CHAPTER XXIV

SUMMARY

Our investigation has now come to an end. The development of human

marriage in all its aspects has been examined, according to the method

suggested in the introductory chapter. Many of the conclusions are more

or less hypothetical, but not a few, I think, are necessary deductions

from trustworthy evidence. As they are based on a great accumulation of

facts, it may be well to present a general view of the argument as a

whole.

We defined marriage as a more or less durable connection between

male and female, lasting beyond the mere act of propagation till

after the birth of the offspring. It is found among many of the lower

animals, it occurs as a rule among the anthropomorphous apes, and it

is universal among mankind. It is closely connected with parental

duties: the immediate care of the children belongs chiefly to the

mother, whilst the father is the protector and guardian of the family.

Being a necessary requirement for the existence of certain species,

it obviously owes its origin to an instinct developed through the

powerful influence of natural selection. If, as seems probable, there

was a human pairing season in early times, the continued excitement of

the sexual instinct cannot have played a part in the origin of human

marriage—assuming that the institution existed among primitive men.

And it is highly probable that it did exist, as the marriage of the

Primates seems to be due to the small number of young and the long

period of infancy. Later on, when mankind became chiefly carnivorous,

the assistance of an adult male became still more necessary for the

subsistence of the children, as the chase everywhere devolves on the

man. The suggestion that, in olden times, the natural guardian of the

children was not the father, but the maternal uncle, has no foundation

in fact; neither has the hypothesis that all the males of the tribe

indiscriminately were their guardians. All the evidence we possess

tends to show that among our earliest human ancestors the family, not

the tribe, formed the nucleus of every social group, and, in many

cases, was itself perhaps the only social group. The man-like apes are

not gregarious, and the solitary life they generally lead is almost

certainly due chiefly to the difficulty they experience in getting

sufficient quantities of food. We may infer that our fruit-eating human

or half-human ancestors were not more gregarious than they. Afterwards,

when man passed beyond his frugivorous stage, he continued, as a rule,

this solitary kind of life, as gregariousness is a disadvantage to all

large animals who live chiefly on flesh. Even now there are savage

peoples of the lowest type who live rather in separate families than in

tribes, and facts indicate that the chief reason for this is want of

sufficient food. The sociability of man, therefore, sprang in the main

from progressive intellectual and material civilization, whilst the tie

that kept together husband and wife, parents and children, was, if not

the only, at least the principal factor in the earliest forms of man’s

social life. Human marriage, in all probability, is an inheritance from

some ape-like progenitor.

Most anthropologists who have written on prehistoric customs believe,

indeed, that man lived originally in a state of promiscuity or

“communal marriage”; but we have found that this hypothesis is

essentially unscientific. The evidence given for it consists of notices

of some savage nations said to live promiscuously, and of some curious

customs which are assumed to be survivals from a time when marriage

did not exist. Many of the assertions made as to peoples living in

promiscuous intercourse have, however, been shown to be erroneous, and

the accuracy of the others is at least open to question. But even if

some of the statements were true, it would be a mistake to infer that

these quite exceptional cases represent a stage of development through

which all mankind have passed; and it is certainly not among the lowest

peoples that sexual relations most nearly approach to promiscuity.

Equally unwarranted is the inference of a primitive condition of

“communal marriage” from the fact that in some parts of the world the

sexes may cohabit freely before marriage. There are numerous savage

and barbarous peoples among whom sexual intercourse out of wedlock is

of rare occurrence, unchastity on the part of the woman being looked

upon as a disgrace or a crime. Contact with a “higher culture” has

proved pernicious to the morality of savage peoples; and we have some

reason to believe that irregular connections between the sexes have, on

the whole, exhibited a tendency to increase along with the progress of

civilization. Moreover, free sexual intercourse previous to marriage

is quite different from promiscuity, which involves a suppression of

individual inclinations. The most general form of it is prostitution,

which is rare among peoples living in a state of nature, untouched

by foreign influence. Customs which have been interpreted as acts of

expiation for individual marriage—a sort of religious prostitution

found in the East; the _jus primae noctis_ granted to the friends of

the bridegroom, or to all the guests at a marriage, or to a particular

person, a chief or a priest; and the practice of lending wives to

visitors—may be far more satisfactorily explained otherwise. This is

true also of the fact that, among certain peoples, courtesans are held

in greater estimation than women married to a single husband. Mr.

