiment would have gone into action anywhere and under any

circumstances with Colonel Bisdee, with no misgivings and fully aware

that, whatever happened, he would be their leader.

[Illustration:

_Photo by Searle, S.W._

LT.-COL. T. E. BISDEE, D.S.O., M.C. (D.C.L.I.) Commanded 2nd Battalion,

9th October, 1917, to May, 1918.

_To face page 338._]

CHAPTER XXXVIII

EL HAUD--AIN ARIK--SURAFEND--KANTARA--ALEXANDRIA--JOURNEY TO ITALY

On the 23rd of April, 1918, the Battalion marched south from Attara

and encamped for the night just north of Ram Allah, near Lake Ballua.

The march was carried out during the evening, and the bright weather

made it enjoyable. On the two following days the journey was continued

towards Jerusalem, and on the night of the 25th we halted at Shafat,

a few miles north of the city. Rumours of another “stunt” across the

Jordan were then confirmed, and on the night of the 27th the Battalion

marched down the Jericho road once more to Talat ed Dumm, arriving

there about 11.0 p.m., where the concentration of transport foreboded

another operation on a large scale. The following evening the Battalion

moved to the Jordan Valley, and crossed over the river at Ghoraniyeh

Ford, which was then held by Indian troops. Although it was only April

the heat in the valley was terrific during the day, and white troops

would, no doubt, have suffered considerable losses from disease had

they been stationed there for any considerable length of time. The

next day was spent amid the thick brushwood on the plain, and every

available piece of shade was used, but even under this protection

the damp heat was nigh unbearable, and only a minimum of clothing

in the shape of drill shorts were worn by most. There was a large

concentration of troops in the area, and preparations were made for an

attack on the foot-hills of the Moab Mountains.

On the 30th the attack was launched by the 179th Brigade, the

Westminsters on the left and the London Scottish on the right, while

the 180th Brigade was operating farther south. Under a heavy artillery

bombardment the troops advanced from their positions of deployment,

which they had taken up during the night. They attacked the first

ridge and, after heavy fighting, obtained a footing. Many prisoners

were captured and casualties were inflicted on the enemy. The 2/15th

were held in reserve at Ghoraniyeh Ford, and when a crowd of over 200

prisoners appeared we felt that the operation was so successful that

we should not be needed; it transpired afterwards, however, that these

Turks were not captured in the actual assault, but had been detailed

to reconnoitre our concentration on the plain, and while coming over

had walked into the London Scottish, who were pushing forward for the

attack. They made no resistance, and were soon sent to the rear as

prisoners.

After the first ridge had been taken it was found that the whole

position was strongly held by the Turk, and that further advance over

deep ravines swept by machine guns would be very difficult. Repeated

attempts were made to push forward, but only heavy casualties resulted.

The actual objective of the 179th Brigade was a steep hill called El

Haud, which lay some six miles east of the Jordan, and formed part of a

continuous line of steep, rocky hills that bordered the Jericho Plain

on the east.

On the night of the 30th April the London Scottish had only been able

to gain the first ridge of El Haud after heavy fighting, and during

the following day held on to the captured ground with the idea of

pressing forward the attack at dawn next morning. In order to support

this second effort “A” and “B” Companies of the 2/15th pushed forward

to the foot of El Haud, to act as local supports. The second attack on

the 1st of May was also unsuccessful, not only at this one particular

spot but along the whole Divisional front. Heavy machine-gun fire swept

each ridge, both from the front and the flanks, so cunningly had the

Turk arranged his emplacements. Throughout the day desultory fighting

took place and small local attacks were made, but no general advance

could be accomplished. During the evening of the 1st of May “C” and “D”

Companies were brought up from the Wadi Nimrin, where they had been

moved the previous night, and during the night of the 1st the Battalion

relieved the London Scottish on El Haud. Orders were received on the

same night to attack at dawn. This meant a busy night in reconnoitring.

“A” and “B” Companies were detailed for the attack, with “C” Company in

support, and just before dawn they deployed for the attack on the right

flank of the hill, from which point it appeared the approach to the

summit was easiest. “D” Company remained in possession of the captured

ridge.

The attack was launched forward with great spirit and dash, but was

met with the same murderous fire that had swept down the London

Scottish in their attempts, and the 2/15th could only push forward

a little way, gaining some 500 yards and a small hill, thus forming

for themselves an unpleasant little salient into the enemy’s lines.

Even then casualties were fairly heavy, and the work of carrying back

the wounded was made more hazardous by the Turk, who fired on every

stretcher with his machine guns throughout the day. Captain Peatfield,

“A” Company, was reported missing, but late at night he returned under

cover of darkness, having lain out all day in the sun, a few yards from

a Turkish machine gun, apparently dead.

At dusk the wounded were collected, and “A” and “B” were withdrawn, “C”

Company staying on the captured ground and hastily organising it for

defence by building sangars.

During the afternoon two platoons of “D” Company, under Lieutenant

K. P. Neall, had attempted to push forward from the main ridge, but

the progress was soon arrested by heavy machine-gun fire, and this

proved conclusively that frontal attacks were impossible. From the

result of this local attack it was learnt that between ourselves and

the Turk was a deep ravine with precipitous banks. The night of the

3rd of May was fairly quiet except for the intermittent machine-gun

and rifle fire from both sides. On the following morning, however, the

Turk made a determined counter attack on our immediate right, against

the London Irish of the 180th Brigade. Curiously, just before this

counter attack took place, four enemy planes flew over our lines and

poured machine-gun fire down at us. They did little actual damage,

and one of them was brought down by our Lewis-gun fire. Every one

was on the alert for a repetition of the aeroplane attack and sought

cover behind the numerous boulders on the hill. However, the planes

sailed out of sight behind the summit of El Haud, and just as every

one thought of coming from their cover a sentry group in front of the

Battalion on our right shouted “they’re coming over,” at which every

one near by took immediate cover, but were soon surprised to find that

no aeroplanes appeared but that a force of Turks about 250 strong

rushed their position and drove them off. The Turkish “coup,” however,

was short lived, and an immediate counter attack by the “Irish” sent

them hurrying back to their lines with loss. However, the incident was

disastrous to that Company of the 2/15th which was holding the little

salient which had been gained during the morning attack of the previous

day, as the Turk was able to pour machine-gun fire into the rear of

“C” Company, causing casualties. The gallant action of Private Freer,

a signaller, in remaining at his telephone though severely wounded

and under close-range rifle fire, materially assisted the “Irish” to

regain their position, for Captain Wills, of “C” Company, was thus able

to send back information which led to the “Irish” receiving adequate

support from our machine guns and eighteen pounders.

Later in the day the enemy aeroplanes returned, but this time devoted

their attentions to the transport lines and A.S.C. dumps near

Ghoraniyeh Ford. For the rest of the day the infantry could make no

progress, and spent their time watching the artillery bombardment of

those places where machine guns had been located. The Turk was clever

in concealing his emplacements, and it was only in the evening when a

slight breeze sprang up were we able to detect one that had been firing

at us throughout the whole day. This machine gun was in a cave in the

hill side, and the entrance to the cave had been cleverly camouflaged

with a blanket of the same colour as the surrounding rocks, and not

until the breeze caused the blanket to move was it realised that the

fire had been coming from an apparently solid rock. However, attentions

were soon upon this spot, and one of our machine guns poured heavy fire

into the cave, tearing the blanket in shreds, and no doubt killing the

enemy gunners.

On the evening of the 4th May orders were received that the whole of

the British Force would be withdrawn to the Ghoraniyeh Bridgehead

as the Turks had sent a considerable force down the Jordan Valley

from the north, and which had been driven back by our cavalry that

afternoon. However, it was realised that should this attack by the

Turk succeed our left flank and our line of retreat would both be

seriously threatened. In the Battalion arrangements were made for “D”

Company to be left as a rear-guard, holding the hill of El Haud until

the rest of the Battalion had got a good start across the plain. “D”

Company kept up an occasional Lewis gun and rifle fire for nearly an

hour and then left the hill to the mercy of the Turks. Every one was

relieved to reach the wire entanglements of the Ghoraniyeh defences

the gaps in which were guarded by Indian cavalry. The amusing part,

however, was that when the Battalion returned to its bivouac area of

a few days previous they found “D” Company there first. Apparently

being a smaller force they were more mobile and certainly they knew the

shortest cut home. Once inside the wire a few hours’ rest was granted,

and at 3 a.m. the withdrawal was resumed as far as Tel el Sultan, a

ruined village near Jericho. We arrived at our bivouac area early in

the morning, and in the glorious warmth of the day every one enjoyed a

thorough rest after the unsatisfactory hard fighting of the past few

days. Before leaving the subject of El Haud a word of praise is due to

the Divisional R.A.M.C. for the splendid manner in which they evacuated

the wounded during the fighting, and had erected a large field hospital

tent well within range of shell fire under the slopes of El Haud.

On the 6th of May the Battalion had the surprise of its life, when

orders were received to pack up and move to Jericho, where motor

lorries were to take us as far back as Jerusalem. Never in its

existence had the Battalion partaken of such luxury, but it is

regretted that we all thought that this kindness to tired troops was

to move them to another part of the front where they were needed in a

hurry.

In the late hours of the afternoon the Battalion boarded the lorries

and the convoy started its journey to Jerusalem, along the new Jericho

road, which is a masterpiece in mountain roads, and was built under

German influence. About half-way home we met several regiments of

Indian cavalry proceeding in the direction of the Jordan Valley, where

they were to hold the line during the summer months. Many of them wore

the Mons Star ribbon, and apparently had seen fighting in France. After

passing these troops rain commenced to fall and those who had greedily

sought the seats beside the driver paid the penalty and were soon

drenched through. The lorries pulled up just north of Jersualem on the

Nablous road, from which point each load of men marched independently

to the camping ground near Shafat, which we had occupied only a week

previously. The writer was detailed to supervise the unloading of the

Battalion, and when they had finally “debussed” he made his way to

Shafat probably about 45 minutes after the first party of the 2/15th

had left their lorry. In spite of the rain and the muddy ground

bivouacs had been erected and each one had a small candle burning

inside. To see the camp from the roadway it would have appeared to a

casual observer that it had been in existence for several weeks, so

expert had the Battalion become in erecting its temporary home. Finding

his bivouac the writer was soon presented with a plate of bread, bully

beef, pickles, cheese and a mug of tea by his batman.

On the 7th, the G.O.C. Division inspected the Battalion and

complimented it on the splendid way in which it had stuck to its

unsuccessful work in the recent visit across the Jordan.

The following day the Battalion moved north a few miles as far as Ram

Allah; the march was not long, the road was fair, and the weather was

glorious, and by 2 p.m. the Battalion had settled down in its new

area, and dinners were being cooked. I have already referred to the

speed with which the Battalion made themselves at home on the night we

arrived at Shafat, but as a further illustration the following true

story may be given. On this day’s march we were followed by the London

Scottish, who were in turn followed by an officer of our own Battalion

and a draft fresh from England who were on their way to join us. Having

missed the Battalion as it left Shafat this new officer attempted to

catch us up. We arrived at our bivouac area and moved off the road to

allow the Scottish to pass to their camp which was farther north. We

immediately put up our bivouacs and commenced cooking. The new officer

and his men followed the Scottish for some two miles only to find that

the encampment he had passed some 25 minutes before was really that of

his own Battalion. It was hard to make him realise that we were only

just ahead of the Scottish on the march and turning off the road had

immediately set to and erected our camp.

Here news of a long rest reached us, and we were told that after the

next day’s march to Ain Arik we should have a complete rest. On the

way to Ain Arik we were inspected by the Commander-in-Chief, General

Allenby, and on the afternoon of the 9th arrived at our new camp. The

camp was situated on the rocky slopes of a deep wadi; little ledges

were however found for “bivvies,” and each company made itself at

home in its particular area. The slopes were covered with many small

trees, and it was undoubtedly one of the prettiest spots in Palestine

that we had visited. Here the Battalion remained for 10 days, and

everything was done to make the rest enjoyable. At the top of the

wadi near the main roadway a few level places were found and football

competitions, both inter-Battalion and inter-company were arranged. A

Brigade Sports Committee was set up and a varied programme of games,

sports and transport competitions was arranged. The final placings were

as follows: 2/15th Battalion, 10 points; 2/14th Battalion, 10 points;

2/16th Battalion, 3 points; and 2/13th Battalion, 3 points. Great

credit was due to the excellent turn out of our transport section, and

also our Lewis gunners in their particular competitions. In the Brigade

football final the London Scottish beat the Queen’s Westminsters after

a hard game. The Divisional Concert Party arrived and gave nightly

performances in a large marquee. In the Battalion itself company

concerts were held, a piano being hired all the way from Jerusalem

through the personal efforts of Lieutenant Phelps. The whist drive held

by “B” Company must also be included in the “mention in dispatches.”

Shooting competitions were held at a small range built at the bed of

the wadi, and Battalion sports, limited to the three-legged, sack,

egg and spoon type of race, were held on the flat bed of the wadi and

proved a huge success. There was no suitable ground for sprinting, and

even the course for the comic races had to be cleared of large stones

by a voluntary fatigue party. One competition of the afternoon which

deserves special mention was a “beauty competition for the best dressed

lady.” The originality of the aspirants was marvellous, and real harem

dresses with the aid of bacon wrappings, etc., were among the prize

winners. Canteen stores were plentiful and “dinner” parties were given

throughout the camp each night. A real happy time was spent here and

the Battalion was loath to leave Ain Arik when orders were issued on

the night of the 19th May.

The Battalion proceeded next morning to Beit Ello by a circuitous route

around the many hills in that part of Palestine. A pleasant camping

ground was found, and after a night’s rest we proceeded the next

morning to Beit Rima, which was near the centre of the British line

in Palestine which then extended from Jaffa, on the west, to a point

just south of Nablous on the east. Here the proximity of the enemy’s

observation posts necessitated us to place our bivouacs under the

numerous olive trees on the terraces round the village. For the next

week or so the Battalion rested by day and each night large working

parties sallied forth north of the village of Beit Rima to dig a system

of trenches for the defence of the hill.

