The History of Liberia from this point on assumes a peculiar interest.
The capacity and capabilities of the Negro are subjected to a crucial
test. He is left fully freed from the control or influence of an alien
race, in possession of a borrowed civilization, and of a borrowed
political system of an advanced type, dependent on popular intelligence
for its very existence. Can he maintain his position? Will he make
further progress, developing along lines peculiar to his race and
environment, and spreading a new civilization among the adjacent tribes?
Or is he to lapse helplessly back into his original condition--to be
absorbed into the dense masses of surrounding barbarism? The question is
a vital one. The solution of weighty problems in large part depends upon
the answer.
The form of government was, as has been seen, closely copied from that
of the United States. There is the same tripartite division--executive,
legislative and judicial. The President is elected every two years, on
the first Tuesday in May. He is commander-in-chief of the army and navy;
makes treaties with the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senate, with
whose advice he also appoints all public officers not otherwise provided
for by law.
The legislative authority consists of a Senate of two members from each
county, elected for four years, and a House of Representatives holding
office for two years; four members being apportioned to Montserado
county, three to Bassa, one to each other county, with one additional
representative for each 10,000 inhabitants. The judicial power was
vested in a Supreme Court with original jurisdiction in all cases
affecting ambassadors and consuls and where the Republic is a party, and
appellate jurisdiction in all other cases; and in subordinate courts to
be established by the Legislature.
The majority of the colonists had been long accustomed to similar
institutions in the land of their captivity, and the new machinery of
government was soon running smoothly. Within the little State peace and
prosperity prevailed; its foreign relations, on the contrary, were
involved in the greatest uncertainty. It had indeed severed the leading
strings which bound it to its natural protector, and stood forth in the
assertion of its independence. But it was wholly unsupported and
unrecognized. The dispute with England, whose protegé on the north
looked with jealousy and distrust on Liberian policy, remained
unsettled. The danger was real and pressing. Clearly recognition must be
sought and an international footing obtained without delay. President
Roberts accordingly determined to go abroad, and as at once chief
magistrate and ambassador appeal to the leading courts of Europe. His
first effort, however, was directed toward obtaining alliance with the
United States. In America his reception was enthusiastic. But the
delicacy with which the dissension on the slavery question made it
necessary to handle every subject remotely bearing on that bone of
contention, prevented him from obtaining even the formal recognition of
Liberia. Roberts then determined by pleading his country's cause in
England to arouse compassion in the heart of the power from which there
was most to fear. Here substantial rewards met his efforts. His
prepossessing personality, tact, and statesmanlike qualities won many
friends.[12] With their support the recognition of Liberia as a
sovereign State was soon obtained, together with a commercial treaty
which left nothing to be desired. In further evidence of kindly
sentiment the English Government presented the young Republic with a
trim little cutter of four guns for coast protection. In France and
Belgium similar generous treatment was experienced, and Roberts was
conveyed home in triumph on the British man-of-war Amazon.
A second visit of Roberts to England, in 1852, four years later, to
adjust disputes with traders who claimed certain tracts of land, was
equally successful, and France, under Louis Napoleon, presented him with
arms and uniforms for the equipment of the Liberian troops. In 1852
Prussia also extended her friendship, soon followed by Brazil and the
free Hanse towns. In 1862, the necessity for cautious dealing with the
race question having passed away, the United States government at last
formally recognized the Republic, and Holland, Sweden, Norway, and Hayti
formed treaties in 1864. The consent of Portugal and Denmark in 1865,
and of Austria in 1867, brought Liberia into treaty relations with
nearly all the leading commercial nations.
