Life was scant at Samarra, as poor as it had been abundant at

Sannaiyat. The crested larks were of a new species. Owls nested in the

old wells; and most units were presently owning their owlets or

kestrels or speckled kingfishers, miserable-looking birds. Sandgrouse

were few, but commoner towards the central plateau, where were

water-holes. Gazelles were often seen by pickets, and used to break

across the railway-line, to water at the river. One regiment took a

Lewis-gun after them, and other folk chased them in motor-cars. The

British army, as ever, busied itself, as opportunity came, in its

self-appointed task of simplifying the country's fauna that the

naturalist's work might be easier. Wherefore the gazelles left our

precincts, but still haunted the channels of the Dujail, by Beled and

Istabulat. For most of the year the water-holes sufficed them, the

green, velvet dips, with zizyph-bushes fringing each hollow, which

redeem the desert. Hedgehog quills and skins were common, as everywhere

in Mesopotamia. A vast hedgehog led C Company of the Leicestershires

nightly to their picket-stations. On its first appearance a man ran to

bayonet it, but the officer did not see the necessity of this, and

stopped him. So the urchin lived, and ever after paced gravely before

its friends. Then we had the usual birds. Storks nested in the town;

there were rollers and kingfishers, and a hawk or two. But the desert,

with its starved crop of dwarf thorns, had no place for bird or animal.

Men who saw Samarra after my time raved of its winter glory, its

irises, its grass knee-high, its splendid anemones. But in summer the

land lay desolate. Nothing abounded but scorpions, mantidae, and

grasshoppers.

And nothing happened but the heat. In July, in ghastly heat, men were

expected to take Ramadie. They failed, most of their heavy casualties

being from heat-stroke. But that was the Connaught Rangers and a

Euphrates affair. At Samarra we experienced nothing more dangerous

than Fritz's[20] visits. Once or twice he bombed the station. When the

railway began running, there were two accidental derailments, in the

second of which several men were killed and General Maude had a narrow

escape. By Sumaikchah a British officer and his Indian escort were

waylaid and murdered. The murderers were outlawed; but a year later the

first on our list of the whole gang walked back into occupied territory

and was taken and hanged, despite the wish of the Politicals to spare

him. Of all these events, such as they were, we heard from Barron--'the

bold, bad Barron,' who left the Leicestershires to take up 'important

railway duties' pending the renewal of fighting.

These matters are dull enough; but no recital can be so dull as the

times were, and we had to live through them. At Samarra the division

worked unmolested through the awful heats, digging the hard ground,

cutting avenues for machine-gun fire, making strong points. Wilson had

gone, but he had an adequate successor in Haigh. Thanks to him, the

Leicestershires established the singular fact that Samarra is the

healthiest spot in the world. One man died, in place of the dreadful

sequence of deaths a year before at Sannaiyat. The division's daily

sick-rate was .9 a thousand! The Leicestershires and the Indian

battalions did even better. And yet we spent the summer in a place

where fresh vegetables were unprocurable, except a most inadequate

supply of melons and (rarely) beans. _Djinns_ scoured the plain, and at

any hour of any day half a score of 'dust-devils' could be seen racing

or sweeping majestically along--each _djinn_ seemed to make his own

wind and choose his own pace--now towering to a height of several

hundred feet, with vast, swirling base, and now trailing a tenuous mist

across a nulla. Our few hens ran panting into the tents, ejected at one

door, only to enter at another. And yet, as I have said, only one man

died--with the battalion, that is--and ridiculously few went sick. But

by Colonel Knatchbull's death in Baghdad the battalion lost its

commander, and the division a very fine soldier. Wounded at Sheikh Saad

in January, 1916, he had returned in time for the three railhead

battles. He struggled on with sickness, refusing to contemplate a

second leave to India, and died at midsummer.

The worst of the heats I escaped. After a spell in Beit Na'ama, the

delightful estuary-side officers' hospital, a tangle of citron and

fig-groves, with vines making cool roofs, and with the Shat-el-Arab

flowing by, I was discharged. Feeling more wretched than ever, I

lingered on at Busra in the poisonous billets, filthy Arab houses,

named by their present occupants 'Flea Villa,' 'Bug Cottage,' 'Muddy

View' (this would be for winter; the world nowhere else holds such mud

as Busra mud). Busra is hateful beyond words; any place up the line is

preferable, except perhaps Twin Canals[21] and Beled. I was to be

returned to duty 'in due course'; but the Transport authorities were

never in a hurry. It was like being slowly baked in a brick oven. I had

spent ten days so, with no prospect of being given a boat up-stream,

when some one told General Fane, the O.C. 7th Division, that I had

been very sick and was waiting to get back to duty. He said,

'Nonsense,' and sent a wire direct to G.H.Q., insisting that I be given

a month's leave in India. I got it immediately. But for this action,

leave could not have come my way. No division ever had a kinder O.C.

than Fane. He knew every one, and was constantly doing thoughtful acts

such as this.