Rumours of France commenced to float about, and these rumours soon

developed into fact. On the 29th of May, 1918, the Battalion, together

with the London Scottish and Queen’s Westminsters of the same Brigade,

bade farewell to the 60th Division.

In France, heavy fighting and the stupendous thrust by the Germans in

the spring of 1918, necessitated that seasoned troops from the East

should proceed to the Western Front. Certain Battalions of the 60th

Division were therefore withdrawn from the Palestine Front leaving on

an average one white Battalion in each Brigade, and filling up their

vacancies with Indian troops.

Leaving Beit Rima the Battalion trekked to the Jaffa area via Ibn

Harith, Amwas, near Latrun, to Surafend, near Ludd, which had then

become the British railhead for the western flank of the British line

in Palestine. The marches were carried out by night as the summer heat

became too trying for any movement by day. The nights were warm and

glorious, a bright moon shone throughout the march, the roads were

in good condition, and every one enjoyed the journey. Only one night

was spent at Surafend, and in the afternoon of the 2nd of June the

Battalion marched to Ludd Station and travelled throughout the night,

reaching Kantara by 5 a.m. on the 3rd. A short march to the rest camp

brought the journey to an end, and here we were met by the advance

party under Lieutenant Neall, who allotted us to our proper lines in

the camp.

At Kantara we were fortunate to be given a part of the Divisional Rest

Camp and were not bothered to erect tents as was the lot of other

battalions in the Division. The camp kitchens, canteens and mess

tents were at our disposal, and this saved a great deal of work and

organisation. Immediately on our arrival large parties were granted

leave to Cairo and Alexandria, and except for morning parades and

ordinary camp duties those who remained took every advantage of the

benefits of life in a base camp. The local cinema huts, concert party

marquees and canteens were packed each night, and every day bathing

parades in the Suez Canal were held. The weather was extremely hot and

the bathing parades were a great boon. Preparations were also made for

an early departure to France.

On the evening of the 15th of June, 1918, the Battalion paraded and

marched to Kantara Station and entrained for Alexandria, which place

was reached by 5 a.m. the following morning. The train ran alongside

our transport, the _Indarra_. As soon as the train stopped on the

quayside we were busy transferring our stores, and for a couple of

hours fatigue parties were constantly up and down the gangways. When

this work was completed the Battalion paraded alongside the boat and

then marched up the gangway, leaving their pith helmets in heaps on the

dock side; it was a pathetic farewell to Egypt, where we had thoroughly

enjoyed ourselves.

The _Indarra_ remained alongside for the day, but no leave ashore

was granted, and the time was spent in allotting boat stations and

issuing life-belts. The following morning we moved to the middle of

the harbour, and during the day bathing from the side of the boat was

permitted, and although a certain amount of flotsam floated around the

ship the warm sea water was most delightful. Non-swimmers were advised

to put on their life-belts in order to gain confidence in case the

journey was ill-fated, and in many cases the men proved to themselves

the efficiency of the belts in actual water. Practice alarms for boat

stations added to the “pleasure” of the day. About midday the _Indarra_

was joined by four other transports, namely, the _Kaiser-i-Hind_,

_Malwa_, _Caledonia_ and _Canberra_. This convoy left the harbour in

the evening in single file and was escorted by armed trawlers and some

naval vessels; to one of which was attached a captive balloon for

purposes of detecting submarines which frequented the area around the

entrance to Alexandria Harbour. Several aeroplanes also flew over the

convoy, and not until we were some 50 miles out to sea did our aerial

escort leave us, when we were handed over to the care of ten Japanese

destroyers and then the trawlers from Alexandria returned.

By the time the Alexandrian escort had left us the transports had lined

up abreast of each other with a distance of roughly 500 yards between

each boat, and this formation was retained throughout the voyage, the

ten Japanese destroyers forming advanced, rear, and flank guards.

The journey across the Mediterranean was without incident, and the

coast of Italy came into view early on the morning of the 21st of June,

and the convoy steamed towards Taranto Harbour. When the boats arrived

within the wide bay just outside the entrance to the inner harbour

every one was relieved, but excitement was intense when the guns of the

escort opened rapid fire on our left. Immediately the Japanese flag was

run up the mast of each of the destroyers and frantic signals were sent

from the Commander’s boat, which was ahead of the flotilla. Three of

the destroyers rushed at full speed to a spot about two miles to the

left of the convoy and immediately commenced to drop depth-charges,

the explosions of which shook the sides of the _Indarra_ even at that

distance. Torpedoes, however, had already been fired by the enemy

submarine, which had apparently been lying in wait in the harbour only

a couple of miles from an Italian Naval Base. One of these torpedoes

came at a terrific speed, leaving a white wake in its trail, and passed

in rear of the _Malwa_ on our left, and only missed the bows of our own

boat by a few yards. The second torpedo passed about 200 yards ahead of

the convoy. The course of the transports was immediately altered and

with a zig-zag route the boats hurried to their berths just outside the

narrow entrance of the inner harbour; while the Japanese destroyers

continued to drop depth-charges around the suspected position of

the German submarine. No official result was published, but it was

reported in Taranto that the submarine was sunk by the explosion of the

depth-charges.

The following day the _Indarra_ moved through the narrow channel

into the inner harbour. So narrow is this entrance that the sides of

our troopship only missed the high walls on both sides by a matter

of five or six yards. In the inner harbour were battleships of all

sizes belonging to the Italian Navy, and one marvelled how our allies

could allow enemy submarines to lie in wait just outside without any

interference, for on our arrival not a sign of an Italian warship was

seen in the outer harbour. In the peacefulness of the still waters of

the inner harbour, which was several square miles in area, we remained

until the early hours of the following morning, and just after dawn

the Battalion disembarked by means of lighters which carried us to the

temporary pier erected on the shallow beach near the British Base Camp.

It was the 23rd of June, 1918. Just a year previously we had landed in

Egypt, and two years practically to the day since we had left England

for France. Once again our feet were on the continent of Europe and we

felt we had left the East for good. We looked forward with no little

anxiety to our coming return to France, though many maintained that we

were bound for the Italian Trentino Front, and arriving at Taranto and

not Marseilles lent colour to this possibility.

CHAPTER XXXIX

JOURNEY THROUGH ITALY AND FRANCE--RECONSTRUCTION--MOULLE--ST. SYLVESTER

CAPPEL--MONT ROUGE--LOCRE--DRANOUTRE--MONT VIDAGNE.

On arrival at the pier at Taranto beach a short march brought us to our

lines in the Base Camp. Only one day was spent here, and the following

evening we entrained for France. During the day canteen stores were

bought for the journey from the large Expeditionary Force Canteen, but

no leave into the town was granted. Orders were issued for entraining

that evening, and an amusing paragraph appeared to the effect that

troops were requested not to refer to our gallant Allies, the Italians,

as “Italianoes,” “Ice-creamoes,” “Chip Potatoes,” etc. The route by

train was along the east coast of Italy, and the train left the camp

siding about 8 p.m. on the evening of the 24th June, 1918.

The first part of the journey was practically along the seashore and

there was nothing of special note about the scenery. Halts were made at

Bari, Foggia, Termoli and Castellammare, which town was reached about

1 p.m. on the 25th. By the following midday we had reached Rimini,

having passed through Ancona and Pesaro en route. As far as Rimini the

scenery had not been above the average of the coastal scenery of Kent

or Sussex, but shortly after leaving the town the railroad branched

inland towards Faenza; and on this part of the journey the scenery was

beautiful, the countryside being rich with summer flowers of bright

colours, while the perfect blue of the sky overhead added to the

richness of the colour scheme. Faenza was reached by 4 p.m. on the 25th

June, and a long halt was made in a siding and men were permitted to

leave the train and stretch their legs a little. Hitherto the halts had

been short and just long enough to permit the issue of hot tea which

had been prepared at wayside cookhouses previous to our arrival. At

Faenza the long halt of several hours permitted officers to visit the

town, where a decent meal was procured at one of the hotels. Time also

enabled many of us to purchase and send home as souvenirs, pieces of

artistic pottery for which the town is noted. Early in the evening the

journey was resumed, and our next halt was made in the large station

of Bologna, just after 8 p.m., when we caught a passing glimpse of the

quaint Cathedral and University in the town. The people on the station

cheered us as the train pulled up; a decided change from the apathetic

gaze which had been our greeting from the southern Italians. While

standing in the station a long ambulance train full of wounded Italian

troops drew up alongside our train and fraternising between the two

armies commenced, cigarettes and souvenirs were exchanged, and when

the hospital train moved out we gave a hearty cheer to our wounded

allies. A short time afterwards our train steamed out of Bologna, and

by dawn the following morning we were passing through the glorious

mountain scenery of Northern Italy. The train wended its way along

deep valleys and pierced through the long tunnels which are numerous

in the Apennines. The route taken was through Novi Liguire, Ronco to

Sampierdarina, just west of Genoa; the railway skirting the city at

this part of the journey. During the afternoon of the 27th we halted at

Savona where an enthusiastic crowd gathered and cheered us; no doubt

thinking that the Battalion was part of the British Forces which had

so materially assisted the Italians in their recent victories on the

Trentino Front. We did not disillusion these kind people and accepted

their flowers, fruits and, cigarettes. From Savona the journey was

continued along the sea shore, and we enjoyed the beauty of the calm,

blue, sunlit Mediterranean on our left, and on the other hand the

steep cliffs covered with bright flowers and dotted here and there

with pretty little towns and beautiful gardens. At 11 p.m. that night

the train pulled up at Ventimiglia, the frontier station where certain

international formalities were gone through by the railway officials.

However, such things did not worry us, and we spent the halt in the

railway refreshment cafés and buffets. Unfortunately, the beauties

of the Mentone-Cannes Riviera were passed at night-time and the only

excitement of the night was the gamble in most carriages while we were

passing Monte Carlo. Early on the morning of the 28th June we reached

the outskirts of Marseilles. The railway ran along the north-eastern

side of the town on high ground, and a splendid view of the harbour

and city was obtained. From this point the route went northwards via

Miramas, Avignon, where we crossed the Rhone to Le Tiel, which town

we reached at 10.30 p.m. that night, and obtained an excellent meal

at the railway buffet. The rest of the beauty of the Rhone Valley,

which many of us had enjoyed some eighteen months previously, was

lost in the darkness. Lyons was passed early the next morning, but it

was sufficiently light to obtain a splendid view of the city and its

bridges, which had been denied us in the outward journey to the East.

After passing through St. Germains au Mont D’or the railway branched

off to the west and a long halt was made at Paray-le-Monial, giving

us the opportunity of exploring the quaint provincial French town for

about an hour, when the journey was again resumed. During the night

we passed through Moulins, Nevers, and Gien, and on this part of the

trip we passed a train containing the London Scottish which had been

delayed owing to a fire breaking out in one of the trucks. During the

morning of the 30th June we arrived near Versailles about 10 a.m., at

which point the network of railways is extremely intricate and hopes

of passing through Paris were high at one moment when we appeared to

be travelling towards the capital, only to be dashed to the ground

the next when the train shot over the points in quite a different

direction. Over this network of railway lines outside Versailles the

train halted, shunted, went forward, moved backwards until we became

quite bewildered as to the real direction of Paris, but when we

eventually passed through the station of Poissy it was settled once

and for all that we were not going near Paris. The day was beautifully

warm and every one was getting tired of this long train journey with

its constant jolting, when the train pulled up miles from nowhere.

Every one descended from the train to the fields alongside and enjoyed

a “leg stretch.” The signal was against us, and in spite of the frantic

whistle of the engine it did not fall. None of the railway officials

could account for the stoppage, so we enjoyed the freedom of the

fields for about two hours. Eventually, however, the shrill whistle

of the engine warned us that the journey was to be continued, and as

the train slowly moved, every one made a dash for their truck. Every

one was present except two officers, and we all worried about their

apparent predicament or even perhaps their desertion. However, about

a mile further up the line the train pulled up and the two truants

appeared. Apparently they had gone off to a village further up the line

in search of luxuries in the shape of eggs, butter, fruit, etc., and

before leaving had made a compact with the driver (no doubt with the

aid of a few francs) to wait for them at a given point if the train was

permitted to pass the signal. After this incident the train crawled

along until the town of Gisors was reached, and here the explanation

of our delay was apparent. The train in front of ours, carrying French

troops and transport, had run into a stationary engine in the station,

and as the result of the collision, several carriages had been smashed

up and the engine derailed, causing casualties among both troops and

horses. After some delay, which allowed us to visit the cafés in the

town near the station, we proceeded on our journey, and early on

the 1st of July we passed through Etaples, where the large British

Cemetery brought back to us the real horrors of war after a pleasant

journey across the Mediterranean and the long and interesting train

ride through Italy and France. From Etaples the journey to Boulogne

was through a particularly dull piece of country, and consisted of a

continuous line of dumps, hospitals, camps, hutments, ordnance depots,

etc.

About midday on the 1st of July, 1918, the Battalion detrained at

Audricques, a large Royal Engineer locomotive repair depot. The

scenery at this place was not particularly pleasing; all railheads

are surrounded by the same old ration and ammunition dumps, but the

W.A.A.C.’s, whom we had never seen before, brightened our lives at

that particular moment. It must be remembered that we had not seen a

real fresh-complexioned English girl for over two years. Not that I am

belittling the beauty of their French sisters or even the particular

charms of the girls of Italy, Macedonia, Egypt and Palestine, but to us

there were none to touch the homely loveliness of the British girl.

Orders were soon issued by the new Divisional Staff which had met us on

our arrival, and we proceeded to billets at Moulle, not an excessive

distance, it is true, neither were the roads dusty and rough like the

tracks we had traversed out East, but after a week in the train it was

a trying march.

Here we were informed that we were to form part of the 30th Division

which had been recently reconstructed and was under the command of

Major-General W. de Williams, C.M.G., D.S.O., and with the London

Scottish and the Queen’s Westminsters we were to form the 90th Infantry

Brigade under Brigadier-General G. A. Stevens, D.S.O.

The other two brigades in the Division were the 21st Brigade,

consisting of the 1/6th Cheshire Regiment, 2/23rd London Regiment and

the 7th Royal Irish Regiment, and the 89th Brigade, containing the 2nd

Battalion South Lancashire Regiment, 7/8th Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers

and the 2/17th London Regiment.

