acting like other men. Not being able to manage property, the madman is
withheld from it; incapable of ideas suitable to society, he is shut out
from it; if he be dangerous, he is confined altogether; and if he be
furious, they bind him. Sometimes he is cured by baths, by bleeding, and
by regimen.
This man is not, however, deprived of ideas; he frequently possesses
them like other men, and often when he sleeps. We might inquire how the
spiritual and immortal soul, lodged in his brain, receives all its ideas
correctly and distinctly, without the capacity of judgment. It perceives
objects, as the souls of Aristotle, of Plato, of Locke, and of Newton,
perceived them. It hears the same sounds, and possesses the same sense
of feeling--how therefore, receiving impressions like the wisest, does
the soul of the madman connect them extravagantly, and prove unable to
disperse them?
If this simple and eternal substance enjoys the same properties as the
souls which are lodged in the sagest brains, it ought to reason like
them. Why does it not? If my madman sees a thing red, while the wise men
see it blue; if when my sages hear music, my madman hears the braying of
an ass; if when they attend a sermon, he imagines himself to be
listening to a comedy; if when they understand yes, he understands no;
then I conceive clearly that his soul ought to think contrary to theirs.
But my madman having the same perceptions as they have, there is no
apparent reason why his soul, having received all the necessary
materials, cannot make a proper use of them. It is pure, they say, and
subject to no infirmity; behold it provided with all the necessary
assistance; nothing which passes in the body can change its essence; yet
it is shut up in a close carriage, and conveyed to Charenton.
This reflection may lead us to suspect that the faculty of thought,
bestowed by God upon man, is subject to derangement like the other
senses. A madman is an invalid whose brain is diseased, while the gouty
man is one who suffers in his feet and hands. People think by means of
the brain, and walk on their feet, without knowing anything of the
source of either this incomprehensible power of walking, or the equally
incomprehensible power of thinking; besides, the gout may be in the
head, instead of the feet. In short, after a thousand arguments, faith
alone can convince us of the possibility of a simple and immaterial
substance liable to disease.
The learned may say to the madman: "My friend, although deprived of
common sense, thy soul is as pure, as spiritual, and as immortal, as our
own; but our souls are happily lodged, and thine not so. The windows of
its dwelling are closed; it wants air, and is stifled."
The madman, in a lucid interval, will reply to them: "My friends, you
beg the question, as usual. My windows are as wide open as your own,
since I can perceive the same objects and listen to the same sounds. It
necessarily follows that my soul makes a bad use of my senses; or that
my soul is a vitiated sense, a depraved faculty. In a word, either my
soul is itself diseased, or I have no soul."
One of the doctors may reply: "My brother, God has possibly created
foolish souls, as well as wise ones."
The madman will answer: "If I believed what you say, I should be a still
greater madman than I am. Have the kindness, you who know so much, to
tell me why I am mad?"
Supposing the doctors to retain a little sense, they would say: "We know
nothing about the matter."
Neither are they more able to comprehend how a brain possesses regular
ideas, and makes a due use of them. They call themselves sages, and are
as weak as their patient.
If the interval of reason of the madman lasts long enough, he will say
to them: "Miserable mortals, who neither know the cause of my malady,
nor how to cure it! Tremble, lest ye become altogether like me, or even
still worse than I am! You are not of the highest rank, like Charles VI.
of France, Henry VI. of England, and the German emperor Wincenslaus, who
all lost their reason in the same century. You have not nearly so much
wit as Blaise Pascal, James Abadie, or Jonathan Swift, who all became
insane. The last of them founded a hospital for us; shall I go there and
retain places for you?"
N.B. I regret that Hippocrates should have prescribed the blood of an
ass's colt for madness; and I am still more sorry that the "_Manuel des
Dames_" asserts that it may be cured by catching the itch. Pleasant
prescriptions these, and apparently invented by those who were to take
them!
MAGIC.
Magic is a more plausible science than astrology and the doctrine of
genii. As soon as we began to think that there was in man a being quite
distinct from matter, and that the understanding exists after death, we
gave this understanding a fine, subtile, aerial body, resembling the
body in which it was lodged. Two quite natural reasons introduced this
opinion; the first is, that in all languages the soul was called spirit,
breath, wind. This spirit, this breath, this wind, was therefore very
fine and delicate. The second is, that if the soul of a man had not
retained a form similar to that which it possessed during its life, we
should not have been able after death to distinguish the soul of one man
from that of another. This soul, this shade, which existed, separated
from its body, might very well show itself upon occasion, revisit the
place which it had inhabited, its parents and friends, speak to them and
instruct them. In all this there is no incompatibility.
As departed souls might very well teach those whom they came to visit
the secret of conjuring them, they failed not to do so; and the word
"Abraxa", pronounced with some ceremonies, brought up souls with whom he
who pronounced it wished to speak. I suppose an Egyptian saying to a
philosopher: "I descend in a right line from the magicians of Pharaoh,
who changed rods into serpents, and the waters of the Nile into blood;
one of my ancestors married the witch of Endor, who conjured up the soul
of Samuel at the request of Saul; she communicated her secrets to her
husband, who made her the confidant of his own; I possess this
inheritance from my father and mother; my genealogy is well attested; I
command the spirits and elements."
The philosopher, in reply, will have nothing to do but to demand his
protection; for if disposed to deny and dispute, the magician will shut
his mouth by saying: "You cannot deny the facts; my ancestors have been
incontestably great magicians, and you doubt it not; you have no reason
to believe that I am inferior to them, particularly when a man of honor
like myself assures you that he is a sorcerer."
The philosopher, to be sure, might say to him: "Do me the pleasure to
conjure up a shade; allow me to speak to a soul; change this water into
blood, and this rod into a serpent."
The magician will answer: "I work not for philosophers; but I have shown
spirits to very respectable ladies, and to simple people who never
dispute; you should at least believe that it is very possible for me to
have these secrets, since you are forced to confess that my ancestors
possessed them. What was done formerly can be done now; and you ought to
believe in magic without my being obliged to exercise my art before
you."
These reasons are so good that all nations have had sorcerers. The
greatest sorcerers were paid by the state, in order to discover the
future clearly in the heart and liver of an ox. Why, therefore, have
others so long been punished with death? They have done more marvellous
things; they should, therefore, be more honored; above all, their power
should be feared. Nothing is more ridiculous than to condemn a true
magician to be burned; for we should presume that he can extinguish the
fire and twist the necks of his judges. All that we can do is to say to
him: "My friend, we do not burn you as a true sorcerer, but as a false
one; you boast of an admirable art which you possess not; we treat you
as a man who utters false money; the more we love the good, the more
severely we punish those who give us counterfeits; we know very well
that there were formerly venerable conjurors, but we have reason to
believe that you are not one, since you suffer yourself to be burned
like a fool."
It is true, that the magician so pushed might say: My conscience extends
not so far as to extinguish a pile without water, and to kill my judges
with words. I can only call up spirits, read the future, and change
certain substances into others; my power is bounded; but you should not
for that reason burn me at a slow fire. It is as if you caused a
physician to be hanged who could cure fever, and not a paralysis.
The judges might, however, still reasonably observe: Show us then some
secret of your art, or consent to be burned with a good grace.
MALADY--MEDICINE.
I will suppose that a fair princess who never heard speak of anatomy is
ill either from having eaten or danced too much, or having done too much
of what several princesses occasionally do. I suppose the following
controversy takes place:
PHYSICIAN.