The internal condition of the Republic during the first decade was one
of unprecedented growth and prosperity. The Colonization Society in
America was in a flourishing condition, and gained friends on every
side. Its receipts for the ten years were not far short of a million
dollars; and this generous means permitted the transportation, in the
same period, of over five thousand chosen emigrants. The accession of so
large a force of laborers added a new stimulus to the activity awakened
by self-government. Many new settlements were formed and all the older
ones received an infusion of new strength. Agriculture, especially the
cultivation of the great staples, rice, coffee, sugar and cotton, made
rapid progress; while commerce was stimulated by the establishment of
regular monthly lines of steamers between England and various points on
the coast, the first of which was started in 1853. The enterprise of
Holland soon added still other lines. Communication with America was at
the same time facilitated by the regular trips of a large vessel built
for the purpose, the gift to the Society of Mr. John C. Stevens of
Maryland.
At the close of his fourth administration President Roberts decided to
decline reëlection. For eight years he had been at the helm, and had
brought the ship of state safely through her first perilous voyages. And
now while the waters seemed smooth and skies serene he thought it best
to intrust her guidance to other hands. The election took place in May,
1855, amidst scenes of political strife and party violence at once
intense and short-lived. It resulted in the choice of Stephen A. Benson
for President and Beverly P. Yates for Vice-President. Both were
distinctly the product of Liberian training. Benson was brought over, at
the age of six years, by his parents in 1822, and received his entire
education in the country. He became a successful merchant and entered
political life in the wake of Roberts. As chief magistrate he showed
himself a practical and efficient man, with the interests of the country
at heart.
One of the leading objects of Benson's policy was the improvement and
elevation of the aborigines; but his designs were in part frustrated by
the outbreak of a stubborn and exhausting war with the native tribes
dwelling about the Sinou River. Details must be omitted for want of
space; but this war devastated four settlements and sadly depleted the
national treasury. It was soon afterwards that the Maryland colony at
Cape Palmas was almost overwhelmed in a similar native uprising, and
united with the Republic, as elsewhere narrated.
A widespread scarcity of provisions followed these wars, which gave rise
to much apprehension. But this eventually did good in giving new
emphasis to the fact that main reliance must be placed upon agriculture
rather than trade. The great resources of Liberia were shown at a
National Fair, held in December, 1858; premiums were awarded for the
best specimens of coffee, arrow-root, cotton, rice, ginger, potatoes,
oxen, sheep, swine, turkeys, butter, preserves; cloth and socks of
African cotton; boots; soap and candles from palm oil; ploughs, hoes and
other implements from native iron and home manufacture; farina;
chocolate; planks, shingles, cabinet work, and many other products of
Liberian agriculture and industry.
President Benson was reelected without opposition, and entered upon his
second term in January, 1858. A fresh outbreak of the slave trade in
this year was followed by a number of captures by U.S. cruisers, giving
rise to the old difficulty in regard to the disposition of the cargoes.
The Act of March 3, 1819, which had long fallen into disuse, was
revived, and a contract made with the Colonization Society to transport
and maintain for a twelvemonth the recaptured Africans already on the
Government's hands. The substitution of small, swift steamers for the
craft of older days so increased the efficiency of the navy that
captures were made in rapid succession. Within two months 1,432 Africans
were landed at Key West. This state of affairs made further legislation
immediately necessary. Congress, acting upon the suggestion of a
Presidential message, passed an Act amending the Act of March 3, 1819,
which empowered the President to form a five-years' contract with "any
person or persons, society or societies," to receive in Africa and care
for the unfortunates rescued from slavers, for the period of one year,
and at a price of $100 per capita. Commanders of cruisers were to be
instructed to land their captures directly upon the coast of Liberia
whenever practicable; immediate measures were to be taken for removing
to Africa those already at Key West; and the sum of $250,000 was
appropriated to defray expenses.