The following extract from a brief history of the 30th Division gives

an idea of the state of affairs on our joining the Division:--

“The various units of the Division were collected together at

the beginning of July, occupying an area around Cassel, where

Divisional Headquarters were. But the Division was hardly ready

to go into the line without some training and preparation. This

was particularly the case since there were indications that the

enemy was going to attack again on the Kemmel-Hazebrouck Front.

The French troops holding the line between Kemmel and the Mont

des Cats had been relieved by British troops at the beginning

of the month, and the defensive systems still required a

good deal of attention, so that during the month of July the

Division was busy enough. The various battalions within the

three Brigades of the Division had to get to know each other.

The various arms of the Division had to learn to work together

for defence and offence, the Palestine Battalions had to

accustom themselves to the warfare of 1918, which had changed

since their departure for Salonica in 1916. While the whole

Division had to prepare for, and practise its rôle as Reserve

Division to the 10th Corps with a series of counter-attack

programmes in the event of an enemy attack taking place. This

involved careful organisation and co-ordination of each arm for

the various situations that might arise, from the piercing of

the line by Mont Rouge, to a thrust on the south-western slopes

of the Mont des Cats.”

From the 2nd of July to the 7th the Battalion was comfortably

billeted at Moulle and carried out intensive field training in the

neighbourhood. Our Battalion organisation was soon revised and

completed, and the Battalion was initiated into the revised methods of

warfare in France in 1918. Leave was granted to the United Kingdom in

limited numbers, it being in most cases the first home leave for two

years.

On the 7th of July the Battalion marched to La Nieppe, between St.

Omer and Cassel, and stayed there for the night. The next morning the

march was resumed as far as Eecke, where the Battalion was billeted

in a couple of large farms between the villages of St. Sylvester

Cappel and Eecke. The Battalion, in common with the remainder of the

Division, became responsible for the defence of the reserve line at

Coq de Paille, south-west of Mont des Cats. Each day reconnaissances

of the various routes from our billets to the position, and also a

complete study of the system itself, was made by officers and N.C.O.’s.

On several occasions the Battalion marched up at night and manned the

trenches for practice purposes, while schemes for counter attacks

from the trenches were worked out and practised. During the day field

training was carried out with vigour, while on those evenings when we

were not detailed to march up to the Coq de Paille defences for the

night, Company concerts, assisted by our own drum and fife band, which

had again been organised, were held. Except for the night time, when

the enemy persisted in shelling a dump of artillery ammunition near our

farms, our stay at Eecke was quite enjoyable. Leave was still granted,

and parties continued to leave each day for the United Kingdom.

On the 13th of July we were inspected by General Plumer, the Army

Commander, who complimented us on our turn out--The usual “splendid lot

of men” business which we all know.

German attacks on our front were threatened to take place on the 18th

of July in the region of Mont Rouge, and the Battalion was accordingly

ordered to move up through Boeschepe and was held in reserve for the

night in the rear of Mont Rouge, with orders to occupy and defend the

line of reserve trenches covering Berthen should the attack develop.

However, beyond the usual artillery fire the night was quiet, and

we returned just after daybreak to our billets near Eecke. Training

was continued for another week, and on the 25th the Battalion moved

up to the line near Mont Rouge and relieved the 17th Royal Scots in

the support trenches on the Locre sector. Nothing of special interest

occurred beyond the usual unpleasantness of trench warfare. Movement

by day was practically impossible owing to the German observation from

Mont Kemmel, on our left front. For five days we remained in this

sector of the line, and were relieved on the night of the 30th by the

2/14th London (Scottish) and marched back towards Boeschepe. We had

suffered a few casualties from shelling, but it was great experience

for the officers and men who had joined the Battalion since its

departure from the French front in 1916. Those of us who remembered

the old line at Neuville St. Vaast were struck by the absence of those

splendid dug-outs which we had occupied during our first visit to

France. On the 3rd of August the Battalion moved back as far as St.

Sylvester Cappel and enjoyed a week’s rest.

At the end of the week the Battalion moved to the line and took over

the Locrehof sub-sector as supports, and were moved up seven days

later to the front line trenches, relieving the London Scottish. Only

two days were spent in the front line, when we were relieved by the

Queen’s Westminster Rifles and returned from the line to Moth Farm,

which lay midway between Boeschepe and Godewaersvelde, and while in

rest here it was arranged that our Division should attack the Dranoutre

Ridge. We overlooked the German lines throughout their length from

the Mont Noir-Mont Rouge Ridge, but the Bosche had the advantage in

the possession of the Dranoutre Ridge, a long spur running down from

Mont Rouge through Locre, with Dranoutre at its tip, which high ground

represented, after successive ebbings and flowings, the mark of the

Hun tide of advance there. This ridge, looking down as it did into our

front trenches, made approach by day almost impossible; and it set

bounds to movement, cooking and life there generally, which only those

who had to live there could properly appreciate. The 35th Division,

whom we had relieved, had long ago made up their minds to take the

ridge, but wet weather set in and their patrols reported the going

across “No Man’s Land” impossible; it was therefore left for us to

accomplish.

The attack was fixed for the night of the 21st/22nd of August. It

entailed an advance of some 300 yards over swampy ground, pocked with

shell-holes, the crossing of the River Douvre here a small stream, the

ascent up through the straggling Wakefield and Mowbray Woods to the

crest, where stood two strongly fortified posts--the old farms of

Romp and Locrehof--a total advance of about 1,000 yards. The going was

really difficult in the last part, where to the usual tangle of rough

grass, shell-holes new and old, odds and ends of trenches and dug-outs

was added the presence of trees and some undergrowth, the navigation

of which even in daylight and without an enemy or the impedimenta of

attack requires a certain care.

The London Scottish represented the 90th Brigade in this show, and that

the attack was carried out with courage and great credit is due to the

2/14th Londons, who showed that the Palestine troops were equal to any

demands that the Western Front might make upon them.

During the night following the attack the Civil Service Rifles relieved

the Scottish in the captured line, which merely consisted of odd shell

holes, and there withstood a determined counter-attack delivered by

storm troops. Under continual heavy artillery, trench mortar, and

machine-gun fire, we helped to consolidate the new front line. Fighting

patrols were pushed forward and great courage was displayed by members

of the 2/15th, particularly Sergeant P. J. Kelly’s patrol, “C” Company,

at Locrehof Farm, and by Lieutenant H. J. Mallett’s patrol, “D” Company.

Wakefield Wood, which was on our front, was heavily shelled with gas

shells, but this did not deter the Battalion, and on the 24th of August

we drove off a determined counter-attack by the Boche. Local fighting

continued until the 26th; but the consolidation of the line progressed,

when the Battalion was withdrawn and retired to the comparative

security of the dug-outs on Mont Rouge, and on the following day

returned to our old billet at Moth Farm for a couple of nights, when a

return to Mont Rouge was made.

On the 1st of September the enemy withdrew from Mont Kemmel, and the

British line was immediately pushed forward as far as Daylight Corner,

and close to Wulverghem. On the night of the 3rd-4th of September

we relieved the London Scottish near Wulverghem, which was merely

indicated by a notice board with “This is Wulverghem,” and a few

chipped and broken tombstones which marked the site of the church.

Our orders were to carry on the same policy of advancing as far as

possible without a full-dress attack. But we were now up against the

outposts of the enemy’s main line of resistance; he held the high

ground, and furthermore the ground was of the worst possible type for

advance under fire. Hardly a yard of it but had been wired at some

time in one direction or another. In fact, it looked exactly as if

the wire had taken root and spread like brambles. What was not wire

was shell-holes or old trenches full, or perhaps only half full, of

water. Any advance at all was creditable. There was, too, from this

time a noticeable increase in artillery fire of all calibres, with a

fair amount of gas from our line back beyond Daylight Corner to beyond

Kemmel. Wulverghem and Daylight Corner succeeded Locre and Canada

Corner as targets, with Kemmel as a substitute for the Mont Rouge

Hills. Thus, though the left company of the 2/15th Londons managed

on the 4th to advance their right about 200 yards and establish new

posts east of Wulverghem, efforts during the night of the 4th-5th

yielded little in the way of progress, but more in the way of heroism

when Private Cleaver stayed by his wounded comrade in “No Man’s Land”

until they were found two or three days later. But even as this

bald outline suggests, there was plenty of work and opportunity for

both leadership and initiative, whether on the part of the Company

Commander, e.g., Captain Andrew, whose bold reconnaissances were of

as great value to his Company as to the Battalion, or on the part of

the Platoon Commanders--Sergeant E. G. Ward, “B” Company, who held

on all day in an isolated position far ahead of the general line, or

Private Shepherd, “D” Company, who specially distinguished himself by

keeping up communication under fire between his own platoon, which was

isolated in front, and his Company. On the night of the 5th-6th we were

relieved by the Queen’s Westminsters and marched back to Donegal Farm,

at the foot of Mont Kemmel, leaving the 2/16th to carry on our work of

“peaceful penetration.” After a couple of days’ stay here we marched

back as far as Mont Vidagne, where our rest consisted of furnishing

strong working parties for road making and clearing up the area near

Westoutre. The Battalion transport and Quartermaster’s Stores moved

up from Nonne Bosch, near Godewaersvelde, which had been their home

since the beginning of August, to a place just west of Westoutre. Not

only had this rear headquarters provided us with rations and letters

regularly while we were in the line, but they had prepared for us a

concert party, a revival of the original “Plumes,” who had worked hard

and got together an excellent programme under the able leadership of

Lieutenant K. P. Neall, our assistant Quartermaster. A full-dress

rehearsal was given in a marquee on the 14th of September on the rear

slopes of Mont Vidagne. Other units of the Brigade were invited and

gave the party a great reception. One must remember that although the

party did not reach the excellence of a London theatre, or even the

“Barnstormers” (one of our Egyptian Divisional concert parties), it was

composed of men of the transport and Quartermaster’s staff who came

up the line each night with rations and shared with the Battalion the

unpleasantness of enemy artillery fire and aerial bombing raids. It was

not a party of selected entertainers who retired from the fray for the

sole purpose of becoming efficient music-hall artists.

On the 16th the Battalion was moved to Mont Noir and Major Benké

assumed command.[16] Working parties still continued to work in the

Westoutre area, while parties of officers were detailed to make a

thorough reconnaissance of the line just beyond Wulverghem and facing

Messines Ridge, with a view of relieving the 6th Cheshire Regiment.

However, this work was in vain, orders for the relief were cancelled,

and we were ordered to move farther south and occupy the support area

on the Neuve Eglise Sector, taking over from the Royal Inniskilling

Fusiliers.

[16] Lt.-Col. Gaze proceeding on leave.

On the 19th of September the Battalion marched from Mont Vidagne over

the captured area as far as Bailleul, which town was now completely

devastated, and then turning east arrived at Neuve Eglise about

midnight. The relief was carried out successfully, although everyone

was tired after their march of some ten or eleven miles.

CHAPTER XL

NEUVE EGLISE--MESSINES--HOUTHEM--WYTSCHAETE

In the Neuve Eglise area the Companies were spread over a considerable

area, the whole of which was under the direct observation from the

German lines on Messines Ridge. “A” Company was in immediate support

to the London Scottish, who were in the line on Hill 63, north of

Ploegsteert Wood, while the remaining three Companies were dotted

along the defensive line of trenches just east of the village of Neuve

Eglise. The Battalion was under orders to garrison this reserve line

should the Bosche make an attack on our immediate front. Movement,

of course, during daylight was restricted, and at the slightest sign

of smoke the enemy would deluge the area with shells, and during one

of these strafes “B” Company had to move its home further back, but

not without suffering a few casualties. “A” and “C” Company were also

unfortunate one night while furnishing working parties in the line,

and several of their men were killed and wounded during an enemy

bombardment of Hill 63. On the whole, however, a quiet time was spent

in this area, and the Battalion was ordered up the line on the 26th

of September. We relieved the 6/7th Inniskillings and took over the

line in front of Messines town from the right of the main road from

Wulverghem to Messines. Headquarters was situated near South Midland

Farm, “A” Company were in the front line on the sector adjoining the

road, and “C” Company on their right, having Stinking Farm as their

right flank. “B” Company provided supports to both front Companies,

while “D” Company were held in reserve behind South Midland Farm. The

intention was that within a few days the Battalion, in conjunction

with other units, should attack and capture Messines Ridge, so that

the first days in the line were spent in reconnoitring our front, from

which it was learnt that the enemy had a plentiful supply of machine

guns. At night-time we were also busy in bringing up and distributing

stores which are peculiar to an organised attack, such as red lights,

Verey pistols and so forth. To recapture the ridge was less an

operation by itself than an operation supplementary to a much larger

attack further north.

The 2/16th Queen’s Westminsters were on our right and the 2/17th

Londons on our left. The main road from Wulverghem to Messines formed

the general line of the direction of our attack. On the Divisional

front the first objectives were some enemy strong points close to our

front line, and directly in front of our Battalion were three such

strongholds, viz., Big Bull Cottage, Boyles Farm and Rome Alley. The

attack was timed for dawn on the 28th, and at 5.30 a.m. our artillery

opened up their bombardment on our front. It was not a creeping

barrage, which had by that time become fairly perfect, but was rather a

treatment of carefully-selected places and areas to cover the advance

of our Companies on their allotted strong points to be attacked. Both

our attacking Companies got well off the mark under this artillery

preparation and possessed themselves of their objectives, the greatest

resistance coming from Big Bull Cottage, where most of the occupants

were killed, and before 7 a.m. the Battalion had claimed seventeen

prisoners and nine machine guns. The Battalion on our left were also

successful in capturing Mortar Farm and Ontario Farm. This clearing

of the way for the advance to the Messines Ridge, though perhaps more

an affair of fighting patrols than a staged attack, called for a good

deal of initiative on the part of Company, Platoon and Subordinate

Commanders in rushing and getting around machine guns when even the

mere covering of the ground alone presented considerable difficulties.