Madam, for your health to be good, it is necessary for your cerebrum and
cerebellum to distribute a fine, well-conditioned marrow, in the spine
of your back down to your highness's rump; and that this marrow should
equally animate fifteen pairs of nerves, each right and left. It is
necessary that your heart should contract and dilate itself with a
constantly equal force; and that all the blood which it forces into your
arteries should circulate in all these arteries and veins about six
hundred times a day. This blood, in circulating with a rapidity which
surpasses that of the Rhone, ought to dispose on its passage of that
which continually forms the lymph, urine, bile, etc., of your
highness--of that which furnishes all these secretions, which insensibly
render your skin soft, fresh, and fair, that without them would be
yellow, gray, dry, and shrivelled, like old parchment.
PRINCESS.
Well, sir, the king pays you to attend to all this: fail not to put all
things in their place, and to make my liquids circulate so that I may be
comfortable. I warn you that I will not suffer with impunity.
PHYSICIAN.
Madam, address your orders to the Author of nature. The sole power which
made millions of planets and comets to revolve round millions of suns
has directed the course of your blood.
PRINCESS.
What! are you a physician, and can you prescribe nothing?
PHYSICIAN.
No, madam; we can only take away from, we can add nothing to nature.
Your servants clean your palace, but the architect built it. If your
highness has eaten greedily, I can cleanse your entrails with cassia,
manna, and pods of senna; it is a broom which I introduce to cleanse
your inside. If you have a cancer, I must cut off your breast, but I
cannot give you another. Have you a stone in your bladder? I can deliver
you from it. I can cut off a gangrened foot, leaving you to walk on the
other.
In a word, we physicians perfectly resemble teethdrawers, who extract a
decayed tooth, without the power of substituting a sound one, quacks as
they are.
PRINCESS.
You make me tremble; I believed that physicians cured all maladies.
PHYSICIAN.
We infallibly cure all those which cure themselves. It is generally, and
with very few exceptions, with internal maladies as with external
wounds. Nature alone cures those which are not mortal. Those which are
so will find no resource in it.
PRINCESS.
What! all these secrets for purifying the blood, of which my ladies have
spoken to me; this _Baume de Vie _of the Sieur de Lievre; these packets
of the Sieur Arnauld; all these pills so much praised by _femmes de
chambre_--
PHYSICIAN.
Are so many inventions to get money, and to flatter patients, while
nature alone acts.
PRINCESS.
But there are specifics?
PHYSICIAN.
Yes, madam, like the water of youth in romances.
PRINCESS.
In what, then, consists medicine?
PHYSICIAN.
I have already told you, in cleaning and keeping in order the house
which we cannot rebuild.
PRINCESS.
There are, however, salutary things, and others hurtful?
PHYSICIAN.
You have guessed all the secret. Eat moderately that which you know by
experience will agree with you. Nothing is good for the body but what is
easily digested. What medicine will best assist digestion? Exercise.
What best recruit your strength? Sleep. What will diminish incurable
ills? Patience. What change a bad constitution? Nothing. In all violent
maladies, we have only the recipe of Molire, "_seipnare, purgare;_" and,
if we will, "_clisterium donare._" There is not a fourth. All, I have
told you amounts only to keeping a house in order, to which we cannot
add a peg. All art consists in adaptation.
PRINCESS.
You puff not your merchandise. You are an honest man. When I am queen, I
will make you my first physician.
PHYSICIAN.
Let nature be your first physician. It is she who made all. Of those who
have lived beyond a hundred years, none were of the faculty. The king of
France has already buried forty of his physicians, as many chief
physicians, besides physicians of the establishment, and others.
PRINCESS.
And, truly, I hope to bury you also.
MAN.
To know the natural philosophy of the human race, it is necessary to
read works of anatomy, or rather to go through a course of anatomy.
To be acquainted with the man we call "moral," it is above all necessary
to have lived and reflected. Are not all moral works contained in these
words of Job? "Man that is born of a woman hath but a few days to live,
and is full of trouble. He cometh forth like a flower, and is cut down:
he fleeth as a shadow, and continueth not."
We have already seen that the human race has not above two-and-twenty
years to live, reckoning those who die at their nurses' breasts, and
those who for a hundred years drag on the remains of a miserable and
imbecile life.
It is a fine apologue, that ancient fable of the first man who was at
first destined to live twenty years at most, and who reduced it to five
years by estimating one life with another. The man was in despair, and
had near him a caterpillar, a butterfly, a peacock, a horse, a fox, and
an ape.
"Prolong my life," said he to Jupiter; "I am more worthy than these
animals; it is just that I and my family should live long to command all
beasts." "Willingly," said Jupiter; "but I have only a certain number of
days to divide among the whole of the beings to whom I have granted
life. I can only give to thee by taking away from others; for imagine
not, that because I am Jupiter, I am infinite and all-powerful; I have
my nature and my limits. Now I will grant thee some years more, by
taking them from these six animals, of which thou art jealous, on
condition that thou shalt successively assume their manner of living.
Man shall first be a caterpillar, dragging himself along in his earliest
infancy. Until fifteen, he shall have the lightness of a butterfly; in
his youth, the vanity of a peacock. In manhood he must undergo the
labors of a horse. Towards fifty, he shall have the tricks of a fox; and
in his old age, be ugly and ridiculous like an ape. This, in general, is
the destiny of man."
Remark further, that notwithstanding these bounties of Jupiter, the
animal man has still but two or three and twenty years to live, at most.
Taking mankind in general, of this a third must be taken away for sleep,
during which we are in a certain sense dead; thus there remain fifteen,
and from these fifteen we must take at least eight for our first
infancy, which is, as it has been called, the vestibule of life. The
clear product will be seven years, and of these seven years the half at
least is consumed in grief of all kinds. Take three years and a half for
labor, fatigue, and dissatisfaction, and we shall have none remaining.
Well, poor animal, will you still be proud?
Unfortunately, in this fable Jupiter forgot to dress this animal as he
clothed the ass, horse, peacock, and even the caterpillar. Man had only
his bare skin, which, continually exposed to the sun, rain, and hail,
became chapped, tanned, and spotted. The male in our continent was
disfigured by spare hairs on his body, which rendered him frightful
without covering him. His face was hidden by these hairs. His skin
became a rough soil which bore a forest of stalks, the roots of which
tended upwards, and the branches of which grew downwards. It was in this
state and in this image, that this animal ventured to paint God, when in
course of time he learned the art of description.
The female being more weak, became still more disgusting and frightful
in her old age; and, in short, without tailors, and mantua-makers,
one-half of mankind would never have dared to show itself to the other.
Yet, before having clothes, before even knowing how to speak, some ages
must have passed away--a truth which has been proved, but which must be
often repeated.
It is a little extraordinary that we should have harassed an innocent,
estimable man of our time, the good Helvetius, for having said that if
men had not hands, they could not build houses and work tapestry.
Apparently, those who have condemned this proposition, have discovered a
secret for cutting stones and wood, and working at the needle with their
feet.
I liked the author of the work "On Mind". This man was worth more than
all his enemies together; but I never approved either the errors of his
book, or the trivial truths which he so emphatically enforced. I have,
however, boldly taken his part when absurd men have condemned him for
these same truths.
I have no terms to express the excess of my contempt for those who, for
example's sake, would magisterially proscribe this passage: "The Turks
can only be considered deists." How then, pedant! would you have them
regarded as atheists, because they adore only one God!
You condemn this other proposition: "The man of sense knows that men are
what they must be; that all hatred against them is unjust; that a fool
commits fooleries as a wild stock bears bitter fruits."