Morgan’s view—that the former prevalence of “marriage in a group” and

promiscuity are proved by the “classificatory system of relationship”

in force among many peoples—presupposes that the nomenclature was

founded on blood-relationship, as near as the parentage of individuals

could be known. But it can scarcely be doubted that the terms for

relationships were originally mere terms of address, given chiefly

with reference to sex and age, as also to the external, or social,

relationship in which the speaker stood to the person whom he or she

addressed. It has been suggested that the system of “kinship through

females only”— implying, chiefly, that children are named after their

mothers, not after their fathers, and that property and rank succeed

exclusively in the female line—is due to the uncertain paternity which

resulted from early promiscuity. But the ties of blood have exercised a

far less direct influence on this system than is generally assumed. We

have seen that there may be several reasons for naming children after

the mother rather than after the father, apart from any consideration

of relationship. The custom in accordance with which, among many

peoples, a man, on marrying, goes to live with his wife in the house of

her father deserves special notice in this connection. It is probable

that the causes which make children take their mother’s name have also

directly influenced the rules of succession, but the power of the name

itself seems to have been of even higher importance. Moreover, so

far as we know, there is no general coincidence of what we consider

moral and immoral habits with the prevalence of the male and female

line among existing savages; and among various peoples the male line

prevails, although paternity is often actually uncertain on account of

their polyandrous marriage customs. Avowed recognition of kinship in

the female line only, by no means implies an unconsciousness of male

kinship. Finally, there are many rude peoples who exhibit no traces at

all of a system of “kinship through females only.” Thus the facts put

forward in support of the hypothesis of promiscuity do not entitle us

to assume that promiscuity has ever been the prevailing form of sexual

relations even among a single people, whilst the hypothesis is opposed

to all the correct ideas we are able to form with regard to the early

state of man. Promiscuous intercourse between the sexes tends to a

pathological condition very unfavourable to fecundity; and the almost

universal prevalence of jealousy among peoples unaffected by foreign

influence, as well as among the lower mammals, makes it most unlikely

that promiscuity ever prevailed at any stage of human development. As

we have seen, the idea that a woman belongs exclusively to one man

is so deeply rooted among various peoples that it has led to several

revolting practices.

In the chapter on ‘Marriage and Celibacy’ we noted that the single

state is comparatively rare among savage and barbarous races, who,

as a rule, marry earlier than civilized men. A celibate is, indeed,

looked upon almost as an unnatural being. Very much the same was the

case with the ancient civilized nations both of the Old World and the

New, as is still the case in the East. In modern civilization, on

the other hand, there are several factors—partly economical, partly

psychical—unfavourable to marriage. As a consequence, the proportion of

unmarried people has been gradually increasing in Europe, and the age

at which people marry has risen. A curious kind of celibacy, met with

among various peoples at different stages, is the enforced celibacy of

persons devoted to religion. This evidently depends upon the notion

that sexual intercourse is impure—a notion which seems to have grown

up originally from the instinctive feeling against intercourse between

members of the same family or household.

In the courtship of almost all animal species the male plays the most

active part, and has generally to fight with other males for the

possession of the female. The same was no doubt the case with our early

human ancestors, and this mode of courtship survives even now among

some of the lower races. Much more commonly, however, courtship means

on the part of the man a prolonged making of love; and the woman is far

from being completely passive. We have seen how savage men and women in

various ways endeavour to make themselves attractive to the opposite

sex:—by ornamenting, mutilating, painting, and tattooing themselves.

That these practices essentially subserve this end appears chiefly from

the fact that the time selected for them is the age of puberty. It

seems also probable that clothing, at least in a great many cases, was

originally adopted for a similar reason, and that the feeling of shame,

far from being the original cause of man’s covering his nakedness, is,

on the contrary, a result of this custom.

Whilst the men are generally the courters, the women may in many,

perhaps most, cases accept or refuse their proposals at pleasure.

Though a daughter among the lower races is regarded as an object of

property, and is in many instances betrothed in her earliest youth,

women are not, as a rule, married without having any voice of their

own in the matter. Among existing savages their liberty of selection

is very considerable, and under more primitive conditions—when every

grown-up individual earned his or her own living, when there was,

strictly speaking, no labour, and when a daughter consequently was

neither a slave nor an object of trade—woman was doubtless even more

free in that respect than she is now among most of the lower races.