All the enemy strong points to be attacked had the armaments of machine

guns, Captain Peatfield’s Company, “A,” our left attacking Company,

accounting for six, Second-Lieutenant Pittam leading the platoon that

captured them. Lance-Sergeant P. Mason, of “A” Company, mopped up

a post of four with no little dash and skill, helped by the daring

reconnaissances of the previous night, in which Private J. Volke had a

notable share.

“C” Company (Captain F. H. Du Heaume) had also pushed forward and

captured a network of trenches known as Rome Alley, driving off the

garrison and killing a few of the enemy, while their patrols afterwards

pushed towards Gabion Farm, which was strongly held by the enemy.

Against this strong point “C” Company had to form a defensive flank,

as the 2/16th Battalion had not advanced in the first stage of the

day’s operations. No determined counter-attack was made on our front,

although the enemy was active with his snipers and machine guns.

“B” Company moved forward during the attack from their position in

support and occupied our original front line, while “D” Company was

brought up to occupy the support line vacated by “B” Company.

The new front was then held pending the result of the greater attack

taking place further north, while on our right the 2/16th Battalion

(Queen’s Westminsters) assisted during the afternoon on the left

flank of the attack of the 31st Division through Ploegsteert Wood,

which met with considerable resistance, and the Westminsters suffered

considerable casualties. The actual attack took place about 3 p.m.

in the afternoon of the 28th, and turned out to be no easy task. The

element of surprise which had assisted us was of course entirely

lacking, and the progress of the troops on our right was attended

with difficulties, and the Bosche made a determined stand, but under

pressure gradually gave way.

By this time the success of the operations further north had begun to

tell and, pressed on his right flank as well as in front, the enemy

began to withdraw over the ridge in the late afternoon. His passage

over the ridge, which of course was visible, was hastened by our

artillery and machine-gun fire, which the sight of the enemy on the

run in broad daylight naturally provoked. More than that, the Division

could now, while still preserving the role of flanking the attack

further north, push on to the ridge. Orders were accordingly issued for

further patrols to advance over the ridge in the evening and secure

a line east of Messines itself, curving back on the right to keep in

touch with the troops there. This implied following the dip into the

hollow of the Steenbecque River and its steepish rise to the top of the

ridge, the whole way a pitted and torn desolation of the familiar type.

Progress in the dark--it was pitch dark that night--was necessarily

slow over such ground.

During the late afternoon and the evening our advance companies pushed

forward, meeting small resistance from the enemy’s rearguards. “A”

Company on the left were able to push forward past Hospice Mill and

actually entered the ruined village of Messines before midnight. The

advance of “C” Company was necessarily slower as the troops on our

right were held up, and it became necessary for us to form a defensive

flank. Unfortunately, it was found inadvisable to hold the village

of Messines, as the Battalion on our left had also met some strong

resistance, and the salient which we formed became particularly

unpleasant and it was ordered that we should withdraw from the village

itself and occupy Hospice Mill, on the western outskirts, where “B”

Company had pushed out in support of “A” Company during the advance

to the village. In view of the advance being continued the following

day, it was decided that “D” Company should relieve “A” Company in the

front line, and “B” Company should continue as supports and “A” and

“C” Companies be held in Battalion reserve. Great credit is due to all

concerned for the excellent manner in which this reorganisation was

carried out on such a dark night and over strange country covered with

shell-holes, trenches and with entanglements. The first day’s work had

been very successful.

Our casualties were comparatively small when one realises the advance

we had made, and most of them were the result of heavy artillery fire

which had continued all day on our old front line, and, curious as it

may seem, Headquarters suffered most, one unlucky shell killing nine

and wounding five others seriously. Amongst those killed by this shell

was our R.S.M. H. W. Lovelock, well known to both the 1st and 2nd

Battalions.

By daylight on the 29th, however, the ridge was ours for the taking,

and in the heavy mist at dawn parties of the Battalion pushed forward

and by seven o’clock were in the village and over the ridge. Messines,

with its memories of four years’ fighting, passed into British hands

again, and this time for good. There was, indeed, little else than

memories, save the jagged cairn which had been the church, the ruined

houses which had been made into concrete blockhouses, some of them left

intact, or nearly so, and a few broken tombstones on the site of the

cemetery. The Messines Ridge in the chill of a misty, late September

morning, when you have been fighting since dawn the day before, and do

not know where in the mist the enemy is hidden, provides neither time

nor the place for philosophising. The ridge, from being an objective,

became merely a road to the valley of the Lys. Somewhere there, as not

infrequently in the history of Flanders, we might expect a stand to

be made. The task of the Division was to see that it was made as far

east of the ridge as possible--at any rate, as far as the line of the

Ypres-Comines Canal, so well known and so little loved in the Salient

farther north.

In order to carry out this idea the Battalion was ordered to push

forward at dawn and advance as far as Houthem, and if possible make

for the line of the Canal, a distance of over three miles. Except for

constant artillery fire the first mile of the advance on our actual

front was carried out with few losses to ourselves. However, we soon

came under the direct observation of the captive balloons behind the

German lines, and his artillery fire became heavier and well directed.

As no other British troops were to be seen over the ridge it was

decided to halt about 2.0 p.m., and while waiting for further

developments we had the pleasure of seeing one of our airmen bring down

two of the enemy balloons in flames. They were immediately replaced by

another balloon, but its life was short and the airman returned and

downed it. An enemy plane, flying low, came over our position, but

luckily no artillery fire resulted.

Just after 2.0 p.m. we saw a British skirmishing line advance on our

left, and patrols soon got in touch, to find that it was the 2nd

Battalion of the South Lancashires, of the 89th Brigade, who had pushed

through the 2/17th Londons and taken up the pursuit. After consultation

between the two Battalion commanders it was decided to push on together

towards Houthem Church, as the 2nd South Lancashires were in touch with

a Battalion of the 41st Division on their left. On our right matters

were not so clear, and the heavy machine-gun fire confirmed our idea

that the Boche was making a stand. The first part of our advance from

Messines was over ground which had been in our hands the previous

winter, while the latter half was enemy territory and unknown to us.

The “going” down the slope was easier than on the west side of the

ridge, though still a desolation of rank grass and old shell-holes.

Houses, of course, there were none. Remnants of trenches and wire

entanglements still served to remind us of the former British front

line area. The only solid things were the pill-boxes left vacant, and

in many cases intact, by the retreating enemy. By our rapid advance we

were able to materially assist the advance of the 41st Division on our

left by outflanking the enemy machine-gunners.

On our right the advance had been taken up by the London Scottish, and

during the night of the 29th of September they entered Warneton.

After we had linked up with the South Lancashires we were able to

push forward without meeting much opposition, and lost only a few men

wounded. When darkness came we had reached the Ypres-Comines Canal, and

took up a defensive line near the Canal near Houthem, turning our right

flank to face south, as we had not at that time obtained touch with

our troops on the right. We used the numerous pill-boxes as rain began

to fall, and except for intermittent artillery fire and an occasional

burst of machine-gun fire which caused us a few casualties, the night

was quiet. Signal communication by lamp was obtained with Brigade

Headquarters on Messines Ridge. By dawn on the 30th of September our

right flank was secured by the Queen’s Westminsters who arrived during

the night, and the Brigade formed the extreme right of the great

advance which was proceeding successfully from the banks of the Lys to

the north. The River Lys forming a protection to the retiring enemy

made it necessary for a great deal of preliminary work to be done

before any advance in that direction could be undertaken.

Next day brought no further advance on our front, the 30th Division

was flanking an attack rather than making one, and so regulated its

movements to those of the forces on the left where the line went away

north-east towards Gheluwe and onwards. We were free to close up the

tail of the Division behind Messines Ridge, to improve shelter where

there was none--which was practically everywhere--to clear roads, and

to count the spoil. The number of prisoners taken was small, but if

there is a peculiar pleasure in capturing guns which have shelled you

for days and nights together, that pleasure was ours, for the Division

took four 8-inch howitzers, three 5·9-inch howitzers, one 5·9-inch gun,

three 4·2-inch howitzers and a similar number of guns, and 24 field

guns. Any one who cared might possess himself of a trench-mortar or

a machine-gun with sufficient ammunition for a month’s fighting. The

whole battlefield was, in fact, strewn with material from trench boards

to 15-inch “duds”--relics of the British bombardment the previous year.

The only road for transport and guns was the Wulverghem-Messines road.

A very large crater completely demolishing it had been blown just east

of the Steenbecque, where the road ran over an embankment. The enemy

had also placed 36 tank mines across the road. These were all removed

and the crater bridged to take lorry traffic by midday on the 29th of

September. On the morning of the 30th the Divisional front, which had

been gradually lessened in width by the advance from the north of the

41st Division and on the south by the 31st Division, was handed over to

the reserve Brigade (the 21st Brigade) and the Battalion was withdrawn

and marched back to Messines Ridge, and occupied old Hun dug-outs

and pill-boxes near Blauen Mullen, where Colonel Gaze rejoined from

leave. Our rest, however, was soon disturbed, and the area was heavily

shelled, causing casualties, especially among the men of “B” Company,

and after a short and unpleasant stay on this part of the ridge the

Battalion moved to Oosttaverne Wood, a little farther north. The march

proved exciting, as a Boche plane came over our lines and cleverly set

fire to five of our observation balloons in such quick fashion that no

less than ten airmen were parachuting to earth at the same time.

Oosttaverne Wood proved a very desolate spot, and it was with great

difficulty that the Battalion obtained sufficient cover from the cold

weather. Most of the dug-outs and pill-boxes in this devastated wood

were under water. However, being free from enemy observation and the

consequent artillery fire made up a great deal for the discomfort. A

few days later the Battalion went farther back towards Wytschaete,

where a fairly clean area was found and better accommodation was

discovered. It was a restful time and some of the more energetic

members of the Battalion journeyed to Ypres to see the “sights.”

Lieutenant-Colonel A. W. Gaze, M.C., left the Battalion for a Senior

Officers’ Course at Camberley, and the command of the Battalion was

given to Lieutenant-Colonel A. C. H. Benké, M.C.

CHAPTER XLI

AMERICA CORNER--THE ATTACK--CROSSING THE LYS--BOUS--BECQUE--RONCQ--THE

PURSUIT TOWARDS THE RIVER SCHELDT--PETIT TOURCOING--AVELGHEM--THE

ARMISTICE--COURTRAI AREA--MARCH OVER DEVASTATED AREA VIA

ARMENTIERES--BOESINGHEM--BASE DUTIES--THE END.

On the 11th of October, 1918, the Battalion left their camp near

Wytschaete and marched to take over the line at America Corner, about

1½ miles north of Wervicq. This relief entailed a long march of about

12 miles. The first part was done during the morning, when a halt was

made under the cover of a small ridge about a mile west of Houthem. The

weather was fine and the enemy artillery did not bother us on this part

of the journey. On the way we passed two derelict British Tanks, relics

of our advance in 1917. From the halt advance parties of an officer and

a few N.C.O.’s from each Company went forward, but it was not until

dusk that the Battalion was able to continue their march over the canal

bridge at Houthem and thence via Tenbrilen. The roads were difficult,

and as the country had been in enemy hands many new tracks and roads

had been made, and, together with the darkness and the inevitable

rain which accompanies most marches, attacks and reliefs, the latter

part of the journey became very trying. The advance parties who left

earlier in the day came under very heavy artillery fire near their

destination, and were met by large parties of British troops who had

been “gassed”--an unpleasant omen. The whole area near America Corner

was soaked with gas, and the place was littered with dead horses. The

Headquarters of the Battalion we were to relieve had been reduced to

the Commanding Officer, who lay on the floor of the dug-out blinded by

the gas, while practically all the remainder of Headquarters Company

had suffered from the gas shells and had been evacuated. The R.A.M.C.

men, who were busy in this gas-stricken zone, which was still being

shelled when the advance parties of our Battalion arrived, deserved the

highest praise for their devotion to duty. Here, indeed, was a pleasant

outlook, and before the Battalion had arrived some of our own advance

party had suffered and had to be evacuated, including Acting R.S.M.

Dyer, who, unfortunately, was killed later on in the day, an enemy

shell landing right on the ambulance car in which he was travelling

some six miles farther back. In the evening heavy rain fell, and the

Battalion struggled in the dark along the shelled roads which were now

covered in thick mud. About 11 p.m. the Battalion arrived at America

Corner, and fortunately at that time when the shelling had diminished,

only to learn that the Battalions in the line on both flanks were just

about to raid the Boche lines. Before the Companies could form up under

their guides, a heavy artillery duel opened up, and, of course, every

one took immediate cover wherever possible. Luckily only a few minor

casualties resulted, and the relief was continued. The Battalion,

however, had practically no time to learn anything of their new

surroundings before daybreak, as the enemy continued to shell the area

throughout the night. When dawn came it was found that we were under

observation from the Boche trenches, and that Battalion Headquarters

was only a matter of 250 yards from the front enemy trenches, and

overlooked by Wervicq Church, where the enemy had an Observation Post.

Not that there is anything particularly daring about this fact, but

Battalion Headquarters is always the centre of attraction for thousands

of runners from rear authorities, asking for the quantity of jam, etc.,

when the real thing to be considered is the enemy artillery and the

preparation for the coming attack. Besides, constant callers always

make a place conspicuous, even if that place is in a quiet suburban

street, and with the perfect observation of the enemy we had no desire

to become conspicuous. Throughout the day the enemy continued to shell

the area, devoting much of his “gaseous” attentions on America Corner.

Two days were given to us to acquaint ourselves with this sector, and

as no movement was possible by day it meant a great deal of night work

and practically no rest.

The night before the attack rations were brought up on pack mules

by our Quartermaster, Captain Joslin, and his assistant, Lieutenant

Wright. Both these officers found great difficulty in persuading the

mules to come up with the rations, and the prospect of being heavily

shelled on the return journey while in charge of these stupid animals

was not encouraging for them. However, they were soon relieved; an

orderly put his head into the pill-box entrance and gravely informed

them that a shell had just arrived and disposed of their four-footed

friends. Wright had a leave warrant for England on the morrow in his

pocket, yet he came up to this inferno just to wish us “Cheerio and

Good Luck,” although his attendance was not officially necessary.