So, crabbed stocks of the schools, you persecute a man because he hates
you not! Let us, however, leave the schools, and pursue our subject.
Reason, industrious hands, a head capable of generalizing ideas, a
language pliant enough to express them--these are great benefits granted
by the Supreme Being to man, to the exclusion of other animals.
The male in general lives rather a shorter time than the female. He is
also generally larger in proportion. A man of the loftiest stature is
commonly two or three inches higher than the tallest woman.
His strength is almost always superior; he is more active; and having
all his organs stronger, he is more capable of a fixed attention. All
arts have been invented by him, and not by woman. We should remark, that
it is not the fire of imagination, but persevering meditation and
combination of ideas which have invented arts, as mechanics, gunpowder,
printing, dialling, etc.
Man alone knows that he must die, and knows it only by experience. A
child brought up alone, and transported into a desert island, would
dream of death no more than a plant or a cat.
A singular man has written that the human body is a fruit, which is
green until old age, and that the moment of death is that of maturity. A
strange maturity, ashes and putrefaction! The head of this philosopher
was not ripe. How many extravagances has the rage for telling novelties
produced?
The principal occupations of our race are the provision of food,
lodging, and clothing; all the rest are nearly accessory; and it is this
poor accessory which has produced so many ravages and murders.
Different Races Of Men.
We have elsewhere seen how many different races of men this globe
contains, and to what degrees the first negro and the first white who
met were astonished at one another.
It is likely enough that several weakly species of men and animals have
perished. It is thus that we no longer discover any of the murex, of
which the species has probably been devoured by other animals who
several ages after visited the shores inhabited by this little
shellfish.
St. Jerome, in his "History of the Father of the Desert", speaks of a
centaur who had a conversation with St. Anthony the hermit. He
afterwards gives an account of a much longer discourse that the same
Anthony had with a satyr.
St. Augustine, in his thirty-third sermon, addressed "To his Brothers in
the Desert," tell things as extraordinary as Jerome. "I was already
bishop of Hippo, when I went into Ethiopia with some servants of Christ,
there to preach the gospel. In this country we saw many men and women
without heads, who had two great eyes in their breasts. In countries
still more southerly, we saw a people who had but one eye in their
foreheads," etc.
Apparently, Augustine and Jerome then spoke "with economy"; they
augmented the works of creation to raise greater admiration of the works
of God. They sought to astonish men by fables, to render them more
submissive to the yoke of faith.
We can be very good Christians without believing in centaurs, men
without heads, or with only one eye, one leg, etc. But can we doubt that
the interior structure of a negro may be different to that of a white,
since the mucous netted membrane beneath the skin is white in the one,
and black in the other? I have already told you so, but you are deaf.
The Albinos and the Darians--the first originally of Africa, and the
second of the middle of America--are as different from us as from the
negroes. There are yellow, red, and gray races. We have already seen
that all the Americans are without beards or hair on their bodies,
except the head and eyebrows. All are equally men, but only as a fir, an
oak, and a pear tree are equally trees; the pear tree comes not from the
fir, nor the fir from the oak.
But whence comes it, that in the midst of the Pacific Ocean, in an
island named Otaheite, the men are bearded? It is to ask why we are so,
while the Peruvians, Mexicans, and Canadians are not. It is to ask, why
apes have tails, and why nature has refused us an ornament which, at
least among us, is an extreme rarity.
The inclinations and characters of men differ as much as their climates
and governments. It has never been possible to compose a regiment of
Laplanders and Samoyeds, whilst the Siberians, their neighbors, become
intrepid soldiers.
Neither can you make good grenadiers of a poor Darian or an Albino. It
is not because they have partridge eyes, or that their hair and eyebrows
are like the finest and whitest silk; but it is because their bodies,
and consequently their courage, partake of the most extreme weakness.
There is none but a blind man, and even an obstinate blind man, who can
deny the existence of all these different species. It is as great and
remarkable as that of apes.
That All Races Of Men Have Constantly Lived In Society.
All the men whom we have discovered in the most uncultivated and
frightful countries herd together like beavers, ants, bees, and several
other species of animals.
We have never seen countries in which they lived separate; or in which
the male only joined with the female by chance, and abandoned her the
moment after in disgust; or in which the mother estranged herself from
her children, after having brought them up; or in which human beings
lived without family and society. Some poor jesters have abused their
understandings so far as to hazard the astonishing paradox, that man is
originally created to live alone, and that it is society which has
depraved his nature. They might as well say that herrings were created
to swim alone in the sea; and that it is by an excess of corruption,
that they pass in a troop from the Frozen Ocean to our shores; that
formerly cranes flew in the air singly, and that, by a violation of
their natural instinct, they have subsequently chosen to travel in
company.
Every animal has its instinct, and the instinct of man, fortified by
reason, disposes him towards society, as towards eating and drinking. So
far from the want of society having degraded man, it is estrangement
from society which degrades him. Whoever lived absolutely alone, would
soon lose the faculty of thinking and expressing himself; he would be a
burden to himself, and it would only remain to metamorphose him into a
beast. An excess of powerless pride, which rises up against the pride of
others, may induce a melancholy man to fly from his fellows; but it is a
species of depravity, and punishes itself. That pride is its own
punishment, which frets itself into solitude and secretly resents being
despised and forgotten. It is enduring the most horrible slavery, in
order to be free.
We have enlarged the bounds of ordinary folly so far as to say that it
is not natural for a man to be attached to a woman during the nine
months of her pregnancy. The appetite is satisfied, says the author of
these paradoxes; the man has no longer any want of woman, nor the woman
of man; and the latter need not have the least care, nor perhaps the
least idea of the effects of the transient intercourse. They go
different ways, and there is no appearance, until the end of nine
months, that they have ever been known to one another. Why should he
help her after her delivery? Why assist to bring up a child whom he
cannot instinctively know belongs to him alone?
All this is execrable; but happily nothing is more false. If this
barbarous indifference was the true instinct of nature, mankind would
always have acted thus. Instinct is unchangeable, its inconsistencies
are very rare; the father would always abandon the mother, and the
mother would abandon her child. There would have been much fewer men on
earth than voracious animals; for the wild beasts better provided and
better armed, have a more prompt instinct, more sure means of living,
and a more certain nourishment than mankind.
Our nature is very different from the frightful romance which this man,
possessed of the devil, has made of it. Except some barbarous souls
entirely brutish, or perhaps a philosopher more brutal still, the
roughest man, by a prevailing instinct, loves the child which is not yet
born, the womb which bears it; and the mother redoubles her love for him
from whom she has received the germ of a being similar to himself.
The instinct of the colliers of the Black Forest speaks to them as
loudly, and animates them as strongly in favor of their children as the
instinct of pigeons and nightingales induces them to feed their little
ones. Time has therefore been sadly lost in writing these abominable
absurdities.
The great fault of all these paradoxical books lies in always supposing
nature very different from what it is. If the satires on man and woman
written by Boileau were not pleasantries, they would sin in the
essential point of supposing all men fools and all women coquettes.
The same author, an enemy to society, like the fox without a tail who
would have his companions cut off theirs, thus in a magisterial style
expresses himself:
"The first who, having enclosed an estate, took upon himself to say:
'This is mine,' and found people simple enough to believe him, was the
true founder of society. What crimes, wars, murders, miseries, and
horrors, might have been spared to mankind if some one, seizing the
stakes, or filling up the pit, had cried to his companions: 'Take care
how you listen to this impostor; you are lost if you forget that the
fruits are common to all, and that the earth belongs to nobody!'"