Three large vessels were at once chartered and stored with $60,000 worth
of supplies; with the least possible delay the suffering crowd at Key
West was transported to Liberia; but only 893 survived the passage. The
effect of the new orders issued to the U.S. slave squadron was soon felt
in Liberia. On August 8, 1860, the _Storm King_ unexpectedly arrived
with a cargo of 619; within twenty-four hours the Erie, prize to the
steamer Mohican, followed with 867. Tidings came that still larger
numbers were en route. The effect of this inundation of liberated
barbarians upon the small civilized community, already surrounded by
savage swarms, may be imagined. The greatest consternation prevailed,
and excitement rose to fever heat. President Benson wrote to the Society
that great evils would result unless means were liberally supplied, and
entire control of the new arrivals given to the Liberian Government. The
Society accordingly transferred the execution of its contracts to that
government, and placed at its disposal all money received by their
terms. This action seems to have allayed the worst apprehensions; and
although over 4,000 recaptured Africans were landed within the space of
two months, no harm seems to have resulted. They made rapid progress in
civilization, becoming assimilated to and in many cases intermarrying
with the colonists; from among them arose some of the best citizens of
the Republic.
President Benson's policy in regard to the natives was successful in
bringing many tribes much more closely under the influence of the
government. A number of steps were taken toward actively spreading among
them the arts of civilized life, improving their methods of agriculture,
and checking the evils of intertribal warfare and of superstition. A
poll tax of one dollar a year was levied on each male adult, to be
collected from the chiefs of the several districts; with a part of the
funds thus raised schools for popular instruction were to be established
throughout the country.
The control and oversight by the central authority of so many small
settlements scattered over a large range of coast had been greatly
facilitated by the small armed cutter presented in 1848 by the English
government. This was now found to be hopelessly out of repair, and was
generously replaced by the donor with another and somewhat larger
vessel--the Quail, an armed schooner of 123 tons. About the same time
the New York Society sent over a small steamer to provide rapid and
regular communication between points along the coast. In honor of a
liberal benefactor it was called the "Seth Grosvenor."
The third and fourth administrations of Benson passed uneventfully, and
in January, 1864, Daniel B. Warner, who, the May previous, had been
elected, succeeded him. Warner was born near Baltimore, in 1812, and
emigrated in 1823. The Civil War in America, with the sanguine hopes it
aroused in the breast of the Negro, caused a rapid falling off in the
number of applicants for transportation to Liberia. The income of the
Society for once exceeded the demand upon it, and several good
investments were made. Liberia, however, was demanding more cultivators.
A supply came from an unexpected quarter. Two societies were organized
by thrifty negroes of Barbadoes, to return to Africa and make their home
in the new Republic. Agents were sent out, and sympathy with their
enterprise enlisted. The Liberian Government issued a proclamation of
cordial invitation, and the Legislature appropriated $4,000 to assist
the colonists, increasing in their case the allotment of land from ten
to twenty-five acres for each family. The Colonization Society devoted
$10,000 to their aid, and despatched an experienced agent to take charge
of the expedition. A large vessel was chartered, and after a pleasant
voyage of thirty-three days, without the loss of a single life, 346
emigrants were landed at Monrovia. They proved a welcome and valuable
acquisition, many being mechanics and skilled laborers.
After the close of the war, the alluring prospect of "ten acres and a
mule" having failed our freedmen, the Society again received numerous
applications for passage. The M. C. Stevens had been sold during the
period of depression; another and larger vessel, the Golconda, was
therefore purchased and fitted for an emigrant ship. During her first
four voyages she safely carried over 1,684 persons.
In January, 1867, the semi-centennial of the founding of the
Colonization Society was celebrated in Washington. From the review of
the fifty years' work it appeared that the sum of $2,558,907 had been
expended, exclusive of outlay by the Maryland Society, and of the large
sums expended by the United States Government. 11,909 emigrants had been
sent over, in 147 vessels; of these 4,541 were born free, 344 purchased
freedom, and 5,957 were emancipated for the purpose of going to
Liberia.[13] Besides these, 1,227 had been settled by the Maryland
Society, and 5,722 recaptured Africans had been sent back by the United
States Government.
In January, 1868, James S. Payne entered upon the office of President.
He is another example of Liberian training. Born in Richmond, Va., in
1819, he was taken before his tenth year to Monrovia by his father. One
of the leading purposes of his administration was the establishment of
closer intercourse with the great tribes of the interior. These people,
the Mandingoes especially, were much further advanced in civilization
than the coast tribes, who formed a barricade between them and Liberia,
and offered determined opposition to any attempt to penetrate inland.