India, when it found time to give thought to Mesopotamia, chattered of

the tremendous Turco-German offensive which was to sweep down from

Mosul in the autumn. When I returned, at the end of August, all down

the line I found excitement. Only at Samarra itself was quiet and ease

of mind, where old comrades greeted me joyously and introduced

new-comers. There was Fergusson, reputed to have half a century of

ranching and horse-dealing in the Argentine; 'Forty-nine,' said Fowke,

in a delighted whisper, assessing his age. (As a matter of fact,

Fergusson's years were forty-one.) There was 'Ezra' ('Likewise Beetle,'

interpolated Fowke), who had arrived the day I went sick. 'Ezra,' who

signed his name as Mason, and was brother of Kenneth Mason, engineer

and archaeologist, got his nickname from a supposed modelling of his

bald dome upon Ezra's Tomb, by Q'urna. Keely, classical scholar and

philosopher, was standing outside his tent, pondering, as I came up to

rejoin the battalion. He called me up, and asked me earnestly what girl

from Greek literature I should like to have known, even to have had as

companion on the Thames at Richmond. 'Nausicaa,' I said. 'Every time,'

agreed Keely, brightening up as if a heavy load had been lifted from

his mind, and begged me to have a drink in her honour. Bale and Charles

Copeman were away, by Al-Ajik; 'in the nearest E.P. tent to

Constantinople,' G.A. said. Of our wounded, only G.A. was back. Warren

came later; Westlake remained in India.

Some surprise was expressed that I had returned at all. This was

Thorpe's doing. To explain, I must go back a little. I knew Thorpe

years before the war. We met again in Sannaiyat trenches. His

messmates, who desired to know more of Thorpe's old life, asked me how

we met first. 'I was chaplain of a jail at Peterborough,' I replied.

The statement was received at once; the only head on which further

light was sought was as to the number of years that were deducted from

his sentence for service in Mesopotamia. (Convicts from India who came

out in the Labour Corps to Mesopotamia were remitted ten years.) Now,

during my Indian leave, an old friend found me out and took me to spend

the last days of my Darjiling visit with him. He was, among other

things, superintendent of the prison. I carelessly wrote to Thorpe on a

sheet of paper with the printed heading 'Jail-house, Darjiling.' Thorpe

spent July and August in taking this sheet round from mess to mess. He

blackened my reputation, and opened up a field of speculation as to the

reason of my incarceration. 'No doubt this man is a murderer, whom,

though he hath escaped from the sea'--from Mesopotamia, say--'yet

Justice hath not suffered to live.' He considered that he was level

with me for my Peterborough jail-jape, and was much cheered.

It took the best part of September to get up-stream and back to

Samarra. When the boat reached Busra, scores of men were prostrate on

the deck from heat-stroke and exhaustion. In the Gulf I had a funeral.

I tried to skip to the finish of the service, with the page shimmering

and jumping before me, but had to hand the book to the captain as I

reeled down. He threw the body over, and every one flew up-deck. Later,

on the up-stream trip, we realized the fact on which all Mesopotamia

agreed, that for sheer horror the deck of a P-boat[22] is unrivalled.

Possibly it is due to the glare from the water, but our daily

temperatures of between 115° and 125° in the shade seemed a hundredfold

higher than they were. Just below Kut we were held up for several days

in a camp; not even Sheikh Saad in the old, bad days was more cursed

with sandflies.

I had for companion on board Kenneth Mason, engineer and archaeologist.

We passed Sannaiyat and the winding reaches where every earth-scar and

mound had a history. Here the Turk had blown up the ammunition barges,

and for hundreds of yards inland the ground was still strewn with

twisted scrap-iron; here he had set his 5.9's on the balloon, and the

evening fishing had been interrupted; here used to be the advanced

dressing-station in the times of trench warfare; here was Left Bank

Group, where our guns had been, the tamarisk thickets and wheeling

harriers, and the old shell-holes on the beach. Those crumbling

sandbanks were Mason's Mounds, and those were Crofton's O. Pip.[23]

Here were Abu Roman Mounds, and here the lines of Nakhailat or Suwada;

here were the Beit Aiessa defences; here those of Abdul Hassan and E

Mounds. It was on that angle that the _Julnar_ grounded in that

despairing, impossible attempt to run the blockade and bring food to

Townshend's men. It was in that scrub that the Turks and H.L.I.[24]

crashed when both sides launched a simultaneous attack.