At a latter stage the case was different. Among peoples who have

reached a relatively high degree of civilization the father’s power,

in connection with a more fully developed system of ancestor-worship,

has invariably become more extensive, more absolute. Not only the

full-grown daughter, but the full-grown son, who among savages enjoys

perfect independence, stands so much in awe of the father that, among

many of these peoples, no marriage is concluded without his consent. We

have given some account of this strengthened paternal authority among

various nations; we have found that it has formed only a transitional

stage in the history of human institutions; and we have indicated the

stages of its gradual decline.

The important subject of sexual selection has necessarily claimed a

good deal of attention. In an introductory chapter we pointed out the

contradiction between Mr. Darwin’s theories of natural and sexual

selection, and endeavoured to show that the sexual selection of the

lower animals is entirely subordinate to the great law of the survival

of the fittest. From the way in which the sexual colours, odours, and

sounds of animals are distributed among different species, we drew the

conclusion that, though they are always to a certain extent hurtful to

the species, they are upon the whole advantageous, inasmuch as they

make it easier for the sexes to find each other; whereas if we accept

Mr. Darwin’s theory, we are compelled to suppose that the inexplicable

æsthetic sense on which his hypothesis is founded, has been developed

in the way most dangerous to the species. We also found that there are

facts incompatible with Mr. Darwin’s explanation of the connection

between love and beauty in mankind, and of the origin of the different

human races. There is an ideal of beauty common to the whole human

race; but this ideal is a mere abstraction, as general similarities

in taste are accompanied by specific differences. Men and women find

beauty in the full development of the visible characteristics belonging

to the human organism in general; of those peculiar to the sex; of

those peculiar to the race. As a certain kind of constitution is best

suited for certain conditions of life, and the racial type is on the

whole that which best harmonizes with the external relations in which

the respective peoples live, we may infer that the full development

of racial characters indicates health, that a deviation from them

indicates disease. Physical beauty is therefore in every respect the

outward manifestation of physical perfection, and the development of

the instinct which prefers beauty to ugliness, healthiness to disease,

is evidently within the power of natural selection. According to Mr.

Darwin, racial differences are due to the different standards of

beauty, whereas, according to the theory indicated in this book, the

different standards of beauty are due to racial differences. We have

seen that the racial peculiarities stand in some connection with the

external circumstances in which the various races live. But, as we

do not know that acquired characters are transmitted from parent to

offspring, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the differences are the

inherited effects of conditions of life to which previous generations

have been subject. It seems most probable that they are due to natural

selection, which has preserved and intensified such congenital

variations as were most in accordance with the conditions under which

the various races lived.

Under the head of the ‘Law of Similarity’ we dealt with the powerful

instinct which, as a rule, keeps animals from pairing with individuals

belonging to another species, and found the origin of this aversion

in the infertility of first crosses and hybrids. No such instinct can

be said to keep the various human races apart from one another; and

it is not known that the diversities even between the races which

least resemble each other are not so great but that, under favourable

conditions, a mixed race may be produced. Closely akin to the horror

of bestiality is the horror of incest, which, almost without exception,

is a characteristic of the races of men, though the degrees within

which intercourse is forbidden vary in an extraordinary degree. It is

nearly universally abominated between parents and children, generally

between brothers and sisters, often between cousins, and, among a

great many peoples uninfluenced by modern civilization, between all

the members of the tribe or clan. We criticized the theories set forth

by various writers as to the origin of such prohibitions. To each of

these theories there are special objections; and all of them presuppose

that men avoid incestuous marriages only because they are taught to

do so. As a matter of fact, the home is kept pure from incestuous

intercourse neither by laws, nor by customs, nor by education, but by

an instinct which under normal circumstances makes sexual love between

the nearest kin a psychical impossibility. Of course there is no innate

aversion to marriage with near relations; but there is an innate

aversion to marriage between persons living very closely together from

early youth, and, as such persons are in most cases related, this

feeling displays itself chiefly as a horror of intercourse between

near kin. The existence of an innate aversion of this kind is proved,

not only by common experience, but by an abundance of ethnographical

facts which show that it is not in the first place by degrees of

consanguinity, but by close living together, that prohibitory laws

against intermarriage are determined. Thus many peoples have a rule of

local exogamy, which is quite independent of kinship. The extent to

which, among various nations, relatives are not allowed to intermarry,

is obviously nearly connected with their close living together. There

is so strong a coincidence (as statistical data prove) between exogamy

and the “classificatory system of relationship”—which system springs,

to a great extent, from the close living together of considerable

numbers of kinsfolk—that they must, in fact, be regarded as two sides

of one institution. Prohibitions of incest are very often more or

less one-sided, applying more extensively either to the kinsfolk on

the father’s side or to those on the mother’s, according as descent

is reckoned through men or women; and we have seen that the line of

descent is intimately connected with local relationships. In a large

number of cases, however, prohibitions of intermarriage are only

indirectly influenced by the close living together. Aversion to the

intermarriage of persons who live in intimate connection with each

other has provoked prohibitions of the intermarriage of relations; and,

as kinship is traced by means of a system of names, the name comes to

be considered identical with relationship. Generally speaking, the

feeling that two persons are intimately connected in some way or other

may, through an association of ideas, give rise to the notion that

intercourse between them is incestuous. There are exceptions to the

rule that close living together inspires an aversion to intermarriage.