Thus, according to this fine philosopher, a thief, a destroyer, would
have been the benefactor of mankind, and we should punish an honest man
who says to his children: "Let us imitate our neighbor; he has enclosed
his field, the beasts will no longer ravage it, his land will become
more fertile; let us work ours as he has labored his; it will aid us,
and we shall improve it. Each family cultivating its own enclosure, we
shall be better fed, more healthy, more peaceable, and less unhappy. We
will endeavor to establish a distributive justice, which will console
our unhappy race; and we shall be raised above the foxes and polecats,
to whom this babbler would compare us."
Would not this discourse be more sensible and honest than that of the
savage fool who would destroy the good man's orchard? What philosophy
therefore is that which says things that common sense disclaims from
China to Canada? Is it not that of a beggar, who would have all the rich
robbed by the poor, in order that fraternal union might be better
established among men?
It is true, that if all the hedges, forests, and plains were covered
with wholesome and delicious fruits, it would be impossible, unjust, and
ridiculous, to guard them.
If there are any islands in which nature produces food and all
necessaries without trouble, let us go and live there, far from the
trash of our laws; but as soon as you have peopled them, we must return
to _meum _and _tuum, _and to laws which are often very bad, but which we
cannot rationally abolish.
_Is Man Born Wicked?_
Is it not demonstrated that man is _not _born perverse and the child of
the devil? If such was his nature, he would commit enormous crimes and
barbarities as soon as he could walk; he would use the first knife he
could find, to wound whoever displeased him. He would necessarily
resemble little wolves and foxes, who bite as soon as they can.
On the contrary, throughout the world, he partakes of the nature of the
lamb, while he is an infant. Why, therefore, and how is it, that he so
often becomes a wolf and fox? Is it not that, being born neither good
nor wicked, education, example, the government into which he is
thrown--in short, occasion of every kind--determines him to virtue or
vice?
Perhaps human nature could not be otherwise. Man could not always have
false thoughts, nor always true affections; be always sweet, or always
cruel.
It is demonstrable that woman is elevated beyond men in the scale of
goodness. We see a hundred brothers enemies to each other, to one
Clytemnestra.
There are professions which necessarily render the soul pitiless--those
of the soldier, the butcher, the officer of justice, and the jailer; and
all trades which are founded on the annoyance of others.
The officer, the soldier, the jailer, for example, are only happy in
making others miserable. It is true, they are necessary against
malefactors, and so far useful to society; but of a thousand men of the
kind, there is not one who acts from the motive of the public good, or
who even reflects that it is a public good.
It is above all a curious thing to hear them speak of their prowess as
they count the number of their victims; their snares to entrap them, the
ills which they have made them suffer, and the money which they have got
by it.
Whoever has been able to descend to the subaltern detail of the bar;
whoever has only heard lawyears reason familiarly among themselves, and
applaud themselves for the miseries of their clients, must have a very
poor opinion of human nature.
There are more frightful possessions still, which are, however,
canvassed for like a canonship. There are some which change an honest
man into a rogue, and which accustom him to lie in spite of himself, to
deceive almost without perceiving it, to put a blind before the eyes of
others, to prostrate himself by the interest and vanity of his
situation, and without remorse to plunge mankind into stupid blindness.
Women, incessantly occupied with the education of their children, and
shut up in their domestic cares, are excluded from all these
professions, which pervert human nature and render it atrocious. They
are everywhere less barbarous than men.
Physics join with morals to prevent them from great crimes; their blood
is milder; they are less addicted to strong liquors, which inspire
ferocity. An evident proof is, that of a thousand victims of justice in
a thousand executed assassins, we scarcely reckon four women. It is also
proved elsewhere, I believe, that in Asia there are not two examples of
women condemned to a public punishment. It appears, therefore, that our
customs and habits have rendered the male species very wicked.
If this truth was general and without exceptions, the species would be
more horrible than spiders, wolves, and polecats are to our eyes. But
happily, professions which harden the heart and fill it with odious
passions, are very rare. Observe, that in a nation of twenty millions,
there are at most two hundred thousand soldiers. This is but one soldier
to two hundred individuals. These two hundred thousand soldiers are held
in the most severe discipline, and there are among them very honest
people, who return to their villages and finish their old age as good
fathers and husbands.
The number of other trades which are dangerous to manners, is but small.
Laborers, artisans, and artists are too much occupied often to deliver
themselves up to crime. The earth will always bear detestable wretches,
and books will always exaggerate the number, which, rather than being
greater, is less than we say.
If mankind had been under the empire of the devil, there would be no
longer any person upon earth. Let us console ourselves: we have seen,
and we shall always see, fine minds from Pekin to la Rochelle; and
whatever licentiates and bachelors may say, the Tituses, Trajans,
Antoninuses, and Peter Bayles were very honest men.
_Of Man In The State Of Pure Nature._
What would man be in the state which we call that of pure nature? An
animal much below the first Iroquois whom we found in the north of
America. He would be very inferior to these Iroquois, since they knew
how to light fires and make arrows. He would require ages to arrive at
these two arts.
Man, abandoned to pure nature, would have, for his language, only a few
inarticulate sounds; the species would be reduced to a very small
number, from the difficulty of getting nourishment and the want of help,
at least in our harsh climates. He would have no more knowledge of God
and the soul, than of mathematics; these ideas would be lost in the care
of procuring food. The race of beavers would be infinitely preferable.
Man would then be only precisely like a robust child; and we have seen
many men who are not much above that state, as it is. The Laplanders,
the Samoyeds, the inhabitants of Kamchatka, the Kaffirs, and Hottentots
are--with respect to man in a state of pure nature--that which the
courts of Cyrus and Semiramis were in comparison with the inhabitants of
the Cévennes. Yet the inhabitants of Kamchatka and the Hottentots of our
days, so superior to men entirely savage, are animals who live six
months of the year in caverns, where they eat the vermin by which they
are eaten.
In general, mankind is not above two or three degrees more civilized
than the Kamchatkans. The multitude of brute beasts called men, compared
with the little number of those who think, is at least in the proportion
of a hundred to one in many nations.
It is pleasant to contemplate on one side, Father Malebranche, who
treats familiarly of "the Word"; and on the other, these millions of
animals similar to him, who have never heard speak of "the Word," and
who have not one metaphysical idea.
Between men of pure instinct and men of genius floats this immense
number occupied solely with subsisting.
This subsistence costs us so much pains, that in the north of America an
image of God often runs five or six leagues to get a dinner; whilst
among us the image of God bedews the ground with the sweat of his brow,
in order to procure bread.
Add to this bread--or the equivalent--a hut, and a poor dress, and you
will have man such as he is in general, from one end of the universe to
the other: and it is only in a multitude of ages that he has been able
to arrive at this high degree of attainment.
Finally, after other ages, things got to the point at which we see them.
Here we represent a tragedy in music; there we kill one another on the
high seas of another hemisphere, with a thousand pieces of cannon. The
opera and a ship of war of the first rank always astonish my
imagination. I doubt whether they can be carried much farther in any of
the globes with which the heavens are studded. More than half the
habitable world, however, is still peopled with two-footed animals, who
live in the horrible state approaching to pure nature, existing and
clothing themselves with difficulty, scarcely enjoying the gift of
speech, scarcely perceiving that they are unfortunate, and living and
dying almost without knowing it.