We passed Kut. The river was low, and the people were growing lettuce,

while they might, on the dried sandbanks. The town front against the

palms showed its shell-holes and caverns, and we remembered how we used

to see the city, from Dujaileh Redoubt, rising up like a green

promontory. From Townshend's first battle there to the day when the 7th

Division occupied the lines of Suwada, Kut cost us not less in battle

casualties than sixty thousand men. One makes no computation of the

dead in the old cholera camps by Abu Roman, or in a score of cemeteries

from Sannaiyat and Es-Sinn to Bombay, who perished in that time when

the shark-tracked ships went down

To Bombay Town.

Kut will be a place of pilgrimage, and deserves to be, even among the

many shrines of this war. From Sheikh Saad to Shumran is one graveyard

and battlefield, a stretch of thirty miles, where over twenty pitched

battles took place, many being British defeats. At Kut itself

Townshend's old trenches can be traced; and in the town are broken

buildings, and, to eastward, the monument erected by the Turks. Across

the river is the Shat-el-Hai and its complicated and costly

battlefields, and the relics of the famous liquorice factory which

Townshend held, and which we took, in 1917, almost last of all. At

Shumran, above the town, is the place of the great crossing. And on the

ribs of sand, when water is low, are liquorice-stacks and lettuce-beds.

The mud-strips green with lettuce, red with stacks

Of liquorice; shattered walls, and gaping caves:

Beyond, the shifting sands; the jackal's tracks;

The dirging wind; the wilderness of graves.

The evening of September 13, the lofty Arch of Ctesiphon showed for

hours as we toiled along the winding reaches; in the first gold and

chill winds of dawn on the 14th we watched it recede. On the 18th I

reached Beled, 'The Home of the Devil,' as the Arabs call it, where the

Manchesters dragged out a panting existence, battling with dust-storms.

In the station I was shocked to see what vandalism had been at work.

The broken glass had been cleared away; in the tin shed where we had

drunk tea amid the flying shrapnel on that Easter evening new panes had

been put in; the water-tower had been replaced. With dusk I reached

Samarra, and set Keely's mind at rest on the Greek girl question.

Through October Fritz came daily, photographing. The sole rays in a

dreary protraction of existence were afforded by the Intelligence

Summaries, run by Captain Lang, a versatile and popular humorist.

Deserters reported that at a certain place the enemy's staff consisted

of only one lame Turk and one 'powerful Christian.' The 'powerful

Christian' had to do all the work, and was preparing for a hegira to

our lines. Then we had exchanged prisoners recently, sending back eight

wounded men, one having but one leg. On reaching the Turco lines, when

we offered to give these wounded a further lift of some miles, the

offer was accepted with cringing gratitude. 'Intelligence' surmised

that these wounded might have to walk to Mosul, another hundred and

forty miles, and went into reverie on the situation's possibilities.

'If the one-legged man has any influential friends in Constantinople,

we may expect to hear shortly of a Turkish Commission in Iraq.' That

was the time when the Report of the Mesopotamian Commission came out.

Though a revelation in England, it did not excite us, who knew its

facts long before. Then letters from the enemy G.H.Q. to General Maude

had had his name and address printed on the envelope. This,

'Intelligence' thought, was sheer, outstanding swank, to show us that

the Turks had at least one lithograph.

Late in September our second attempt on Ramadie met with complete

success, when General Brooking captured the nucleus of a projected

offensive against us. We by Tigris rejoiced, knowing, too, that our

task, when it came, would be the easier.

The 1st Guides joined the division in place of the 'Bo-Peeps.' The

brigades went out on reconnaissance frequently. September 25 saw one of

these shows, which included a sham fight. The day was very hot, and

Haigh's stretcher-bearers complained of the inconsiderate conduct of

the thirty-one 'casualties.' 'Unfortunately there were no dead among

them.' However, as one S.B. added, 'fortunately a good many died of

wounds.' The 'died of wounds' were formed into platoons, and marched

off the field of action.