But most of the recorded instances of intermarriage of brother and

sister refer to royal families, and are brought about simply by pride

of birth. Incestuous unions may also take place on account of extreme

isolation, and certain instances of such connection are evidently the

results of vitiated instincts. Marriage between a half-brother and a

half-sister, however, is not necessarily contrary to the principle here

laid down, as polygyny breaks up each family into as many sub-families

as there are wives who have children. The question arose:—Why is a

feeling of disgust associated with the idea of marriage between persons

who have lived in a long-continued, intimate relationship from a period

of life at which the action of desire is naturally out of the question?

We found an answer in the evil effects resulting from consanguineous

marriages. It seems to be necessary for the welfare of the species

that the sexual elements which unite shall be somewhat different from,

as it is necessary that they shall be in some way similar to, one

another. The injurious results of self-fertilization among plants and

of close interbreeding among animals appear to prove the existence of

such a law, and it is impossible to believe that it does not apply

to man also. We stated several facts pointing in this direction,

and found reason to believe that consanguineous marriages are much

more injurious in savage regions, where the struggle for existence

is often very severe, than they have proved to be in civilized

society. We also observed that no evidence which can stand the test of

scientific investigation has hitherto been adduced against the view

that consanguineous marriages, in some way or other, are more or less

detrimental to the species. Through natural selection an instinct must

have been developed, powerful enough, as a rule, to prevent injurious

unions. This instinct displays itself simply as an aversion on the part

of individuals to union with others with whom they have lived, but as

these are for the most part blood-relations, the result is the survival

of the fittest.

We proceeded to consider sexual selection as influenced by affection,

sympathy, and calculation. We found that love has only slowly become

the refined feeling it is in the minds of cultivated persons in modern

times, although conjugal affection is far from being unknown, even

among very rude savages. The endogamous rules which prevent different

races, nations, or tribes, hereditary castes, classes, and adherents

of different religions from intermarrying are due to want of sympathy,

and have gradually lost their importance according as altruism and

religious toleration have increased, and civilization has diminished

the barriers which separate different nations and the various classes

of society.

As regards the mode of contracting marriage, we inferred—from the

universality of the horror of incest, and from the difficulty a savage

man has in procuring a wife in a friendly manner without making up

for the loss he inflicts on her father—that marriage by capture must

have been very common at that stage of social development when family

ties had become stronger, and man lived in small groups of nearly

related persons, but when the idea of barter had scarcely presented

itself to his mind. We saw that marriage by capture was succeeded by

marriage by purchase, as barter in general has followed upon robbery.

Again, at a later stage, some feeling of shame was attached to the

idea of selling a daughter, and marriage by purchase was abandoned.

Its gradual disappearance took place in two different ways. On the one

hand, the purchase became a symbol, appearing as a sham sale in the

marriage ceremonies or as an exchange of presents; on the other hand,

the purchase-sum was transformed into the morning gift and the dotal

portion, a part—afterwards the whole—being given to the bride either

directly by the bridegroom or by her father. These transformations

of marriage by purchase have taken place, not only in the history of

the great civilized nations, but among several peoples who are still

in a savage or semi-civilized state. As a rule, however, the marriage

portion plays no important part in savage life, being chiefly due

to a feeling of respect and sympathy for the weaker sex, which, on

the whole, is characteristic of a higher civilization. Very often it

is intended to be a settlement for the wife in case the marriage be

dissolved through the husband’s death or otherwise, although it may

have the meaning of a return gift, or it may imply that the wife as

well as the husband is expected to contribute to the expenses of the

joint household.