_Examination Of A Thought Of Pascal On Man._
"I can conceive a man without hands or feet, and I could even conceive
him without a head, if experience taught me not that it is with the head
he thinks. It is therefore thought which makes the being of man, without
which we cannot conceive him."--(Thoughts of Pascal.)
How! conceive a man, without feet, hands, and head? This would be as
different a thing from a man as a gourd.
If all men were without heads, how could yours conceive that there are
animals like yourselves, since they would have nothing of what
principally constitutes your being? A head is something; the five senses
are contained in it, and thought also. An animal, which from the nape of
its neck downwards might resemble a man, or one of those apes which we
call ourang-outang or the man of the woods, would no more be a man than
an ape or a bear whose head and tail were cut off.
It is therefore thought which makes the being of a man. In this case,
thought would be his essence, as extent and solidity are the essence of
matter. Man would think essentially and always, as matter is always
extended and solid. He would think in a profound sleep without dreams,
in a fit, in a lethargy, in the womb of his mother. I well know that I
never thought in any of these states; I confess it often; and I doubt
not that others are like myself.
If thought was as essential to man as extent is to matter, it would
follow that God cannot deprive this animal of understanding, since he
cannot deprive matter of extent--for then it would be no longer matter.
Now, if understanding be essential to man, he is a thinking being by
nature, as God is God by nature.
If desirous to define God, as such poor beings as ourselves can define
Him, I should say, that thought is _His _being, _His _essence; but as to
man--!
We have the faculties of thinking, walking, talking, eating, and
sleeping, but we do not always use these faculties, it is not in our
nature.
Thought, with us, is it not an attribute? and so much an attribute that
it is sometimes weak, sometimes strong, sometimes reasonable, and
sometimes extravagant? It hides itself, shows itself, flies, returns, is
nothing, is reproduced. Essence is quite another thing; it never varies;
it knows nothing of more or less.
What, therefore, would be the animal supposed by Pascal? A being of
reason. He might just as well have supposed a tree to which God might
have given thought, as it is said that the gods granted voices to the
trees of Dodona.
_Operation Of God On Man._
People who have founded systems on the communication of God with man
have said that God acts directly physically on man in certain cases
only, when God grants certain particular gifts; and they have called
this action "physical premotion." Diocles and Erophiles, those two great
enthusiasts, maintain this opinion, and have partisans.
Now we recognize a God quite as well as these people, because we cannot
conceive that any one of the beings which surround us could be produced
of itself. By the fact alone that something exists, the necessary
Eternal Being must be necessarily the cause of all. With these
reasoners, we admit the possibility of God making himself understood to
some favorites; but we go farther, we believe that He makes Himself
understood by all men, in all places, and in all times, since to all he
gives life, motion, digestion, thought, and instinct.
Is there in the vilest of animals, and in the most sublime philosophers,
a being who can will motion, digestion, desire, love, instinct, or
thought? No; but we act, we love, we have instincts; as for example, an
invincible liking to certain objects, an insupportable aversion to
others, a promptitude to execute the movements necessary to our
preservation, as those of sucking the breasts of our nurses, swimming
when we are strong and our bosoms large enough, biting our bread,
drinking, stooping to avoid a blow from a stone, collecting our force to
clear a ditch, etc. We accomplish a thousand such actions without
thinking of them, though they are all profoundly mathematical. In short,
we think and feel without knowing how.
In good earnest, is it more difficult for God to work all within us by
means of which we are ignorant, than to stir us internally sometimes, by
the efficacious grace of Jupiter, of which these gentlemen talk to us
unceasingly?
Where is the man who, when he looks into himself, perceives not that he
is a puppet of Providence? I think--but can I give myself a thought?
Alas! if I thought of myself, I should know what ideas I might entertain
the next moment--a thing which nobody knows.
I acquire a knowledge, but I could not give it to myself. My
intelligence cannot be the cause of it; for the cause must contain the
effect: Now, my first acquired knowledge was not in my understanding;
being the first, it was given to me by him who formed me, and who gives
all, whatever it may be.
I am astonished, when I am told that my first knowledge cannot alone
give me a second; that it must contain it.
The proof that we give ourselves no ideas is that we receive them in our
dreams; and certainly, it is neither our will nor attention which makes
us think in dreams. There are poets who make verses sleeping;
geometricians who measure triangles. All proves to us that there is a
power which acts within us without consulting us.
All our sentiments, are they not involuntary? Hearing, taste, and sight
are nothing by themselves. We feel, in spite of ourselves: we do nothing
of ourselves: we are nothing without a Supreme Power which enacts all
things.
The most superstitious allow these truths, but they apply them only to
people of their own class. They affirm that God acts physically on
certain privileged persons. We are more religious than they; we believe
that the Great Being acts on all living things, as on all matter. Is it
therefore more difficult for Him to stir all men than to stir some of
them? Will God be God for your little sect alone? He is equally so for
me, who do not belong to it.
A new philosopher goes further than you; it seemed to him that God alone
exists. He pretends that we are all in Him; and we say that it is God
who sees and acts in all that has life. "_Jupiter est quodcumque vides;
quodcumque moveris._"
To proceed. Your physical premotion introduces God acting in you. What
need have you then of a soul? Of what good is this little unknown and
incomprehensible being? Do you give a soul to the sun, which enlightens
so many globes? And if this star so great, so astonishing, and so
necessary, has no soul, why should man have one? God who made us, does
He not suffice for us? What, therefore, is become of the axiom? Effect
not that by many, which can be accomplished by one.
This soul, which you have imagined to be a substance, is therefore
really only a faculty, granted by the Great Being, and not by a person.
It is a property given to our organs, and not a substance. Man, his
reason uncorrupted by metaphysics, could never imagine that he was
double; that he was composed of two beings, the one mortal, visible, and
palpable--the other immortal, invisible, and impalpable. Would it not
require ages of controversy to arrive at this expedient of joining
together two substances so dissimilar; tangible and intangible, simple
and compound, invulnerable and suffering, eternal and fleeting?
Men have only supposed a soul by the same error which made them suppose
in us a being called memory, which being they afterwards made a
divinity.
They made this memory the mother of the Muses; they embodied the various
talents of nature in so many goddesses, the daughters of memory. They
also made a god of the secret power by which nature forms the blood of
animals, and called it the god of sanguification. The Roman people
indeed had similar gods for the faculties of eating and drinking, for
the act of marriage, for the act of voiding excrements. They were so
many particular souls, which produced in us all these actions. It was
the metaphysics of the populace. This shameful and ridiculous
superstition was evidently derived from that which imagined in man a
small divine substance, different from man himself.
This substance is still admitted in all the schools; and with
condescension we grant to the Great Being, to the Eternal Maker, to God,
the permission of joining His concurrence to the soul. Thus we suppose,
that for will and deed, both God and our souls are necessary.
But to concur signifies to aid, to participate. God therefore is only
second with us; it is degrading Him; it is putting Him on a level with
us, or making Him play the most inferior part. Take not from Him His
rank and pre-eminence: make not of the Sovereign of Nature the mere
servant of mankind.
Two species of reasoners, well credited in the world--atheists and
theologians--will oppose our doubts.
The atheists will say, that in admitting reason in man and instinct in
brutes, as properties, it is very useless to admit a God into this
system; that God is still more incomprehensible than a soul; that it is
unworthy a sage to believe that which he conceives not. They let fly
against us all the arguments of Straton and Lucretius. We will answer
them by one word only: "You exist; therefore there is a God."