They feared to lose their advantageous position as middlemen, and
succeeded in keeping anything but the vaguest rumors about the interior
from reaching the colonists. In 1869 Benjamin Anderson, a young Liberian
appointed by the Government, and provided with liberal financial aid by
a wealthy citizen of New York, accomplished an extremely interesting
journey to a point over 200 miles from the coast.[14]
With great difficulty and the expense of a small fortune in presents to
captious and rapacious chiefs, he succeeded in making his way from point
to point along a course roughly corresponding to that of the St. Paul's
River. The route lay through dense forests, along paths worn by many
generations of native feet. The ascent was steady; at 100 miles from the
coast the elevation was 1,311 feet, and toward the end of the journey
it rose to 2,257 feet. All along the way the population was dense, and
showed a steady improvement in character, civilization and hospitality
as the coast was left behind. The object of his journey, Musardu, the
chief city of the Western Mandingoes, was at length reached, just on the
edge of the primeval forest. Beyond lies a vast plateau covered with
tall grass, showing here and there a solitary palm, and stretching away
to the head waters of the Niger. The climate is wholesome, the air
bracing, and the soil fertile.
The city proved large and populous; the houses were small and of a
monotonous uniformity, bewilderingly placed without apparent
arrangement. The whole was surrounded with a huge mud wall, which served
not only as a defense against foes, but to keep out wild beasts,
especially elephants, herds of which were frequently seen near the town.
The inhabitants were strict Mussulmans, and were much further advanced
in civilization than even the most intelligent tribes through which he
had passed. They had an extensive commerce with the interior, caravans
coming from places as distant as Timbuctoo. Good horses were plentiful,
and there were evidences of the existence of valuable gold mines.
Anderson was received with profuse hospitality; they appeared to be
delighted with the idea of opening trade with Liberia, and promised
gold, ivory and various commodities in exchange for European goods.
Another journey with the same general results was subsequently made by
another citizen, to Pulaka, about one hundred miles to the southeast of
Monrovia. These explorations are of great interest. They show the belt
of coast occupied by Liberia to be merely the entrance to a high and
healthful interior of great fertility and unlimited resources, over
which the Republic has power to expand indefinitely.
President Payne's successor was Edward James Roye, who was duly
inaugurated January 3, 1870. Born in Newark, Ohio, in 1815, he had
passed through the public schools of his native town, afterwards
attending the college at Athens, Ohio, and Oberlin. He went to Liberia
in 1846, becoming a prosperous merchant and politician. From 1865 to
1868 he held the post of Chief Justice. Roye came into office at a time
when a rage for internal improvements possessed the country; and with
this spirit he was in full sympathy. His inaugural outlines a bold and
ambitious policy. The resources of the Treasury were entirely inadequate
to his extensive projects, and in an evil moment the Legislature passed
an Act authorizing the negotiation of a loan of $500,000. The loan was
placed in London on terms which netted only £85 per bond of £100,
redeemable at par in 15 years and bearing interest at 7 per cent. The
amount thus offered was further reduced by the requirement that the
first two years' interest should be paid in advance. From the remainder
were deducted various agents' commissions and fees, until at length the
principal reached Monrovia sadly reduced in amount,--not over $200,000.
And this soon disappeared without any visible result. It is an old
story; but in Liberia's case it was particularly disastrous. For with
her little revenue, rarely exceeding $100,000, it soon became impossible
to pay the $35,000 yearly interest on a debt for which she had
practically received not a single advantage. And this accumulating at
compound interest has reached a magnitude absolutely crushing. So
desperate is her financial condition that many believe inevitable the
fate which croaking prophets have long foretold, and against which she
has struggled bravely--absorption by England.