The attack was ordered for dawn on the 14th of October, and the

artillery opened up a most terrific barrage at 5.30 a.m., and after

a four minute bombardment of the enemy front lines the attack was

launched under the same heavy volume of artillery fire which gradually

crept forward. “Jumping-off” lines had been laid out the previous

night, and from these the Battalion advanced close on the creeping

barrage in which a great number of smoke shells were used. Within 30

minutes of the commencement of the attack, German prisoners poured into

our lines; apparently under this fierce artillery fire they had made

very little resistance in the front line. No less than 313 prisoners,

including 9 officers, passed through our Battalion Headquarters within

a half-hour.

The 2/14th attacked on our left and with us were successful in reaching

the first objectives near the railway line from Wervicq to Menin.

Some individual cases of gallantry reported were: Sergeant B. Coultard,

“B” Company, who, with his Platoon, did yeoman work, and rounded up 45

of the enemy; Corporal C. D. Lodge, “C” Company, with his men cleared

the wire defences of a strong point and carried it; Private Oakes,

“D” Company, single-handed rushed an enemy pill-box, put 14 of the

enemy out of action, with rifle and bombs and then took 10 prisoners.

Lance-Corporal J. Barnsfather, “B” Company, and Corporal W. J. Mash,

“D” Company, were not far behind in their performances.

All along the line the first rush had succeeded, and under cover of

a barrage from our artillery the Battalion halted and consolidated

in preparation for a counter-attack. While the attack was proceeding

all occupied areas behind the Boche lines were bombarded with a great

number of gas shells. Although the resistance from the Boche troops

was small, their artillery was not slow in replying to our fire, and a

heavy bombardment of the British lines was soon in full swing.

The next step was to exploit this initial success and to push on up to

and, if possible, across, the River Lys, whilst the enemy was still

disorganised and his guns on the move. On the right this involved the

clearing of Wervicq, in whose narrow streets and half broken-down

houses there were still a good many machine-guns and snipers. By

this time the mist and smoke had gone, and the advance was entirely

uncovered in any way, for there was practically no ground cover here.

Patrols pushed out towards the Lys as soon as the first objective was

gained were held up by machine-gun fire, and, in part, by the old wire

that still remained.

From the newly-captured position the ground on our direct front sloped

gradually to the River Lys, and it was devoid of all cover; in daylight

it was impossible to push forward without incurring unnecessary

casualties. In the dusk, however, patrols pushed out and found that the

enemy had retired to the farther bank of the river, but had destroyed

all the bridges by fire. About midnight, however, “A” Company, under

Captain Du Heaume, were able to make a crossing by a bridge which had

not been quite destroyed, just to the right of our direct front, and

afterwards he was able to take his Company along the farther bank and

form a bridgehead near Bousbecque. Under cover of this bridgehead the

Sappers, under Major Atkinson, R.E., placed a pontoon bridge across

the river, though during the whole of its construction the work was

hindered by artillery and machine-gun fire. Just after dawn the

remainder of the Battalion crossed the river and occupied Bousbecque, a

village which had been badly damaged by our artillery.

We cleared the village and in the early morning were able to form a

defensive line on the far outskirts. It was, however, impossible for

us to push on any farther, as we were held up on our direct front

by a heavily-wired line of trenches known as the Linselles Switch.

Furthermore, on our right the situation was not quite clear and heavy

fighting was in progress, while the London Scottish on our left were

unable to effect a crossing of the Lys owing to the flat nature of the

ground to their front, which was swept by machine-gun fire from the

high factories on the farther bank nearer Menin. Later in the day,

however, the 14th Division had forced a crossing near Wervicq, and were

able to push up on our right, and on this flank the enemy gradually

withdrew. During the afternoon the London Scottish came over to their

right and crossed our pontoon bridge and came into Bousbecque. By this

time the enemy had left the Linselles Switch under our pressure, and we

were able to occupy the high ground east of the village of Bousbecque

from Mont D’Halluin to Roncq. The line was continued on our right by

the 31st Division which had then pushed through the 14th Division,

while on our left the 2/16th Londons (Queen’s Westminsters) continued

the line north-east as far as Reckem, having experienced some hard

fighting in crossing the Lys just south of Menin by means of rafts made

from old doors, duck-boards, etc. In the evening the London Scottish

moved from Bousbecque to Roncq for the night, when they were ordered to

continue the pursuit next morning after their night’s rest.

During the night of the 17th of October the Battalion held the Mont

D’Halluin--Roncq outpost line, but as the Boche was retreating fast

and was not expected to make a real stand until he reached the River

Scheldt, the night was peaceful, and the civilians in the neighbourhood

gave our men a hearty welcome. In the farm occupied by Battalion

Headquarters the Hun had left his playing cards on the table in the

middle of a game, while at the piano were fragments of German songs.

The next morning the London Scottish continued the pursuit on the

Brigade front, while the 2/15th and 2/16th followed in their wake in

column of route, as far as Kruistraat. Not until passing this village

did the 2/14th meet any opposition, but on the ridge a couple of miles

beyond were many well-placed and concealed enemy machine-guns which

arrested their progress. According to plan the Scottish were to have

passed over this ridge that day, but in view of this enemy rear-guard

were unable to do so. In spite of this temporary hold-up, however, our

own Battalion was ordered to billet in farms practically in the firing

line. Remarkable as it may seem, the London Scottish support Company

was actually behind our Battalion Headquarters, where we were enjoying

a nice hot meal, and slept in comfortable beds.

During the night while we slept, however, the 2/14th pushed over the

ridge, and the next day we resumed our march forward. Except for the

visit of a Boche plane which flew over our column and was brought

down by Lewis gun fire, the journey to Aelbeke was without incident.

That night we were in comfortable billets in private houses and farms

near the town which had been untouched by the ravages of war. The

stationmaster where the writer was billeted produced an English Grammar

which he had studied for this “day” when British troops should arrive,

and consequently spent the evening in questioning us in his laboured

English.

On the following days the advance was continued by the 2/14th and

2/16th Battalions, and except for a slight check at Rollinghem, where

the enemy had two field guns firing from the market place, little

opposition was met. On the 20th these advance Battalions had reached

the high ground at St. Genois overlooking the Scheldt, the patrols

of the London Scottish actually reaching the banks of the river that

night. However, the enemy resistance showed signs of increase, and

heavy artillery fire from the farther banks of the river informed us

that the Boche was making a stand here. On the same night the Battalion

moved forward towards Petit Tourcoing, and were billeted in the

farm-houses just behind the St. Genois Ridge.

The advance being held up by the German defences on the east bank of

the Scheldt, the Brigade was withdrawn from the line and remained

in billets in the Petit Tourcoing area until the end of the month.

As much rest as possible was given to the troops, and in the fine

autumn weather sports and football were indulged in. The countryside

had not been destroyed by war, and looked very clean and beautiful

after the desolation of the Messines area, where the ebb and flow of

the fighting had destroyed nature for miles around. During our stay

here the 30th Divisional Concert Party (“The Optimists”) gave us an

excellent evening’s entertainment in one of the large barns, and except

for a few practice attacks over the open we had a restful time. The

appearance of home-made rafts on a local pond at the end of the month,

however, made us think seriously of watery graves in the Scheldt.

On the 1st of November we were ordered to take over the line at

Avelghem on the Scheldt, and after a trying march we relieved a

Battalion of the King’s Royal Rifles. Although our approach march was

disturbed by enemy shelling we suffered no casualties. Avelghem itself

was on the banks of the Scheldt and was overlooked by the Mont D’Enclus

(150 feet) on the farther bank. Previous to our recent advance the town

had been a peaceful market town, but now it was battered to the ground

by the German artillery, and the last few civilians were leaving in

haste when we arrived. The line held by the Battalion was on the bank

of the river in front of the town and extended north as far as Rugge,

where a bridgehead on the farther bank had been established.

The care of the bridgehead was entrusted to “B” Company, under Captain

Lewis, while the remaining Companies occupied cellars in the town

and in the farm-houses near by. Our days were spent underground, as

the Boche had complete observation of our lines, but at night our

transport brought up rations, and we prepared ourselves for the next

day under the ground. Each morning just before dawn the enemy barraged

our position with a heavy artillery “strafe”--no doubt anticipating a

further attack from us.

On Sunday, the 3rd of November, the Boche concentrated his attentions

on Avelghem Church, and in about six hours of constant shelling

reduced a most beautiful building into absolute ruin. The following

day the Battalion was relieved, and returned as far as Knocke, about

four miles farther back. After a night’s rest here a further move was

expected and in the evening orders were actually received from Brigade.

Billeting parties left for the new area and commenced their work. The

Battalion soon followed, accompanied by the inevitable rain, only to be

turned back on reaching the new area to find that the change had been

cancelled. When we returned to our former homes we found another unit

occupying the best places, and it was with difficulty that we found

accommodation. However, this crowding only lasted for one night, and

the next morning we moved still farther back, a distance of about six

miles, just to the north of Belleghem.

On the 9th of November the enemy evacuated Mont D’Enclus, and the

next day we were brought forward towards the Scheldt as far as

Heerstert, just west of Avelghem. On arriving in the village we found

it full of troops and heard rumours that British cavalry had passed

through earlier in the day. At the same time, however, a German Taube

was hovering overhead, and we anticipated a bombing raid that night.

We realised that the Boche had retired so far that his artillery was

unlikely to trouble us, but we hated this inquisitive ’plane circling

overhead.

[Illustration]

That night rumours of an Armistice became prevalent. Every one turned

out of his billet and, led by our Drum and Fife Band, we paraded up and

down the main street of the village. In the midst of this excitement,

however, news came from Brigade that no official news had been received

confirming the rumoured cessation of hostilities, and this so depressed

us that we gradually faded away one by one to our billets. The next

morning ordinary routine was pursued, and no one dared to utter the

word “armistice” without receiving disparaging remarks from his hearers.

About 9.0 a.m., however, the official telegram came through and the

rumour of the previous night was confirmed. All the excitement of an

armistice, however, had been squashed the previous night; the sting had

gone. During the afternoon a thanksgiving service was held in the local

church. The Battalion remained at Heerstert until the 15th November,

and many took advantage of the opportunity of visiting the enemy

defences on the banks of the Scheldt under more peaceful conditions

than anticipated. A couple of large fatigue parties were furnished for

work at Escanaffles on the east of the river, but difficulty arose with

regard to the supply of rations, etc., and the Battalion was withdrawn

and marched back to the St. Annes Area, south of Courtrai, which had

now become an important railhead.

The rest here was much appreciated, and beyond the passing of military

transport there were no signs of war. Parades were held in the morning,

but the remainder of the day was devoted to games, chiefly football.

Passes to Courtrai were freely granted.

A ceremonial parade for the presentation of medal ribbons was held on

the 26th of November on the local aerodrome, and beyond the preparation

for this parade little demand was made on the energy of the troops.

On the 30th of November orders were received to move back still further

to the St. Omer area, and this necessitated a five days’ trek. The

first day’s halt was made at Linselles, where we saw the terrible

effect of the British artillery fire during the attack over the River

Lys in October, and also the wanton destruction of the Hun hordes, who

had deliberately broken furniture and mirrors, and had slashed the

covering from upholstered furniture. The night’s billets were very

uncomfortable, but as it was for one night only no one troubled. The

next day we proceeded to Verlighem, and here we were quartered in an

extensive hut encampment which the Germans had cleverly concealed from

aerial observation, in a thick wood. A comfortable night was spent

here in the bunks so recently vacated by our enemies. All along the

route to this point were signs of the hurried retreat of the Boche,

and we wondered why he had left such strongly-defended points with so

little real resistance. In places the wire entanglements were 30 yards

in depth, through which no troops could advance without a terrible

massacre. The third day’s journey took us to Armentieres, and it was

appalling to see this great town practically razed to the ground.

Undoubtedly the retiring Hun had blown up many of the fine buildings

and churches by mines, and except for a few French troops wandering

about the ruins, there was no sign of human habitation. The day’s

march ended at Sailly-sur-la-Lys, and here in absolute desolation the

cover of dug-outs and tumble-down buildings, the Battalion rested for

the night. Opposite Battalion Headquarters on the main road was a

huge German cemetery containing no less than nine thousand numbered

graves; a grim relic of the heavy fighting in this area in March, 1918,

the dates on the crosses being evidence of the period. Many French

peasants were wandering aimlessly over the fields, looking for their

lost treasures, and it was pathetic to see them building temporary

homes with the old material, such as ammunition boxes, corrugated

iron, biscuit tins, and so forth, which littered the old battlefield.

The following morning the march was continued through Estaires and

Merville, and the same devastation greeted us all round. It was not

until evening time, when approaching St. Venant, that we met occupied

farms where the occupants carried out their daily toil regardless of

the adjoining desolation. A short journey on the 4th of December just

south of the Nieppe Forest brought us to our destination at Boesinghem,

a few miles north-east of Aire, when Lieutenant-Colonel Gaze rejoined

from England, and again took over the command. Billets were soon

arranged, and improved on our acquaintance--combined with hard work and

cleaning, which did a great deal towards this improvement. Arrangements

were immediately made for Christmas time, and when the 25th of December

arrived everything was carried out with great success, although doubts

were entertained until the very last minute as to whether the goods

would arrive in time. At Boesinghem touch with our 1st Battalion in the

Lillers area was obtained, and inter-Battalion football matches were

arranged.

From this time the Battalion commenced to fade away. The fighting over,

demobilisation set in, and every day some familiar faces left the

Battalion to re-enter civil life. Early in January the Battalion moved

to Etaples, where, after a stay of about nine days, they entrained for

the Dunkirk area and encamped at Mardyck. In February the Battalion,

much depleted in strength, developed into a “General Purposes”

Battalion, and carried out Base duties. In the following month they

were relieved of these duties, and moved to Pont de Petite Synthe, only

to be moved again by train to the Etaples area, first staying at Dannes

and then at St. Cecile Plage.

From here “C” and “D” Companies were detailed for duty at a Prisoner of

War Camp near Boulogne.

In May a further move was made towards Abbeville, and a new home was

found in the Ciquier Area. Demobilisation increased at a great pace,

and by September only 155 other ranks remained. Canteen stores were

sold to another regiment, and without canteen stores no regiment can

exist.