Theologians will give us more trouble. They will first tell us: "We
agree with you that God is the first cause of all; but He is not the
only one." A high priest of Minerva says expressly: "The second agent
operates by virtue of the first; the first induces a second; the second
involves a third; all are acting by virtue of God, and He is the cause
of all actions acting."
We will answer, with all the respect we owe to this high priest: "There
is, and there can only exist, one true cause. All the others, which are
subsequent, are but instruments. I discover a spring--I make use of it
to move a machine; I discovered the spring and made the machine. I am
the sole cause. That is undoubted."
The high priest will reply: "You take liberty away from men." I reply:
"No; liberty consists in the faculty of willing, and in that of doing
what you will, when nothing prevents you. God has made man upon these
conditions, and he must be contented with them."
My priest will persist, and say, that we make God the author of sin.
Then we shall answer him: "I am sorry for it; but God is made the author
of sin in all systems, except in that of the atheists. For if He concurs
with the actions of perverse men, as with those of the just, it is
evident that to concur is to do, since He who concurs is also the
creator of all."
If God alone permits sin, it is He who commits it; since to permit and
to do is the same thing to the absolute master of all. If He foresees
that men will do evil, he should not form men. We have never eluded the
force of these ancient arguments; we have never weakened them. Whoever
has produced all, has certainly produced good and evil. The system of
absolute predestination, the doctrine of concurrence, equally plunge us
into this labyrinth, from which we cannot extricate ourselves.
All that we can say is, that evil is for us, and not for God. Nero
assassinates his preceptor and his mother; another murders his relations
and neighbors; a high priest poisons, strangles, and beheads twenty
Roman lords, on rising from the bed of his daughter. This is of no more
importance to the Being, the Universal Soul of the World, than sheep
eaten by the wolves or by us, or than flies devoured by spiders. There
is no evil for the Great Being; to Him it is only the play of the great
machine which incessantly moves by eternal laws. If the wicked
become--whether during their lives or subsequently--more unhappy than
those whom they have sacrificed to their passions; if they suffer as
they have made others suffer, it is still an inevitable consequence of
the immutable laws by which the Great Being necessarily acts. We know
but a very small part of these laws; we have but a very weak portion of
understanding; we have only resignation in our power. Of all systems, is
not that which makes us acquainted with our insignificance the most
reasonable? Men--as all philosophers of antiquity have said--made God in
their own image; which is the reason why the first Anaxagoras, as
ancient as Orpheus, expresses himself thus in his verses: "If the birds
figured to themselves a God, he would have wings; that of horses would
run with four legs."
The vulgar imagine God to be a king, who holds his seat of justice in
his court. Tender hearts represent him as a father who takes care of his
children. The sage attributes to Him no human affection. He acknowledges
a necessary eternal power which animates all nature, and resigns himself
to it.
_General Reflection On Man._
It requires twenty years to raise man from the state of a plant, in
which he abides in his mother's womb, and from the pure animal state,
which is the lot of his earliest infancy, to that in which the maturity
of reason begins to dawn. He has required thirty ages to become a little
acquainted with his own bodily structure. He would require eternity to
become acquainted with his soul. He requires but an instant to kill
himself.
MARRIAGE.
SECTION I.
I once met with a reasoner who said: "Induce your subjects to marry as
early as possible. Let them be exempt from taxes the first year; and let
their portion be assessed on those who at the same age are in a state of
celibacy.
"The more married men you have, the fewer crimes there will be. Examine
the frightful columns of your criminal calendars; you will there find a
hundred youths executed for one father of a family.
"Marriage renders men more virtuous and more wise. The father of a
family is not willing to blush before his children; he is afraid to make
shame their inheritance.
"Let your soldiers marry, and they will no longer desert. Bound to their
families, they will be bound to their country. An unmarried soldier is
frequently nothing but a vagabond, to whom it matters not whether he
serves the king of Naples or the king of Morocco."
The Roman warriors were married: they fought for their wives and their
children; and they made slaves of the wives and the children of other
nations.
A great Italian politician, who was, besides, learned in the Eastern
tongues, a thing rare among our politicians, said to me in my youth:
"_Caro figlio,_" remember that the Jews never had but one good
institution--that of abhorring virginity. If that little nation of
superstitious jobbers had not regarded marriage as the first of the
human obligations--if there had been among them convents of nuns--they
would have been inevitably lost.
_The Marriage Contract._
Marriage is a contract in the law of nations, of which the Roman
Catholics have made a sacrament.
But the sacrament and the contract are two very different things; with
the one are connected the civil effects, with the other the graces of
the church.
So when the contract is conformable to the law of nations, it must
produce every civil effect. The absence of the sacrament can operate
only in the privation of spiritual graces.
Such has been the jurisprudence of all ages, and of all nations,
excepting the French. Such was the opinion of the most accredited
fathers of the Church. Go through the Theodosian and Justinian codes,
and you will find no law proscribing the marriages of persons of another
creed, not even when contracted between them and Catholics.
It is true, that Constantius--that son of Constantine as cruel as his
father--forbade the Jews, on pain of death, to marry Christian women;
and that Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius made the same
prohibition, under the like penalty, to the Jewish women. But under the
emperor Marcian these laws had ceased to be observed; and Justinian
rejected them from his code. Besides, they were made against the Jews
only; no one ever thought of applying them to the marriage of pagans or
heretics with the followers of the prevailing religion.
Consult St. Augustine, and he will tell you that in his time the
marriages of believers with unbelievers were not considered illicit,
because no gospel text had condemned them: "_Quæ matrimonia cum in
fidelibus, nostris temporibus, jam non putantur esse peccata; quoniam in
Novo Testamento nihil inde preceptum est, et ideo aut licere creditum
est, aut velut dubium derelictum._"
Augustine says, moreover, that these marriages often work the conversion
of the unbelieving party. He cites the example of his own father, who
embraced the Christian religion because his wife, Manica, professed
Christianity. Clotilda, by the conversion of Clovis, and Theolinda, by
that of Agilulf, king of the Lombards, rendered greater service to the
Church than if they had married orthodox princes.
Consult the declaration of Pope Benedict XIV. of Nov. 4, 1741. You will
find in it these words: "_Quod vero spectat ad ea conjugia quæ, absque
forma a Tridentino statuta, contrahuntur a catholicis cum hæreticis,
sive catholicus vir hæriticam feminam ducat, sive catholica fæmina
heretico viro nubat; si hujusmodi matrimonium sit contractum aut in
posterum contracti contingat, Tridentini forma non servata, declarat
Sanctitas sua, alio non concurrente impedimento, validum habendum esse,
sciat conjux catholicus se istius matrimonii vinculo perpetuo
ligatum._"--With respect to such marriages as, transgressing the
enactment of the Council of Trent, are contracted by Catholics with
heretics; whether by a Catholic man with a heretical woman, or by a
Catholic woman with a heretical man; if such matrimony already is, or
hereafter shall be contracted, the rules of the council not being
observed, his holiness declares, that if there be no other impediment,
it shall be held valid, the Catholic man or woman understanding that he
or she is by such matrimony bound until death.
By what astonishing contradiction is it, that the French laws in this
matter are more severe than those of the Church? The first law by which
this severity was established in France was the edict of Louis XIV., of
November, 1680, which deserves to be repeated.
"Louis,... The canons of the councils having forbidden marriages of
Catholics with heretics, as a public scandal and a profanation of the
sacrament, we have deemed it the more necessary to prevent them for the
future, as we have found that the toleration of such marriages exposes
Catholics to the continual temptation of perverting it, etc. For these
causes,... it is our will and pleasure, that in future our subjects of
the Roman Catholic and Apostolic religion may not, under any pretext
whatsoever, contract marriage with those of the pretended reformed
religion, declaring such marriages to be invalid, and the issue of them
illegitimate."