Serious as were the more remote effects of the financial blunder just
considered, its immediate consequences brought upon the country a crisis
which might have resulted in civil war. Great dissatisfaction with the
negotiation of the loan prevailed. The Administration was severely
criticised; serious accusations were brought against it. While the
excitement was at fever heat matters were complicated by an attempt of
the Administration to prolong its hold of office, which precipitated the
threatened outbreak. For some years a Constitutional Amendment had been
under consideration, lengthening the term of President and members of the
Legislature. The measure had been submitted to the people, and twice
voted upon; but the result was a subject of dispute. Roye and his party
maintained that it had been duly carried and was a part of the organic
law of the land; and that as a consequence his term did not expire until
January, 1874. A proclamation was issued forbidding the coming biennial
elections to be held.
This action at once aroused violent opposition. A strong party declared
that the amendment had not been carried; and in any event could not be
construed to apply to the present incumbent. The proclamation was
disregarded; the polls opened on the accustomed day; and the veteran
Joseph J. Roberts, aptly called the epitome of Liberian history, was
elected by large majorities.
Far from being subdued by the decided expression of popular will Roye
and his supporters, with the spirit of the decemvirs of old, determined
to maintain power at any hazard. Roberts's election was declared
illegal, and of no effect. Throughout the summer the two parties stood
at daggers drawn. At length the increasing strength of the opposition
encouraged the thought of removing the President from office. The legal
method of impeachment seemed far too slow and uncertain for the temper
of the times. An excited convention was held in Monrovia, October 26,
1871, at which a "Manifesto" was adopted decreeing his deposition. A few
extracts disclose its character:
"President Roye has, contrary to the Constitution, proclaimed himself
President for four years, although elected for only two years.
"He has distributed arms and munitions of war, and has not ceased his
efforts to procure armed men to crush the liberties of the people.
"He has contracted a foreign loan contrary to the law made and provided;
and without an act of appropriation by the Legislature he has with his
officers been receiving the proceeds of that loan.
"Every effort to induce him to desist from his unconstitutional course
has been unavailing. Threats and entreaties have been alike lost upon
him. He has turned a deaf ear to the remonstrances from all the counties
of the Republic:
"Therefore, on the 26th day of October in the year of our Lord 1871, and
in the twenty-fifth year of the Independence of the Republic, the
sovereign people of Liberia did by their resolutions in the city of
Monrovia, joined to the resolutions from the other counties of the
Republic, depose President E.J. Roye from his high office of President
of Liberia; and did decree that the Government shall be provisionally
conducted by a Chief Executive Committee of three members, and by the
chiefs of Departments until the arrival of the constitutional officer at
the seat of Government."
Before the party of the Administration could recover from the shock of
this action, President Roye and his Secretaries of State and of the
Treasury were arrested and thrown into prison,--a _coup d'état_ which
made his opponents undisputed masters of the situation. The appointed
Committee took charge of affairs; the excitement died away with a
rapidity characteristic of Liberian politics, and in January, 1872,
Roberts was triumphantly inaugurated. Roye died in prison soon
afterward.
A reign of peace and prosperity followed under Roberts, interrupted
toward the end of another term, to which he was elected, by a severe war
with the Grebo tribe near Cape Palmas. Limited space will prevent
detailed consideration of the later history of the Republic. Payne was
elected to a second term in 1876. A.W. Gardiner was Chief Executive for
three successive terms, from 1878-1884; and H.R.W. Johnson, a native
born Liberian, son of the famous pioneer Elijah Johnson, was made
President in 1884. The recent years of the Republic have not brought an
increased tide of immigration, nor any marked progress. The diminished
interest in colonization felt in the United States so crippled the
finances of the Society that few immigrants have been sent in the last
decade. That large numbers of Negroes are willing, even anxious to go,
is shown by the lists of the Society, which has adopted the policy of
aiding only those who can pay a part of their passage. Several instances
of the formation of societies among the Negroes themselves to provide
for their own transportation have occurred. In South Carolina the
"Liberia Joint Stock Steamship Company" was formed, which succeeded in
purchasing a vessel and sending over one expedition of 274 emigrants.