Having noted the growth of marriage ceremonies and religious rites,

we passed to the forms of human marriage. Polygyny was permitted by

most of the ancient peoples within the historic period, and is at

present permitted by several civilized nations and by the majority

of savage tribes. Yet, among not a few savage and barbarous races it

is almost unknown, or even prohibited; and almost everywhere it is

confined to the smaller part of the people, the vast majority being

monogamous. Moreover, where polygyny occurs, it is modified, as a

rule, in two ways that tend towards monogamy: through the higher

position granted to one of the wives, generally the first married,

and through the favour constantly shown by the husband to the wife

he likes best. Among certain peoples polyandry occurs, and, like

polygyny, is modified in a monogamous direction, the first husband

usually being the chief husband. Among the causes by which the forms

of marriage are influenced, the numerical proportion between the

sexes plays an important part. In some countries there are more men

than women, in others more women than men. This disproportion is due

to various causes, such as female infanticide, war, and disparity in

the number of the sexes at birth. There are facts which seem to show

that in rough mountainous countries more boys are born than girls,

and that consanguineous marriages produce a considerable excess

of male births. If this be so, it can hardly be a mere coincidence

that polyandry occurs chiefly among mountaineers and peoples who are

endogamous in a very high degree. As for polygyny, there are several

reasons why a man may desire to possess more than one wife. Among

many peoples the husband has to live apart from his wife during her

pregnancy, and as long as she suckles her child. Female youth and

beauty have for men a powerful attraction, and among peoples at the

lower stages of civilization women generally become old much sooner

than in more advanced communities. The liking of men for variety is

also a potent factor; and to have many wives is to have many labourers.

The barrenness of a wife is another very common reason for the choice

of a new partner, as desire for offspring, for various reasons, is

universal in mankind. In a savage and barbarous state a man’s power and

wealth are proportionate to the number of his offspring. Nevertheless,

however desirable polygyny may be from the man’s point of view, it

is prohibited among many peoples, and among most of the others it is

exceptional. Where the amount of female labour is limited, and no

accumulated property exists, it may be very difficult for a man to keep

a plurality of wives. Again, where female labour is of considerable

value, the necessity of paying the purchase-sum for a wife is a

hindrance to polygyny, which can be overcome only by the wealthier

men. Polygyny implies a violation of the feelings of women; hence,

where due respect is paid to these, monogamy is considered the only

proper form of marriage. The refined passion of love, which depends

not only on external attractions, but on sympathy arising from mental

qualities, forms a tie between husband and wife which lasts for life;

and the true monogamous instinct, the absorbing passion for one, is a

powerful obstacle to polygynous habits. It is certain that polygyny

has been less prevalent at the lowest stages of civilization—where

wars do not seriously disturb the proportion of the sexes; where life

is chiefly supported by hunting, and female labour is consequently

of slight value; where there is no accumulation of wealth and no

distinction of class—than it is at somewhat higher stages; and it seems

probable that monogamy prevailed almost exclusively among our earliest

human ancestors. But, though civilization up to a certain point is

favourable to polygyny, its higher forms invariably and necessarily

lead to monogamy. We have noted that polygyny has, in many ways, become

less desirable for the civilized man than it was for his barbarian and

savage ancestors, and that other causes have co-operated to produce

the same result. Again, polyandry, being due to an excess of men and

presupposing an abnormally feeble disposition to jealousy, must at

all times have been exceptional; there is no solid evidence for the

theory that in early times it was the rule. On the contrary, this form

of marriage seems to require a certain degree of civilization. It was

probably, in most cases, an expression of fraternal benevolence on the

part of the eldest brother, and, if additional wives were afterwards

acquired, it led to group marriages of the Toda type.

As a general rule, human marriage is not necessarily contracted for

life, and among most uncivilized and many advanced peoples, a man

may divorce his wife whenever he likes. Nevertheless, divorce is an

exception among a great many races, even among races of the lowest

type; and numerous nations consider, or have considered, marriage a

union which must not be dissolved by the husband, except for certain

reasons stipulated by custom or law. We also noted instances in which

the wife may separate from her husband. The causes by which the

duration of human marriage is influenced are, on the whole, but not

exactly the same as those which determine the form of marriage; and,

though monogamy frequently coexists with great stability of marriage,

this is scarcely the case in the rudest condition of man. Marriage,

generally speaking, has become more durable in proportion as the human

race has advanced.

Marriage has thus been subject to evolution in various ways, though

the course of evolution has not been always the same. The dominant

tendency of this process at its later stages has been the extension of

the wife’s rights. A wife is no longer the husband’s property; and,

according to modern ideas, marriage is, or should be, a contract on

the footing of perfect equality between the sexes. The history of

human marriage is the history of a relation in which women have been

gradually triumphing over the passions, the prejudices, and the selfish

interests of men.