It is singular enough, that the laws of the Church should have been made
the foundation for annulling marriages which the Church never annulled.
In this edict we find the sacrament confounded with the civil contract;
and from this confusion have proceeded the strange laws in France
concerning marriage.
St. Augustine approved marriages of the orthodox with heretics, for he
hoped that the faithful spouse would convert the other; and Louis XIV.
condemns them, lest the heterodox should pervert the believer.
In Franche-Comté there exists a yet more cruel law. This is an edict of
the archduke Albert and his wife Isabella, of Dec. 20, 1599, which
forbids Catholics to marry heretics, on pain of confiscation of body and
goods.
The same edict pronounces the same penalty on such as shall be convicted
of eating mutton on Friday or Saturday. What laws! and what
law-givers!--"_A quels maîtres, grand Dieu, livrez-vous l'univers!_"
SECTION II.
If our laws reprove marriages of Catholics with persons of a different
religion, do they grant the civil effects at least to marriages of
French Protestants with French persons of the same sect?
There are now in the kingdom a million of Protestants; yet the validity
of their marriage is still a question in the tribunals.
Here again is one of those cases in which our jurisprudence is
contradictory to the decisions of the Church, and also to itself.
In the papal declaration, quoted in the foregoing section, Benedict XIV.
decides that marriages of Protestants, contracted according to their
rites, are no less valid than if they had been performed according to
the forms established by the Council of Trent; and that a husband who
turns Catholic cannot break this tie and form a new one with a person of
his new religion.
Barak Levi, by birth a Jew, and a native of Haguenan, had there married
Mendel Cerf, of the same town and the same religion.
This Jew came to Paris in 1752; and on May 13, 1754, he was baptized. He
sent a summons to his wife at Haguenan to come and join him at Paris. In
a second summons he consented that this wife, when she had come to join
him, should continue to live in her own Jewish sect.
To these summonses Mendel Cerf replied that she would not return with
him, and that she required him to send her, according to the Jewish
forms, a bill of divorce, in order that she might marry another Jew.
Levi was not satisfied with this answer; he sent no bill of divorce; but
he caused his wife to appear before the official of Strasburg, who, by a
sentence of Sept. 7, 1754, declared that, in the sight of the Church, he
was at liberty to marry a Catholic woman.
Furnished with this sentence, the Christianized Jew came into the
diocese of Soissons, and there made promise of marriage to a young woman
of Villeneuve. The clergyman refused to publish the banns. Levi
communicated to him the summonses he had sent to his wife, the sentence
of the official of Strasburg, and a certificate from the secretary of
the bishopric of that place, attesting, that in that diocese baptized
Jews had at all times been permitted to contract new marriages with
Catholics, and that this usage had constantly been recognized by the
Supreme Council of Colmar. But these documents appeared to the parson of
Villeneuve to be insufficient. Levi was obliged to summon him before the
official of Soissons.
This official did not think, like him of Strasburg, that the marriage of
Levi with Mendel Cerf was null or dissoluble. By his sentence of Feb. 5,
1756, he declared the Jew's claim to be inadmissible. The latter
appealed from this sentence to the Parliament of Paris, where he was not
only opposed by the public ministry, but, by a decree of Jan. 2, 1758,
the sentence was confirmed, and Levi was again forbidden to contract any
marriage during the life of Mendel Cerf.
Here, then, a marriage contracted between French Jews, according to the
Jewish rites, was declared valid by the first court in the kingdom.
But, some years afterwards, the same question was decided differently in
another parliament, on the subject of a marriage contracted between two
French Protestants, who had been married in the presence of their
parents by a minister of their own communion. The Protestant spouse had,
like the Jew, changed his religion; and after he had concluded a second
marriage with a Catholic, the Parliament of Grenoble confirmed this
second marriage, and declared the first to be null.
If we pass from jurisprudence to legislation, we shall find it as
obscure on this important matter as on so many others.
A decree of the council, of Sept. 15, 1685, says: "Protestants may
marry, provided, however, that it be in the presence of the principal
officer of justice, and that the publication preceding such marriages
shall be made at the royal see nearest the place of abode of each of the
Protestants desirous of marrying, and at the audience only."
This decree was not revoked by the edict which, three weeks after,
suppressed the Edict of Nantes. But after the declaration of May 14,
1724, drawn up by Cardinal Fleury, the judges would no longer preside
over the marriages of Protestants, nor permit their banns to be
published in their audiences.
By Article XV. of this law, the forms prescribed by the canons are to be
observed in marriages, as well of new converts as of all the rest of the
king's subjects.
This general expression, "all the rest of the king's subjects," has been
thought to comprehend the Protestants, as well as the Catholics, and on
this interpretation, such marriages of Protestants as were not
solemnized according to the canonical forms have been annulled.
Nevertheless, it seems that the marriages of Protestants having been
authorized by an express law, they cannot now be admitted but by another
express law carrying with it this penalty. Besides, the term "new
converts", mentioned in the declaration, appears to indicate that the
term that follows relates to the Catholics only. In short, when the
civil law is obscure or ambiguous, ought not the judges to decide
according to the natural and the moral law?
Does it not result from all this that laws often have need of
reformation, and princes of consulting better informed counsellors,
rejecting priestly ministers, and distrusting courtiers in the garb of
confessors?
MARY MAGDALEN.
I must own that I know not where the author of the "Critical History of
Jesus Christ" found that St. Mary Magdalen had a criminal intimacy (_des
complaisances criminelles_) with the "Saviour of the world." He says
(page 130, line 11 of the note) that this is an assertion of the
Albigenses. I have never read this horrible blasphemy either in the
history of the Albigenses, or in their profession of faith. It is one of
the great many things of which I am ignorant. I know that the Albigenses
had the dire misfortune of not being Roman Catholics; but, otherwise, it
seems to me, they had the most profound reverence for the person of
Jesus.
This author of the "Critical History of Jesus Christ" refers us to the
"_Christiade,_" a sort of poem in prose--granting that there are such
things as poems in prose. I have, therefore, been obliged to consult the
passage of the "_Christiade_" in which this accusation is made. It is in
the fourth book or canto, page 335, note 1; the poet of the
"_Christiade_" cites no authority. In an epic poem, indeed, citations
may be spared; but great authorities are requisite in prose, when so
grave an assertion is made--one which makes every Christian's hair stand
erect.
Whether the Albigenses advanced this impiety or not, the only result is
that the author of the "_Christiade_" sports on the brink of
criminality. He somewhat imitates the famous sermon of Menot. He
introduces us to Mary Magdalen, the sister of Martha and Lazarus,
brilliant with all the charms of youth and beauty, burning with every
desire, and immersed in every voluptuousness. According to him, she is a
lady at court, exalted in birth and in riches; her brother Lazarus was
count of Bethany, and herself marchioness of Magdalet. Martha had a
splendid portion, but he does not tell us where her estates lay. "She
had," says the man of the "_Christiade,_" "a hundred servants, and a
crowd of lovers; she might have threatened the liberty of the whole
world. But riches, dignities, ambitions, grandeur, never were so dear to
Magdalen as the seductive error which caused her to be named the sinner.
Such was the sovereign beauty of the capital when the young and divine
hero arrived there from the extremities of Galilee. Her other passions
yielded to the ambition of subduing the hero of whom she had heard."