3rd Battalion Civil Service Rifles

BY MAJOR H. DUNCAN LEWIS

The 3rd, subsequently the Reserve, Battalion, was raised in May, 1915,

for the purpose of furnishing drafts to the 1st and 2nd Battalions.

Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Hayes, T.D., relinquishing the command of

the 2nd Battalion, was appointed Commanding Officer, and retained the

position until he was disabled by an unfortunate accident during a

Madsen gun demonstration on the miniature rifle range at Wimbledon in

May, 1918. He was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel C. M. Mackenzie,

D.S.O., who commanded the 2nd Battalion of the Kensingtons in France

and Palestine. Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie remained with the Battalion

until it was broken up shortly after the Armistice, when he was

appointed Commandant of the Demobilisation Camp at Wimbledon.

The men were at first billeted at their homes and assembled daily at

Somerset House for preliminary organisation, drill and route marching.

Richmond Park.

After a short period the Battalion went into camp at Richmond Park

with other third-line units of the 1st and 2nd London T.F. Divisions,

under Brigadier-General C. S. O. Monck. Living together in camp made

it possible to commence instilling into the men that sense of military

discipline which is the first qualification of a soldier, and progress

in this direction soon became apparent. At first the training was

necessarily on somewhat elementary lines owing to various causes,

such as the want of experienced officers and N.C.O.’s, lack of arms

and equipment, etc., but in the course of time, as these disabilities

became gradually less and the syllabus of training more systematised,

there followed marked improvement.

An early difficulty felt by the Commanding Officer was in regard to

senior officers. A number of smart and promising junior officers

had been posted to the Battalion, many of whom later on served with

distinction at the Front, both in France and Palestine, but at the

time they were new to military duties. This difficulty was met to a

great extent by the transfer, first, of Major G. W. Turk from the

101st Provisional Battalion, and shortly afterwards, of Major H. D.

Lewis from the 2nd Battalion. In August, 1915, when the latter officer

was transferred, the organisation of the Battalion consisted of two

companies of six strong platoons each.

Captain C. J. Bowen was gazetted as Adjutant, which post he held until

August, 1917, when he was seconded for service in East Africa. He was

succeeded in turn by Captains R. F. Guyton, W. L. C. Rathbone, M.C.,

A.M., and F. C. Olliff. The important post of Quartermaster was filled

by the appointment of Captain W. G. Hodge, late Quartermaster-Sergeant

of the 2nd Battalion, and, except for a period of ten months, when

he exchanged duties with Captain A. Toomey, of the 1st Battalion,

he remained with the Battalion until the end. It is difficult to

overestimate his services: his untiring zeal and efficiency, combined

with firmness and tact, have given him a place in the front rank of

those officers who have served the Regiment in a similar capacity. He

was ably assisted by Regimental Quartermaster-Sergeant J. S. McIntyre,

until the latter went overseas early in 1918.

The Battalion was very fortunate in its Medical Officer, Captain F. M.

Hughes. He endeared himself to all ranks by his kindly interest in, and

attention to, all his patients, and when he left for France the whole

Battalion turned out to give him a send off. Every one learnt with

gratification that he was the recipient later of the Legion of Honour

for gallant conduct.

Sergeant-Major G. Weaver was appointed Regimental Sergeant-Major, and

was succeeded in 1917 by Sergeant-Major B. J. Jolliffe, from the 1st

Battalion.

Barnes.

The Battalion remained under canvas in Richmond Park until the 20th

November--the last few weeks under trying conditions of cold and

wet--and was then transferred to billets in Barnes. Here training was

continued for six weeks under the disadvantages consequent upon the

separation of the men at the close of each day’s work.

Hazeley Down.

Early in January, 1916, the Battalion was moved to Hazeley Down, 3½

miles to the south of Winchester, where a camp of considerable size

was formed, consisting mainly of third-line units of the 2nd London

T.F. Divisions, including at first the Kensingtons and the Queen’s

Westminsters and later, when these two Battalions left, the London

Scottish--the three other Battalions of the 4th Reserve London Brigade.

The camp was situated in an ideal position on the southern slope of one

of the many downs in the neighbourhood: with stretches of well-wooded

country, intersected by good roads, it formed altogether a most

suitable region for military training. There was a range close by, at

Chilcomb; there were trenches on Fawley Down, about a mile away, and

at the camp there was plenty of space for digging, and bombing, and

assault courses, as well as a good miniature range.

For two years--the greater part of its life--the Battalion made its

home at this camp, and from here draft after draft was sent out, mainly

to the 1st, partly to the 2nd Battalion, and occasionally to other

units at the respective Fronts. The drafts had been trained, thanks

very largely to the efforts of the disabled officers and N.C.O.’s from

Overseas, as far as possible in the limited time at disposal.

When leave was given at the beginning of 1917 to enrol boys of 18,

the strength of the Battalion mounted rapidly, and for some months

stood at a total of about 2,400. These lads were of an excellent

type, and as it was possible to give them a much longer training than

the other recruits, they became quite good soldiers and many of them

proved suitable for, and were given, commissions. Under the special

recruiting system, admirably worked by Lieutenant C. E. Doubleday,

Officer Commanding Depot, the ranks of the Battalion were reinforced by

much the same class of man as joined the Regiment in pre-war days. When

that system ceased, in 1918, the Battalion had to accept whatever men

were sent to it by the Recruiting Officer, but particular pains were

taken, and with great success, to imbue them with a sense of the best

traditions of the Regiment. Indeed, throughout its career, whether on

or off duty, both in billets and in camp, the conduct of the Battalion

was worthy of the regimental badge.

While at Hazeley the Battalion was organised in six companies as

follows:--

“A.” Major G. W. Turk.

“B.” Major H. D. Lewis.

“C” and “D.” Various officers, mostly from Overseas, amongst others:

Majors F. M. Warne and E. W. Neales, Captains A. C. Bull, L. D. Eccles,

D. H. Miall, W. L. C. Rathbone, M.C., A.M.

“E.” Captain G. H. Stone.

“F.” (Men from Overseas.) Various officers from Overseas.

Attached to “B” Company were Machine Gun and Signalling Detachments

under the command of Lieutenants A. E. Smith and O. H. Mattison,

respectively.

The gradually increasing number of experienced officers and N.C.O.’s

returning from Overseas, either from partial disablement or for periods

of rest, rendered most valuable service by furnishing the Battalion

with instructors in all branches of training. Exceptionally good was

the work of the Musketry Staff, in charge, successively, of Captain

H. A. Berry, Lieutenants J. A. G. Falkner and C. S. McKay; and of the

Physical Exercises Staff, under Captain H. G. Edney.

As regards messing, the men were well looked after, as was always the

case in the regiment, which has been particularly fortunate in its

Quartermasters. The food was good and varied, and the arrangements

generally were on several occasions the subject of most favourable

comment on the part of Inspecting Officers. Sergeant T. V. Weaver

rendered valuable service with this work.

The Regimental Institute, which had been started in Richmond Park, with

Major H. D. Lewis as P.R.I., was much developed at Hazeley and, as

there were plenty of funds forthcoming from the rebate on the canteen

money, everything was done to make the Institute attractive. The G.O.C.

Southern District, on the occasion of a visit to it in 1917, said that

it was one of the best he had seen in the command. Liberal grants were

made for the purpose of adding to the men’s comfort and towards meeting

the expenditure on games and sports.

Shortly before leaving Richmond permission had been given to form a

band, subject to the proviso that fit men were not withheld from draft,

and while at Barnes and during the first year at Hazeley the Battalion

possessed a really good Brass Band; but as the men composing it were

gradually dispersed, its place was taken by quite a fair drum and fife

band.

Close touch was kept with the 1st Battalion in France, and while at

Hazeley visits which were much appreciated in the Battalion were paid

by Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. E. Segrave, D.S.O., and by the late Major

F. W. Parish, D.S.O., M.C., both of whom had endeared themselves to the

Regiment.

Wimbledon.

On Saturday, December 22nd, 1917, the Battalion said good-bye to

Hazeley Down, and entrained for Wimbledon, where it went into camp with

the third-line units of the Queen’s Westminsters and the 17th London,

and where it remained until disbanded at the end of 1918.

Here the work of training was carried on as earnestly as at Hazeley,

varied with occasional air-raid alarms, culminating in that of

Whit-Sunday.

In May, 1918, occurred the serious accident to Colonel Hayes, which

caused his retirement from the command, and about the same time another

change also took place. Brigadier-General H. P. Burn, C.M.G., D.S.O.,

of the Gordon Highlanders, from the famous 51st Highland Division,

succeeded Brigadier-General C. S. O. Monck in command of the Brigade.

In October, Major H. D. Lewis was appointed Officer Commanding Depot,

and was followed in the command of “B” Company by Lieutenant L. C.

Morris, M.C., a young officer, who distinguished himself while in

command of a Company of the 1st Battalion in the fighting at Bourlon

Wood.

Shortly after the Armistice the Battalion was broken up, most of the

men not due for demobilisation being transferred to the 6th London

Regiment at Blackdown, and the officers to the 9th London, also in the

Aldershot Command.

The number of recruits that passed through the 3rd Battalion was

approximately 6,000.

Regimental Aid Fund.

In July, 1916, Sir John Lithiby, a former member of the Regiment,

inaugurated a Fund with the object of providing comforts for the men

at the front, food and other necessaries for the prisoners of war, and

temporary help, where needed, for the widows and dependents of men

killed.

An influential Committee, representative of almost all the Government

Departments, was formed; with an Executive Committee, consisting of

past and present Officers of the Regiment, with Sir H. J. Gibson,

K.C.B., as Chairman, and Sir John Lithiby as Honorary Secretary.

The appeal for subscriptions met with a ready response. £2,850 was

received for the general objects of the Fund, chiefly from the Public

Offices and the Officers and men of the Regiment; while a further

£5,000 was subscribed for the prisoners of war, by the Regiment, the

Public Departments, the Central Prisoners of War Committee, and the

relatives and friends of the men themselves.

The comforts most appreciated by the Battalions overseas seemed to be

luxuries wherewith to supplement the ordinary rations, and consignments

of various kinds were, from time to time, sent out from home both

to France and Palestine. In addition, the Commanding Officers were

supplied with funds to use at their discretion in brightening the

sombre monotony of trench life whenever opportunity offered.

The appeals from widows and dependents were fewer than had been

expected, but many necessitous cases were helped in a quiet and

unobtrusive way.

The chief activities of the Fund were connected with the care of the

prisoners of war, of whom there were about 210 at the date of the

Armistice, scattered throughout the various prison camps in Germany

and Palestine. Each man was provided at intervals with a complete

outfit of clothing, and three food parcels with bread, tobacco and

cigarettes were sent to him every fortnight. This work was carried out

at the Depot under the direction of the Officer Commanding, Captain C.

E. Doubleday. Most of the parcels reached their destination safely,

and the men, on their return after the Armistice, expressed great

appreciation of what had been done for them. Only a few, happily, had

to complain of exceptionally harsh treatment at the hands of their

German captors.

In accordance with its rules the Aid Fund was closed early in 1921, and

the General Committee, with the approval of the Charity Commissioners,

disposed of the unexpended balance of £1,929, by presenting £1,500

to the Old Comrades’ Association, and the remainder to the Officer

Commanding the Regiment to be applied to the erection of a Memorial to

the officers and men who had fallen during the War.

C. DOUBLEDAY,

CHAPTER XLIII

THE RECONSTITUTED BATTALION

The first step towards securing the future of the Battalion may be said

to have been taken when friends of the Regiment in 1918 approached

authority with a view to the Prince of Wales assuming the Honorary

Colonelcy, so long held by his grandfather, but it had been considered

advisable to wait the termination of hostilities. In 1919, however, a

letter was received from the Controller to his Royal Highness, stating

that the Prince of Wales would accept the position. The appointment

which followed in due course was received with unbounded delight in the

Regiment.

Many months of delay on the part of the Army Council in forming

their post-war policy in regard to the Territorial Force had a most

deleterious effect, and thus when the task of reconstituting the

Regiment was commenced many difficulties were experienced, the bands of

comradeship had loosened, and there was a marked disinclination among

the greater part of those who had worn khaki for so long in war to put

it on again in peace, whilst the absence of a “young entry” into H.M.

Civil Service destroyed our main source of recruits.

The command of the Regiment was offered to Major Viscount Bury,

M.C., Special Reserve Scots Guards, who accepted and was appointed

Lieutenant-Colonel in February, 1920. He was thus the third of his name

to have the honour of commanding the Regiment. A letter was received

on behalf of Lord Grenfell, Colonel of the King’s Royal Rifle Corps,

pointing out that during the war the Civil Service Rifles, among other

battalions, had been affiliated by Army Council instructions to the

regiment of which he was Chief, and requesting that the feeling of the

Regiment as to the continuance of the connection should be made known

to him in reply. Answer was accordingly made that though the Regiment

highly appreciated the honour of having been linked to the tradition

of so distinguished a Corps, yet they now felt that they would like to

stand on the merits of their war record rather than to shelter under

the magnificent reputation in the making of which they had not taken

part. It was added that the Regiment had for years carried out line

drill and had only for a short period drilled as riflemen.

The Commanding Officer was fortunate in securing as Adjutant, Captain

(Brevet Major) W. H. Ramsbotham of the West Yorkshire Regiment (Prince

of Wales’s Own). He also applied successfully to the Coldstream Guards

for a Regimental Sergeant-Major in the person of C.S.M. Stevens,

D.C.M., and later, through the instrumentality of General Jeffreys, two

Sergeant Instructors were obtained from the same regiment. Captain A.

A. Joslin was appointed Quartermaster, a position he held in the Second

Battalion throughout the war. Captain A. E. Evans, R.A.M.C., who had

served in that capacity with the 1st Battalion in France, was appointed

Medical Officer. The following Officers and N.C.O.’s were appointed to

the various companies:--

“A” Company.--Major H. F. M. Warne, Captain G. E. Thompson,

D.S.O., Lieutenant F. W. Hounsell, C.S.M. Hyder, C.Q.M.S.