The stretcher-bearer who made the remark about the 'died of wounds' was

a particular friend of mine, who had a great gift of happy phrasing,

illustrated in the words I have quoted. Once we had a long talk about

the old battles, and, speaking of a common friend who had been killed,

he observed, 'I do think it dreadful, his being killed like

that--killed outright.' I never got at his notion of what made a cushy

death; probably something Mexican or early mediaeval.

Through October my diary notes little but services and a terrible

lecture on Mesopotamian history, which, from first to last, I delivered

over fifty times. Latterly envious tongues alleged that I had to ask

units for a parade when I gave this lecture. But those who said this

lied saucily and shamelessly.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] European privates'.

[20] A new Fritz, of course. The old one was killed at Istabulat.

[21] Below Kut, on the right bank of the Tigris. A pestilential haunt

in 1916.

[22] Paddle-boat.

[23] Observation post.

[24] Highland Light Infantry.

VI

HUWESLET; OR, 'THE BATTLE OF JUBER ISLAND'

Night's blackness touched with red;

A cock's shrill clarion ringing;

Clamours for 'ruddy' buckets, Diamond's[25] bray;

Grousing of Johnson[26] tumbled out of bed;

And Fowke's falsetto, singing

'Is it nothing to you?'

So the battalion wakes, to march away

Heaven knows how far into the blue,

Heaven knows how many weary miles to do,

Till stars within some nulla watch us lie,

Worshipping sleep, while the icy hours drag by.

October 22 was the date when Johnny developed unheard-of cheek. His

patrols appeared by the river, one fellow riding along our wire and

slashing it with his sword. Then from 1 p.m. onwards he shelled both

banks of the river, having pushed down from his advanced post at Daur,

a dozen miles away, with a couple of hundred cavalry, several

machine-guns, and light field-guns. The Guides and our cavalry were

reported to have lost men and horses; and G.A., on picket, sent word

that the Turks were digging themselves in. A and C Companies of the

Leicestershires were out all day.

On the 23rd shelling continued, and that evening the division moved

out. At the officers' meeting we were told that a force, estimated at

four thousand Turks and several guns, was digging in. We were to do

twelve thousand two hundred yards north, and then seven thousand five

hundred yards half-right, to get behind them. This was the 28th

Brigade. The 8th and 19th Brigades, starting later, were to make a

frontal attack at 4 a.m.; our brigade were to enfilade the Turk when

bolted; and these united efforts were to drive him into the dead ground

by the river, and there, as the scheme wittily put it, our artillery

and machine-guns would 'deal with him.' Whoever drew up the plan was

not only bloody-minded but oblivious of long experience, assuming thus

that John was such a very simple person.

We moved off just before dark, raising a white dust. Through all our

wide detour there were strict injunctions against smoking, enforced

among the Leicestershires, ignored among machine-gunners and Indian

drivers. Never can night-march have been noisier. At every halt the

mules sang down the whole length of the line; signallers and gunners

clattered past. About midnight a stranger was seen talking to some

_drabis_.[27] A Leicestershire sergeant, coming up, said, 'Hullo, it's

a bloody Turk.' Hearing himself identified, Johnny turned round and

saluted. He was led to the proper authorities, and proved to be a

Turkish cadet. He was armed with a penknife and a pair of gloves.

The night was bitterly cold. At 3.30 a.m. we 'rested.' We had reached

what in Mesopotamia would be considered well-wooded country, an upland

studded with bushes. Just on dawn we rose, with teeth chattering and

limbs numbed with contact with the cold ground, and moved on. Our

planes appeared, scouring the sky; and a few odd bursts of rifle-fire

were heard about 7 a.m. We had now reached the edge of the dead ground

against the river, and looked down to Tigris, as in later days I have

looked down to the Jordan. The doctor and I were told to set up our

aid-post in a deep nulla there, and wait on events. A report came from

our air-folk that five thousand Turks were on Juber Island, opposite

Huweslet. We moved steadily forward to the attack, steadily but

unbelievingly. Unbelief rose to positive derision, for as we topped a

slight brow we gave a target no artillery could have resisted, yet

nothing happened. 'It's a trap,' said Fowke darkly; 'he's luring us

on.' Why should John lie doggo in this fashion? Nevertheless the airmen

insisted that the Turks were there. So we dug ourselves in, in a

semicircle facing the island, preliminary to attacking it. It was noon,

hot and maddening with flies. The Leicestershires sent scouts out, who

pushed up to Juber Island, and found that there were indeed five

thousand there--five thousand sheep and several Arab shepherds. On the

opposite bank John had a machine-gun, with which he sniped those who

approached the water. He killed mules, and wounded several

_bhisties_[28] and a sweeper. There were also people sniping with

rifles, and the Indian regiments had casualties. On our side, the

cavalry brought in a prisoner. We had the young gentleman caught at

night, and one other; the 19th Brigade took a fourth prisoner. So we

abandoned the battle, had breakfast at 2.30 p.m., and returned. The day

was wearying beyond conception, yet the men, British and Indian alike,

were singing as they passed Al-Ajik. Samarra camp was a swirl of dust

after the day's busyness; almost a faery place in the last sunlight.