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INDEX

A

Abercromby, Mr. John, on marriage _with_ capture, p. 388.

Abipones, marriage not complete till the birth of a child

among the, p. 22;

chastity of women among the, p. 66;

rank hereditary in the male line among the, p. 99;

tattooing of young people among the, p. 177;

their custom of plucking out the eyebrows, p. 182;

women’s power of choice among the, p. 216 n.9;

horror of consanguineous marriage among the, p. 299;

infanticide among the, p. 312;

marriage by purchase among the, p. 393 n. 2;

polygyny exceptional among the, p. 441 n. 4;

divorce among the, p. 530 n. 3.

Abors, female dress among the, p. 197 n. 8;

liberty of choice among the, p. 219 n. 8;

endogamy of the, p. 366;

monogamous as a rule, p. 439 n. 11.

See Pádams.

——, Sissee, polyandry among the, p. 452;

polygyny among the, p. 455.

Abyssinians, their punishment for adultery, p. 122 n. 8;

marry early, p. 138;

tattooing of women among the, p. 169;

circumcision among the, pp. 202, 203, 206 n. 1;

ceremony of capture among the, p. 384;

marriage portion among the, p. 414 n. 4;

female jealousy among the, p. 499;

divorce among the, p. 520.

Acawoios, monogamous, p. 435 n. 11.

Acclimatization, pp. 268-270.

Accra, kinship through males at, p. 102;

relationship by alliance a bar to marriage at, p. 309;

marriage portion at, p. 410, n. 11.

Achomâwi (California), marriage by purchase among the, p. 401 n. 13.

Adam, Mr. W., on consanguineous marriage, p. 339.

Adelaide Plains, natives inhabiting the, their depravation due to

the influence of the whites, p. 68.

Admiralty Islanders, hair dress of the young men among the, p. 175;

painting of women among the, p. 181 n. 4;

men more decorated than women among the, p. 183;

covering of the men among the, p. 191 n. 5;

shell worn by the men among the, p. 201;

their ideas of modesty, p. 208.

Adultery, punishments inflicted for, pp. 121, 122, 130.

Adyrmachidae, _jus primae noctis_ among the, pp. 76 _sq._

Aenezes, women’s liberty of choice among the, pp. 220 n. 7, 222;

endogamy of the, p. 371;

their views on marriage by purchase, p. 408 n. 8.

Aëtas (Philippines), monogamous as a rule, p. 440.

Affection, ch. xvi., p. 546.

Africa, no people living in promiscuity in, p. 59.

Africans, paternal duties among certain, pp. 16 _sq._;

pregnancy must be followed by marriage among certain, p. 23;

female unchastity punished by certain, p. 62 n. 8;

preservation of the chastity of wives among many, p. 120;

punishment for adultery among certain, p. 122 n. 4;

virginity required from the bride among certain, pp. 123 _sq._;

infibulation of girls among many, p. 124;

widows killed among certain, p. 125;

lip-ornaments among certain, p. 166;

knocking out teeth among certain, p. 174;

the men more ornamented than the women among many, p. 182;

only unmarried women cover their nakedness among many, pp. 195 _sq._;

a covering considered more necessary for men than women by

many, p. 199;

infanticide almost unknown among the, p. 312;

fertile women respected among the, p. 378 n. 3;

their desire for offspring, pp. 378 _sq._;

marriage by purchase does not occur among certain, p. 398;

marriage portion among certain, p. 410 n. 11;

no marriage portion among many, p. 414 n. 5;

polygyny among the, pp. 439, 490, 493, 506;

class distinctions among the p. 506.

Africans, Eastern Central, terms for relationships among the, pp. 87, 93;

recognise the part taken by both parents in generation, p. 105;

children named after the mother’s tribe among certain, _ib._;

the husband goes to live near the wife’s family among certain, p. 109;

female lip-ornament among the, p. 166;

women more decorated than men among the, p. 183;

position of women among the, _ib._;

circumcision among the, pp. 201 _sq._;

women more particular in their choice than men among the, p. 254;

endogamy of the, p. 366;

marriage by capture among the, p. 384;

no marriage portion among the, p. 414 n. 5;

monogamous as a rule, pp. 438 _sq._;

polygyny among the, pp. 446, 491, 492, 499;

their women get old early, p. 487;

Levirate among the, p. 511 n.;

divorce among the, pp. 522, 527 n. 1, 528, 532 n. 6.