Lewis, M.M.

“B” Company.--Captain R. J. S. Gold, Captain P. Davenport,

M.C., Lieutenants S. A. Seys, M.C., J. L. Hutchison, M.C.,

C.S.M. Torbell, C.Q.M.S. F. Trout.

“C” Company.--Captain L. D. Eccles, Captain H. M. Blomfield,

(from 5th Buffs), Lieutenant P. E. Beddow, Second-Lieutenant

J. S. Oldcorn, D.C.M., C.Q.M.S. Ibbett, M.M., and Sergeant

(A/C.S.M.) A. C. Ridlington, M.C.

“D” Company.--Captain T. N. Sharratt, Lieutenant W. D. Hooper,

Lieutenant P. H. Hall, C.S.M. Callingham, C.Q.M.S. Sale.

Recruiting started slowly and by midsummer some eighty members had

joined, to which number was added the Band of twenty-four members,

under Band-Sergeant H. W. Blackmore. The Band had all served in this

capacity on the Western Front with the 1st Battalion.

It was felt that there was no better way of influencing recruiting

than by reviving the Annual Midsummer Camp. This battalion, alone of

the 2nd London Division, was fortunate in obtaining leave for this,

and a contingent of the Regiment, under command of Major Warne, spent

a happy fortnight at St. Martin’s Plain, Shorncliffe. R.S.M. Stevens

at this camp earned the commendation of the G.O.C. London District,

General Jeffreys, for the remarkable progress made by recruits under

his zealous teaching.

After camp recruiting began to quicken in pace. The Sergeants’ Mess

was re-established. The custom of holding two yearly dinners of the

Officers’ Mess had been revived, and the first of these was held

in November. Among the guests was the newly-appointed Commander

of the 4th (Grey) London Infantry Brigade, Colonel F. G. Lewis.

Subsequently, H.R.H. the Prince of Wales was approached and he honoured

the Regiment by attending the Mess Dinner held in the Alexandra Room

of the Trocadero on the 4th April, 1921. There were also present

Sir Warren Fisher, K.C.B. (Secretary to Treasury); Sir Henry Gibson

(Auditor-General); Major-General Jeffreys (G.O.C. London District);

Sir Neville Smyth, V.C. (G.O.C. 47th (2nd London) Division); Colonel

F. G. Lewis, Holland Martin, Esq., C.B.E. (Chairman County of London

Territorial Force Association); and many old commanding officers of the

Regiment, including Colonel A. M. Renny, Lieutenant-Colonel Segrave,

Lieutenant-Colonel R. Fielding, Lieutenant-Colonel W. F. K. Newson,

Lieutenant-Colonel A. W. Gaze, Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D., Major A. C.

H. Benké, Sir John Lithiby and Sir Charles Walker, K.C.B.

A third dinner, held in November, 1921, at the Civil Service Rifles’

Club, was honoured by the attendance of Lieutenant-General Sir Francis

Lloyd, G.C.V.O., who in an admirable speech gave encouragement to those

who are working hard for the continued existence and future of their

Regiment.

During the time which had elapsed since the Armistice, the activities

of the Regiment had been kept well in the public view. The Regiment had

taken part in the processional march of the London troops in 1919, when

the representatives of the 1st and 2nd Battalions were led respectively

by Lieutenant-Colonel Feilding and Lieutenant-Colonel Gaze; at the

unveiling by the Duke of York of the memorial to London troops erected

in front of the Royal Exchange, and on the occasion of the presentation

of colours to battalions of the 56th Division at the Horse Guards’

Parade by H.R.H. Princess Mary it had helped, in company with other

troops of the 47th Division, to line the parade ground. The Regiment

also sent detachments to the unveiling of the memorial to King Edward

VII, and also to the unveiling of the memorial to those men of the Post

Office (many of whom served in the Regiment) who fell in the late war.

At Easter, 1921, the pre-war custom of a visit to the Guards Depot at

Caterham was revived, and over 100 other ranks received the traditional

hospitality and welcome from all ranks of the Depot. This was a great

success and had much influence on recruiting. After this camp great

efforts were made by members of the Regiment, and the effects were

just beginning to be shown, when an event disastrous to the Regiment,

as far as recruiting was concerned, occurred. For the month previous

to April, 1921, recruits had been coming in at the rate of twelve to

fifteen per week, and had that rate of increase been maintained a

satisfactory increase of strength would have been seen by midsummer.

In April, 1921, the Defence Force was formed. Members of H.M. Civil

Service were forbidden to join. The Headquarters Staff were taken

away and Headquarters given up to a force which had nothing in common

with the Regiment. With the exception of shooting, all its activities

were suspended. For over three months this state of affairs continued

and had a blighting effect on the regimental prosperity. The other

regiments of the Division on the disbandment of the Defence Force

secured a large number of recruits from those who had served in the

Defence Unit bearing their names, whilst the Civil Service Rifles,

through no fault of their own, lost not only those who would have

joined had not the Defence Force been formed, but received merely a few

individuals as recruits from among all those who had enlisted in the

Defence Force. In spite of these difficulties the task was resumed. The

Regimental Shooting Programme, seriously curtailed, was carried out,

while in July, 1921, at the first post-war camp of the Grey Brigade

at Shorncliffe, over 200 other ranks attended. The Regiment there

maintained its reputation for efficiency, and the Battalion signallers

under Sergeant Maddocks earned commendation by the Inspecting Officer

of being the best trained signallers in the Division, whilst the band

by their excellent performances on the Leas at Folkestone and in Camp

brought themselves into deserved prominence.

In the world of sport the Battalion team reached the semi-final of

the Divisional Football Championship, whilst the Civil Service Rifles

Harriers gained second place in the Cross Country Championship. The

season’s shooting at Bisley was crowned by winning the Middlesex Cup

on 10th September, 1921; this cup conferring the primacy for the year

on the Regimental team over those from all Territorial units in the

six Home Counties. Relative to the winning of this Trophy a letter

was received from the Secretary to the Prince of Wales expressing his

Royal Highness’s pleasure. Accompanying the letter was a large signed

photograph of H.R.H., which, sent as it was on the eve of the departure

of H.R.H. on his visit to India gave to all ranks highest gratification

as evidence of the support and interest felt for his own Civil Service

Rifles by the Prince of Wales.

[Illustration: _To face appendix I._]

[Illustration: _To face appendix I._]

APPENDIX I

REGIMENTAL PLATE

------+------------------+-------------+------+--------------+---------------

SERIAL| REGIMENTAL PLATE.| BATTALION OR| YEAR | BY WHOM. |WHAT PURPOSE.

NO. | | COMPANY CUP.|GIVEN.| |

------+------------------+-------------+------+--------------+---------------

1 |Prince of Wales |Battalion |1863 |H.R.H. Albert |Best Shot.

| Cup | Cup | |Edward Prince |

| | | |of Wales |

| | | | |

2 |Lord Bury Cup | “ “ |1862 |The Viscount |Best Shooting

|(Replica of | | |Bury (First | Company.

| Rifleman) | | |Commanding |

| | | |Officer) |

| | | | |

3 |Lord Albemarle Cup| “ “ |1896 |Lord Albemarle|Company

| | | | (Eighth Earl)| General

| | | | | Efficiency.

| | | | |

4 |Lord Arran Bowl | “ “ |1908 |Lt.-Colonel |Shooting.

| | | | Earl ofArran |

| | | | |

5 |_Daily Telegraph_ | “ “ |1902 |Proprietors, |

| Cup (1902) | | | _Daily |

| | | | Telegraph_ |

| | | | |

6 | “ “ “ (1903) | “ “ |1903 | |All troops

| | | | | in London

| | | | | District.

| | | | |

7 | “ “ “ (1904) | “ “ |1904 | |

| | | | |

8 | “ “ “ (1905) | “ “ |1905 | |

| | | | |

9 |Harris Inter- | “ “ |1899 |Private L. |Tug-of-War.

| Company Cup | | | Harcourt |

| | | |Smith (Harris)|

| | | | |

10 |Sway Ambulance Cup| “ “ |1905 |Inhabitants of|Inter-Battalion

| | | | Sway |Competition in

| | | | |23rd Field

| | | | |Army Brigade.

| | | | |

11 |Royal Military | “ “ |1901, |Royal Military|Won outright

| Tournament | |1902, | Tournament | in 1903.

| Tug-of-War Cup | |1903. | |

| | | | |

12 | Wolsley Cup |“I” (Cycl- |1904 |Proprietors, |Competition in

| | ists) Coy. | | _Daily | Southern

| | | | Telegraph_ | District.

| | | | |

13 |Audit Challenge |“A” (Audit) |1873 | -- |Inter-Company

| Cup | Coy. | | | Shoot.

| | | | |

14 |Battalion Match |Battalion |1894 |Battalion |Shooting.

| Challenge Cup | Cup. | | |

| | | | |

15 |Lombard Cup |“A” (Audit) |1876 |Mrs. Lombard |Drill.

| | Coy. | | |

| | | | |

16 |Jeston Bowl |“A” (Audit) |1884 |Captain |Shooting.

| | Coy. | | Jeston |

| | | | |

17 |Trendall Cup |“H” (Admir- |1907 |Captain |Shooting.

| (gilt, 1918) | alty) Coy. | | Trendall |

| | | | |

18 |Challenge Cup |“A” (Audit) |1912 | -- |Sectional

| | Coy. | | | Efficiency.

| | | | |

19 |Edmund Yates Cup |Post Office |1871 |Edmund Yates |Shooting.

| | Companies | | |

| | | | |

20 |Battalion |“C” Coy. |1883 |Battalion |Shooting (Inter-

| Challenge Cup | Post Office)| | | Company).

| No. 8 | | | |

| | | | |

21 |Battalion |“D” (Inland |1894 |Battalion |Shooting (Inter-

| Challenge Cup |Revenue) Coy.| | | Company).

| No. 14 | | | |

| | | | |

22 |Laboratory Cup |“E” (Inland |1895 |Government |Marching and

| |Revenue) Coy.| | Laboratory. | Shooting (Inter-

| | | | | Section).

| | | | |

23 |Old Members’ |“E” (Inland |1902 |Old Members |Most Efficient

| Bowl |Revenue) Coy.| | of “E” | Member.

| | | | Company. |

| | | | |

24 |Du Cros |“H” (Admir- |1898 |Harvey Du |Shooting.

| | alty) Coy. | | Cros |

| | | | |

25 |Marriott Cup |“H” (Admir- |1909 |Corporal |Shooting.

| | alty) Coy. | | Norman J. |

| | | | Marriott. |

| | | | |

26 |Acland Cup |“I” (Cycl- |1905 |Lieutenant F. |Sectional

| | ists) Coy. | | (afterwards | Efficiency.

| | | | D. Acland |

| | | | Under- |

| | | | Secretary |

| | | | of State for|

| | | | War). |

| | | | |

27 |McKay Challenge |“H” (Admir |1885 |McKay |Shooting.

| Cup | -alty) Coy. | | |

| | | | |

28 |Austen Chamberlain|“H” (Admir |1900 |The Right |Shooting.

| Bowl | -alty) Coy. | | Honourable |

| | | | Austen |

| | | | Chamberlain. |

| | | | |

29 |Lamb Bowl |Sergeants’ |1902 |Major and |

| | Mess. | | Adjutant |

| | | | G. Lamb. |

| | | | |

30 |Old Boys’ Bowl |“B” (Savings |1909 |Past and |Team

| | Bank) Coy. | | Honorary | Competitions.

| | | | Members. |

| | | | |

31 |Campbell Snuff |“A” (Audit) |1862 |J. D. |

| Box in Case | Coy. | | Campbell. |

| | | | |

32 |Woods Cigarette |“A” (Audit) |1892 |Captain R. |

| Box | Coy. | | Lennox Woods.|

| | | | |

33 |Dickson Cigarette |Battalion |1910 |Surgeon-Major |Officers’ Mess.

| Box (wood) | Cup. | |T. H. Dickson.|

| | | | |

34 |Baillie Hamilton |“A” (Audit) |1870 |J. B. Baillie |

| Spirit Lamp | Coy. | | Hamilton. |

| | | | |

35 |Eccles Hammer and |“A” (Audit). |1888 |Major Dorset |

| Stand | Coy | | Eccles. |

| | | | |

36 |Middlesex Cup (for|Challenge |1860 |London and |Inter-Battalion

| the year 1921/2) | Trophy. | | Middlesex | Team Shoot.

| | | | Rifle |

| | | | Association. |

| | | | |

37 |Hayes Cup |3rd | -- |Brevet-Colonel|

| | Battalion. | | R. G. Hayes. |

| | | | |

38 |Plain two-handled |No details. |No de-| |

| Silver Cup | |tails.| |

APPENDIX II

STAFF.

Commanding Officers.

Colonel William Coutts, Viscount Bury,

K.C.M.G., V.D., A.D.C. 1860-1890.

Colonel Richard Mills, C.B., V.D. 1890-1892.

Colonel Arnold Alan, Viscount Bury

(became 8th Earl of Albemarle in 1894) 1892-1901.[17]

Lieutenant-Colonel H. B. H. Tytheridge,

V.D. 1900-1904.

Lieutenant-Colonel The Earl of Arran, K.P. 1904-1908.

Lieutenant-Colonel The Hon. C. S. H. Willoughby 1908-1912.

Lieutenant-Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D. 1912-1914.

[17] In command of Infantry C.I.V., South Africa, 1900.

THE GREAT WAR.

1/15 Bn. London Regiment.

Lieutenant-Colonel The Earl

of Arran October, 1914-November, 1914.

Colonel A. M. Renny November, 1914-July, 1915.

Lieutenant-Colonel H. V.

Warrender, D.S.O. July, 1915-November, 1916.

Major (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)

W. F. K. Newson December, 1916-January, 1917.

Captain (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)

H. Marshall, M.C. February, 1917-July, 1917.

Lieutenant-Colonel F. W.

Parish, D.S.O., M.C. July, 1917-September, 1917.

Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. E.

Segrave, D.S.O. September, 1917-August, 1918.

Lieutenant-Colonel R. C.

Feilding, D.S.O. August, 1918-March, 1919.