The next day was dedicated to sleep, and to humour at the expense of

the Royal Flying Corps, to whose mess a sheep's head was voted.

FOOTNOTES:

[25] The regimental (four-footed) donkey. The Leicestershires' hatbadge

is a black diamond.

[26] Needless to say, we had no 'Johnson.'

[27] Indian drivers.

[28] Indian water-carriers.

VII

DAUR

Johnny's leg-pull made him one up. This was recognized, and his action

drew our attention to the undesirability of allowing him to remain at

Daur. On October 31 the 28th Brigade went into the trenches at Al-Ajik.

November 1 was Thursday. Haigh had the misfortune to go very sick on

this day; he left us, and his successor arrived about 4 p.m. The new

doctor fell into my hands, as the battalion was unknown to him, and he

had never been in action.

As we went forward bad news came in, so bad and unexpected that it

seemed incredible, the news of the Italian reverses. This filled us

with profound depression. Our tiny side-show seemed more insignificant

than ever while the European battle was being lost. When word followed

of Allenby's success at Beersheba we did not guess that here was the

beginning of a tide of victory which would ultimately pull the whole

war our way. There was one splinter of light, an absurd joke in _London

Opinion_ which set the Leicestershires chuckling, 'Overheard at the

Zoo.' It is the conversation of Cockney children before the ostrich

cage:

'Sneagle!'

'Snotaneagle. Snork.'

'Snotanork. Snowl.'

'Snotanowl. Snostrich.'

This lent itself to indefinite expansion: 'Snemeu,' 'Snalbatross,'

'Snoriole,' 'Snelephant.'

Report came of the exploit of Marshall at Corps Head Quarters. He had

gone out in a 'lamb'[29] on the other bank of Tigris, almost to Tekrit,

and had shot down thirty horses and a dozen men as he flew past the

enemy lines.

On the evening of November 1 the Al-Ajik trenches were crowded. Fritz

came over reconnoitring, and his surprise was amusing to see. He

checked, wheeled, abandoned all thought of a visit to our camp, and

beetled back, after very elaborate reconnaissance. Then our own planes

flew over, sounding their klaxons and dropping messages, in rehearsal

for the morrow.

At 9.10 the force met at the place of assembly. The 21st Brigade were

to move up the left bank; they are hardly in this picture. On the right

bank the 28th Brigade went first, followed by the 19th and 8th

Brigades. With the column were the 4th and 9th Brigades, R.F.A., two

batteries of the 56th Brigade, and some 4.5 and 6-inch howitzers.

Altogether, including those operating on the left bank, we had eighty

guns.

The night was even colder than the one before the Juber Island farce.

Part of the night I marched with my friends of the 53rd Sikhs, with

Newitt and with Heathcote. Every one anticipated a very hard fight. We

were up against a position which was reputed to be as strong as

Istabulat had been. Before dawn we found ourselves among

ghostly-looking bushes, and lay down for one shivering hour. We had

marched over seventeen miles, with the usual exhausting checks and

halts attendant on night-marching, and we were dead-beat to the wide.

Yet nothing could be finer than the way the men threw weariness away,

like a garment, with the first shells, and went into battle.

Sarcka, the excellent Yank who ran our Y.M.C.A., marched with us,

carrying a camel-load of cigarettes. He was usually called 'Carnegie'

by Dr. Haigh. That classical mind memorized Sarcka's name as meaning

'flesh'; then, since it moved with equal ease in Greek and Latin,

unconsciously transliterated. As we went forward, and a red sun rose

over Tigris, Sarcka remarked: 'The sensation I am about to go through

is one which I wouldn't miss for worlds.' Mester Dobson looked

surprised. I bided my time, knowing how unpleasant the first fifteen

minutes under shell-fire are for even the bravest.

The Leicestershires beyond Baghdad · 第 6 / 8 段