The company was unfortunate and failed financially before another
attempt could be made. In Arkansas a large secret Society for the same
object was formed, several hundred members of which made their way to
New York and prevailed upon the Colonization Society to give them
passage.[15]
The culmination of a dispute with Great Britain over the north-western
boundary of Liberia is perhaps the most interesting topic of her recent
history. The boundaries of the Republic were never very definitely
marked out, as her territory grew by gradual settlement and purchase
from native chiefs. Even to-day there is no hard and fast interior
border line; the country extends back indefinitely from the coast, new
land being taken up as settlement proceeds. In 1849 the coast line
acquired in this way extended from the San Pedro River on the south-east
to Cape Mount, the extreme settlement on the north-west. Between 1849
and 1852 various purchases were made from the natives covering some
fifty miles more of the north-western seaboard. These purchases extended
to She-Bar, very near Sherbro Island, and were confirmed by formal deeds
from chiefs of the local tribes. The conditions of the deeds bound
Liberia to establish schools in the districts ceded, and to guarantee
the protection, peace and safety of the natives. If now a few
settlements had been made in this territory all future trouble would
have been avoided; but all available energy was needed for intensive
development, and the newly acquired territory was left uncolonized. In
the course of time English traders established themselves within this
district, who refused to recognize Liberia's jurisdiction, and who
smuggled in large quantities of goods in bold defiance of the revenue
laws. As early as 1866 correspondence with the British Government was
opened; and Liberia's jurisdiction was more than once virtually
recognized. Matters were complicated by the outbreak of disturbances
among the natives, in quelling which the Republic was obliged to use
military force--a course which resulted in the destruction of property
belonging to the English traders. Claims were at once brought against
Liberia through the English Government to a large aggregate amount.
Holding Liberia liable for damages received in the territory was a
practical admission of her jurisdiction. Nothing was accomplished until
1871, when Lord Granville proposed to President Roye, who was then in
England, to compromise on the River Solyma as the limit of the Republic.
This is about the middle of the disputed territory. Roye weakly agreed,
and this agreement is known as the Protocol of 1871. It was not ratified
by the Senate. The tact of President Roberts staved off the crisis for
some time; but at length the English Foreign Office demanded a
settlement, and a commission of two from each State and an arbitrator
appointed by the President of the United States met on the ground. Every
possible delay and impediment was resorted to by the British
commissioners, who further refused to submit the points disputed to the
umpire. Of course, no agreement was reached.
The situation remained unchanged until 1882. On March 20 four British
men-of-war silently entered the harbor, and Sir A.E. Havelock, Governor
of Sierra Leone, came ashore. President Gardiner was intimidated into
acceding to the demand that the boundary should be fixed at the Manna
River, only fifteen miles from Cape Mount. But when this "Draft
Convention," as it was called, came before the Senate for ratification,
it was indignantly repudiated. At the next regular meeting of the
Legislature in December, a resolution refusing to ratify the Draft
Convention was passed, and a copy sent to Havelock. It elicited the
reply:--
"Her Majesty's Government cannot in any case recognize any rights on the
part of Liberia to any portions of the territories in dispute," followed
by the peremptory announcement that "Her Majesty's Government consider
that they are relieved from the necessity of delaying any longer to
ratify an agreement made by me with the Gallinas, Solyma, and Manna
River chiefs on the 30th of March, 1882, whereby they ceded to Her
Majesty the coast line of their territories up to the right bank of the
Manna River."
Liberia made a last feeble effort. A "Protest" was drawn up and sent to
the various powers with whom she stood in treaty relations--of course,
without result. The President of the United States replied at once,
counselling acquiescence. Nothing else was possible. The Senate
authorized the President to accept the terms dictated, and the "Draft
Convention" was signed November 11, 1885. On April 26, 1888, Sir Samuel
Rowe visited Monrovia and formally exchanged ratifications. Thus once
more strength proved triumphant; Liberia's boundary was set at the Manna
River, and Sierra Leone, which had possessed but a few hills and swamps,
was given a valuable coast line.