2/15 Bn. London Regiment.

Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D. October, 1914-May, 1915.

Lieutenant-Colonel E. F.

Strange, C.B.E. May, 1915-May, 1916.

Lieutenant-Colonel C. de

Putron May, 1916-October, 1917.

Captain (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)

T. E. Bisdee, D.S.O., M.C. October, 1917-May, 1918.

Lieutenant-Colonel A. W.

Gaze, M.C. May, 1918-1919.

Major (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)

A. C. H. Benké ----, 1919-April, 1919.

3/15 Bn. London Regiment.

Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D. May, 1915-July, 1918.

Lieutenant-Colonel C. M.

Mackenzie, D.S.O. August, 1918-March, 1919.

AFTER THE WAR.

Lieutenant-Colonel Walter,

Viscount Bury, M.C. February, 1920-December, 1921.

Adjutants.

Captain W. Ennis 1860-1862.

Captain A. W. Adair 1862-1863.

Major G. C. S. Lombard 1864-1886.

Major A. G. S. Beadnell 1886-1891.

Captain N. A. D. Barton 1891-1896.

Captain G. Lamb 1896-1902.

Captain B. J. Majendie 1902-1905.

Captain E. F. Ward 1905-1907.

Captain H. T. Manley 1907-1909.

Captain C. Fitzclarence 1909-1913.

Captain W. F. Parish 1913-Aug, 1914.

THE GREAT WAR

1/15 Bn. London Regiment.

Captain F. W. Parish August, 1914-October, 1915.

Captain J. C. D. Carlisle,

D.S.O., M.C. October, 1915-January, 1916.

Lieutenant A. M. Lester January, 1916-March, 1916.

Captain W. E. Ind, M.C. March, 1916-June, 1917.

Captain P. Davenport, M.C. June, 1917-April, 1919.

2/15 Bn. London Regiment.

Captain A. W. Gaze, M.C. October, 1914-March, 1918.

Captain S. C. Hall March, 1918-March, 1919.

3/15 Bn. London Regiment.

Captain C. J. Bowen May, 1915-November, 1917.

Captain F. C. Oliff November, 1917-December, 1918.

AFTER THE WAR.

Captain and Brevet Major

W. H. Ramsbotham May, 1920-December, 1921.

Regimental Sergeant-Majors.

R.S.M. G. Stevens 1860-1868.

R.S.M. P. Kenny (11th Regiment) 1868-1886.

R.S.M. T. Winscombe (Grenadier Guards) 1886-1896.

R.S.M. W. Wilson (Grenadier Guards) 1896-1905.

R.S.M. J. Pride (Grenadier Guards) 1905-1907.

R.S.M. A. Toomey (Scots Guards) 1907-1914.

THE WAR.

1/15th Battalion London Regiment.

R.S.M. A. Toomey August, 1914-August, 1915.

A./R.S.M. B. J. Jolliffe August, 1915-December, 1915.

A./R.S.M. R. H. Haylett January, 1916-March, 1916.

R.S.M. W. Richards March, 1916-February, 1918.

A./R.S.M. W. F. Torbell May, 1918-December, 1918.

2/15th Battalion London Regiment.

R.S.M. A. Freemantle April, 1915-October, 1917.

R.S.M. H. W. Lovelock October, 1917-September, 1918.

A./R.S.M. R. Dyer September, 1918-October, 1918.

R.S.M. D. C. L. Edwards, D.C.M. October, 1918-December, 1918.

3/15th Battalion London Regiment.

R.S.M. G. Weaver April, 1915-August, 1917.

R.S.M. B. J. Jolliffe September, 1917-April, 1919.

After the War.

R.S.M. F. Stevens (Coldstream Gds.) May, 1920-November, 1921.

APPENDIX III

MEMBERS WHO SERVED IN SOUTH AFRICAN WAR.

Imperial Yeomanry.

Trooper G. H. Addison.

Trooper C. S. Anderton.

{18}Sergeant E. Baldrey.

Corporal W. Bartholomew.

Trooper F. R. Bell.

Corporal J. Bird.

Trooper E. Bryant.

Lieutenant A. C. Carey.

Lieutenant R. W. Cousins.

Trooper K. V. Cowie.

Trooper N. B. Cowie.

Trooper W. R. Cunningham.

Trooper R. H. Dailley.

{18}Trooper W. P. Dean.

Lieutenant D. Dewar.

Lieutenant T. C. Fryer.

{18}Sergeant H. S. Greensill.

{18}Trooper D. Jervis.

Sergeant S. Lloyd-Jones.

Trooper R. McGregor.

Lieutenant R. G. S. Miller.

Quartermaster-Sergeant T. Moran.

Trooper C. Morgan.

Lieutenant F. G. Morley.

Trooper V. H. Morshead.

Trooper D. J. Mosses.

Lance-Corporal R. B. Newson.

Trooper W. S. Nunn.

Trooper S. M. Page.

Trooper W. H. Parker.

Trooper F. M. J. Ross.

Trooper J. A. Rowan.

Trooper E. A. Rutherford.

Trooper R. O. Sage.

Trooper C. E. Savage.

Staff-Sergeant S. H. Schneider.

Trooper E. G. Seymour.

Corporal E. A. Streatfield.

Trooper P. A. Stuchbury.

Trooper H. C. Sword.

Trooper E. C. Todd.

Lieutenant A. E. Trembath.

Trooper E. H. Turff.

Corporal A. H. Walker.

Corporal A. P. Ward.

Sergeant W. W. Watson.

Trooper H. Whitaker.

Sergeant-Major J. A. Williams.

[18]Trooper F. W. Young.

[18] Died in the War.

C.I.V.

Lieutenant-Colonel A. A. C. Earl of Albemarle.

Sergeant F. G. Ager.

Sergeant H. J. Allen.

Private C. O. Boot.

Private T. P. Brett.

Private S. W. Briggs.

Private R. H. Buckland.

Driver R. Burgess.

Private E. D. L. Churton.

Corporal A. S. Collard.

Private G. L. Crampton.

Private E. C. Crick.

Private F. R. Cripps.

Private R. A. Daws.

Private A. J. Firth.

Private H. Fisher.

Private L. Franzmann.

Private J. E. Gerahty.

Private A. W. Gough.

Private G. C. Grimsdale.

Private A. G. M. N. Harper.

Corporal A. E. Harris.

Private W. B. Hart.

Private W. Hatchard.

Private R. H. Haylett.

Private F. Henderson.

Private W. Hildred.

Driver R. H. Hutchinson.

Private B. J. Jolliffe.

Bombardier H. S. Law.

Private D. M. M. Kenzie.

Private H. H. Mears.

Private A. D. Mellish.

Private E. J. Miller.

Private S. Moore.

Private W. F. K. Newson.

Sergeant A. A. Oliver.

Private H. N. Page.

Lance-Corporal G. E. Pitcairn.

Private J. W. Reading.

Bugler W. Reed.

Private E. F. Rolls.

Private J. A. Ross.

Private R. J. Sparks.

Private H. A. D. Stephens.

Private H. C. Tebbutt.

Private F. R. Thomas.

Private F. T. F. Watts.

Private F. W. Wheeler.

Lance-Corporal W. E. Wood.

Corporal J. L. Worsfold.

Royal Irish Rifles.

Private E. A. O. Barnes.

Private A. A. W. Buckstone.

Private E. V. Chubb.

Private S. Harper.

Private E. W. H. Harrald.

Private L. H. H. King.

South African Constabulary.

Private G. B. Anderson.

Private R. A. Kelly.

Private D. W. Prout.

Royal Engineers.

Sapper H. A. Mann.

Lance-Corporal J. H. Reeves.

Lieutenant P. Warren.

Lieutenant W. J. Woolley.

Army Service Corps.

Private H. T. Bassett.

Special Service.

G. R. H. Nicholls.

Field Hospital.

Corporal T. L. Adamson.

Private M. Cunningham.

Private A. W. Haigh.

Private E. B. Luck.

Staff-Sergeant J. E. Newell.

Corporal H. C. Robson.

APPENDIX IV

SCHOOL OF ARMS.

Royal Military Tournament Challenge Cup Winners.

1901 Second-Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Foils).

1902 Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).

1907 Major F. J. Brett (Bayonets).

1909 Captain W. T. Kirkby (Foils).

1898 Physical Drill with Arms.

1900 Physical Drill with Arms.

1900 Bayonet Exercise.

1901 Tug-of-War (110 stone).

1903 Tug-of-War (110 stone).

1904 Tug-of-War (110 stone).

1906 Officers’ Bayonet Fighting Team.

Royal Military Tournament (Army and Navy Championship Medals).

1907 Lance-Corporal A. P. Chalke, 3rd (Bayonets).

1908 Sergeant A. P. Chalke, 2nd (Bayonets).

1908 Private W. W. Marsh, 3rd (Sabres).

Royal Military Tournament Silver Medallists.

1895 Corporal C. W. Whitehurst (Bayonets).

1896 Sergeant C. W. Whitehurst (Bayonet and Lance).

1897 Sergeant C. W. Whitehurst (Sabres).

1897 Private T. P. Hobbins (Bayonets).

1897 Private T. P. Hobbins (Bayonet and Sword).

1898 Private T. P. Hobbins (Bayonets).

1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Foils).

1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).

1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Bayonet and Sword).

1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Foils).

1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).

1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Bayonets).

1900 Sergeant A. D. Bell (Bayonet and Lance).

1902 Sergeant A. D. Bell (Sabres).

1903 Private W. W. Marsh (Sabres).

1903 Private W. W. Marsh (Bayonet and Sword).

1905 Private A. W. Horley (Foils).

1905 Lance-Corporal A. P. Chalke (Bayonets).

1906 Private W. W. Marsh (Foils).

1907 Ambulance-Sergeant F. C. Reynolds (Foils).

1907 Lance-Corporal A. P. Chalke (Sabres).

1908 Private C. L. Harley (Foils).

1909 Private J. F. McLaughlin (Foils).

1909 Lance-Sergeant E. A. Lippold (Bayonets).

Amateur Championships.

1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).

1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Foils).

1901 Second-Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).

1902 Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).

1908 Private W. W. Marsh (Sabres).

1909 Private W. W. Marsh (Sabres).

APPENDIX VI

CASUALTY LIST.

K. in A. = Killed in Action. D. of W. = Died of Wounds. D. P. =

Missing; Death Presumed. Illness = Died of Illness. As P. of W. = Died

Prisoner of War.

---------------------+---------------+----------------

| | 1915. | 1916.

| |---------------+----------------

| |K.|D.|D.|Ill|As|K. |D.|D.|Ill|As

| |in|of|P.|ne |P.|in |of|P.|ne |P.

| |A.|W.| |ss.|of|A. |W.| |ss.|of

| | | | | |W.| | | | |W.

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

JANUARY |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 4| 4| -| - | -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

FEBRUARY |1st Line | -| -| -| 1| -| 2| 5| -| - | -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

MARCH |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| - | -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

APRIL |1st Line | 1| 1| -| 1| -| 1| -| -| - | -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

MAY |1st Line |19| 7|18| -| -| 23| 8|10| - | -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

JUNE |1st Line | 1| -| -| -| -| 6| 3| -| 1| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

JULY |1st Line | -| 4| -| -| -| 3| 3| -| 1| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 7| 3| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

AUGUST |1st Line | 1| -| -| - | -| 1| 1| -| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| - | -| 4| 3| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

SEPTEMBER|1st Line |14| 1| -| 1| -|129| 4|21| -| -

|2nd Line | | -| -| -| -| 5| 4| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

OCTOBER |1st Line | 6| 3| -| -| -| 62|28|39| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 9| -| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

NOVEMBER |1st Line |11| 2| -| -| -| 12| 2| -| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

DECEMBER |1st Line |15| 4| 3| -| -| 4| 1| 2| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--

TOTALS | |69|22|21| 2| -|272|70|72| 2| -

------------------------------------------------------

---------+-----------+----------------+----------------

| | 1917. | 1918.

| |----------------+----------------

| |K. |D.|D.|Ill |As|K. |D.|D.|Ill

| |in |of|P.|ne |P.|in |of|P.|ne

| |A. |W.| |ss. |of|A. |W.| |ss.

| |W. | | | |W.| | | |

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

JANUARY |1st Line | 6| 2| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| 1| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

FEBRUARY |1st Line | 3| 2| -| 1| -| -| -| -| -

|2nd Line | 2| 1| -| 9| -| 19| 3| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

MARCH |1st Line | 2| 1| -| -| -| 20| 2| 1| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 3

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 8| 2| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

APRIL |1st Line | 17| 5| -| 1| -| 13| 1| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| 1

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 4| 1| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

MAY |1st Line | 4| 1| -| -| -| 2| 1| -| 1

|2nd Line | 4| 3| -| -| -| 3| 1| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| 4| -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

JUNE |1st Line | 38| 7|14| -| -| 2| 2| 1| -

|2nd Line | 1| 1| 1| -| -| -| -| -| 1

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| 13| 1| -| -| -| 1| -| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

JULY |1st Line | 18| 5| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| 1| -| -| 1| 1| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| 3| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

AUGUST |1st Line | 7| 2| 3| -| -| 15|15| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 11| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| 8| 2| 1| -| -| 7| 4| 1| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

SEPTEMBER|1st Line | 7| 3| 4| -| -| 27|18| -| -

|2nd Line | -| -| 1| -| -| 23| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| 4| 5| -| -| -| 6| 1| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

OCTOBER |1st Line | 4| 1| -| -| -| -| 1| -| -

|2nd Line | 15| -| 1| -| -| 5| 6| -| 7

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| 4| -| 2| -| -| 6| 1| -| 1

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

NOVEMBER |1st Line | 32|13| 4| -| 2| -| -| -| -

|2nd Line | 2| 7| -| -| -| -| -| -| 1

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| 9| 3| 3| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

DECEMBER |1st Line | 16|19|17| -| 1| -| -| -| -

|2nd Line | 24| 5| 1|16[19]| 1| -| -| -| -

|Attached To| | | | | | | | |

|other Units| -| 1| -| -| -| -| -| -| -

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---

TOTALS | |244|93|53| 19| 4|174|67| 3| 16

---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---