The author of the "_Christiade_" then imitates Virgil. The marchioness
of Magdalet conjures her portioned sister to furnish her coquettish
designs upon her young hero, as Dido employed her sister Anna to gain
the pious Æneas.
She goes to hear Christ's sermon in the temple, although he never
preached there. "Her heart flies before her to the hero she adores; she
awaits but one favorable look to triumph over him, to subdue this master
of hearts and make him her captive."
She then goes to him at the house of Simon the Leper, a very rich man,
who was giving him a grand supper, although the women were never
admitted at these feastings, especially among the Pharisees. She pours a
large pot of perfumes upon his legs, wipes them with her beautiful fair
hair, and kisses them.
I shall not inquire whether the picture which the author draws of
Magdalen's holy transports is not more worldly than devout; whether the
kisses given are not expressed rather too warmly; nor whether this fine
hair with which she wipes her hero's legs, does not remind one too
strongly of Trimalcion, who, at dinner, wiped his hands with the hair of
a young and beautiful slave. He must himself have felt that his pictures
might be fancied too glowing; for he anticipates criticism by giving
some pieces from a sermon of Massillon's on Magdalen. One passage is as
follows:
"Magdalen had sacrificed her reputation to the world. Her bashfulness
and her birth at first defended her against the emotions of her passion;
and it is most likely, that to the first shaft which assailed her, she
opposed the barrier of her modesty and her pride; but when she had lent
her ear to the serpent, and consulted her own wisdom, her heart was open
to all assaults of passion. Magdalen loved the world, and thenceforward
all was sacrificed to this love; neither the pride that springs from
birth, nor the modesty which is the ornament of her sex, is spared in
this sacrifice; nothing can withhold her; neither the railleries of
worldlings, nor the infidelities of her infatuated lovers, whom she fain
would please, but by whom she cannot make herself esteemed--for virtue
only is estimable; nothing can make her ashamed; and like the prostitute
in the "Apocalypse," she bears on her forehead the name of mystery; that
is, she was veiled, and was no longer known but in the character of the
foolish passion."
I have sought this passage in Massillon's sermons, but it certainly is
not in the edition which I possess. I will venture to say more--it is
not in his style.
The author of the "_Christiade_" should have informed us where he picked
up this rhapsody of Massillon's, as he should have told us where he read
that the Albigenses dared to impute to Jesus Christ an unworthy
intercourse with Mary Magdalen.
As for the marchioness, she is not again mentioned in the work. The
author spares us her voyage to Marseilles with Lazarus, and the rest of
her adventures.
What could induce a man of learning, and sometimes of eloquence, as the
author of the "_Christiade_" appears to be, to compose this pretended
poem? It was, as he tells us in his preface, the example of Milton; but
we well know how deceitful are examples. Milton, who--be it
observed--did not hazard that weakly monstrosity, a poem in
prose--Milton, who in his Paradise Lost, has, amid the multitude of
harsh and obscure lines of which it is full, scattered some very fine
blank verse--could not please any but fanatical Whigs, as the Abbé
Grécourt says:
_En chantant l'univers perdu pour une pomme,_
_Et Dieu pour le damner créant le premier homme._
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . By singing
How God made man on purpose for hell-fire,
And how a stolen apple damned us all.
He might delight the Presbyterians by making Sin cohabit with Death; by
firing off twenty-four pounders in heaven; by making dryness fight with
damp, and heat with cold; by cleaving angels in two, whose halves
immediately joined again; by building a bridge over chaos; by
representing the Messiah taking from a chest in heaven a great pair of
compasses to describe the circuit of the earth, etc. Virgil and Horace
would, perhaps, have thought these ideas rather strange. But if they
succeeded in England by the aid of some very happy lines, the author of
the "_Christiade_" was mistaken in expecting his romance to succeed
without the assistance of fine verses, which are indeed very difficult
to make.
But, says our author, one Jerome Vida, bishop of Alba, once wrote a very
powerful "_Christiade_" in Latin verse, in which he transcribes many
lines from Virgil. Well, my friend, why did you write yours in French
prose? Why did not you, too, imitate Virgil?
But the late M. d'Escorbiac, of Toulouse, also wrote a "_Christiade._"
Alas! why were you so unfortunate as to become the ape of M.
d'Escorbiac?
But Milton, too, wrote his romance of the New Testament, his "Paradise
Regained," in blank verse, frequently resembling the worst prose. Leave
it, then, to Milton to set Satan and Jesus constantly at war. Let it be
his to cause a drove of swine to be driven along by a legion of devils;
that is, by six thousand seven hundred, who take possession of these
swine--there being three devils and seven-twentieths per pig--and drown
them in a lake. It well becomes Milton to make the devil propose to God
that they shall take a good supper together. In Milton, the devil may at
his ease cover the table with ortolans, partridges, soles, sturgeons,
and make Hebe and Ganymede hand wine to Jesus Christ. In Milton, the
devil may take God up a little hill, from the top of which he shows him
the capital, the Molucca Islands, and the Indian city; the birthplace of
the beauteous Angelica, who turned Orlando's brain; after which he may
offer to God all this, provided that God will adore him. But even Milton
labored in vain; people have laughed at him. They have laughed at poor
brother Berruyer, the Jesuit. They have laughed at you. Bear it with
patience!
MARTYRS.
SECTION I.
Martyr, "witness"; martyrdom, testimony. The early Christian community
at first gave the name of "martyrs" to those who announced new truths to
mankind, who gave testimony to Jesus; who confessed Jesus; in the same
manner as they gave the name of "saints" to the presbyters, to the
supervisors of the community, and to their female benefactors; this is
the reason why St. Jerome, in his letters, often calls his initiated
Paul, St. Paul. All the first bishops were called saints.
Subsequently, the name of martyrs was given only to deceased Christians,
or to those who had been tortured for punishment; and the little chapels
that were erected to them received afterwards the name of "martyrion."
It is a great question, why the Roman Empire always tolerated in its
bosom the Jewish sect, even after the two horrible wars of Titus and
Adrian; why it tolerated the worship of Isis at several times; and why
it frequently persecuted Christianity. It is evident that the Jews, who
paid dearly for their synagogues, denounced the Christians as mortal
foes, and excited the people against them. It is moreover evident that
the Jews, occupied with the trade of brokers and usurers, did not preach
against the ancient religion of the empire, and that the Christians, who
were all busy in controversy, preached against the public worship,
sought to destroy it, often burned the temples, and broke the
consecrated statues, as St. Theodosius did at Amasia, and St. Polyeuctus
in Mitylene.
The orthodox Christians, sure that their religion was the only true one,
did not tolerate any other. In consequence, they themselves were hardly
tolerated. Some of them were punished and died for the faith--and these
were the martyrs.
This name is so respectable that it should not be prodigally bestowed;
it is not right to assume the name and arms of a family to which one
does not belong. Very heavy penalties have been established against
those who have the audacity to decorate themselves with the cross of
Malta or of St. Louis, without being chevaliers of those orders.
The learned Dodwell, the dexterous Middleton, the judicious Blondel, the
exact Tillemont, the scrutinizing Launoy, and many others, all zealous
for the glory of the true martyrs, have excluded from their catalogue an
obscure multitude on whom this great title had been lavished. We have
remarked that these learned men were sanctioned by the direct
acknowledgment of Origen, who, in his "Refutation of Celsus," confesses
that there are very few martyrs, and those at a great distance of time,
and that it is easy to reckon them.
Nevertheless, the Benedictine Ruinart--who calls himself Don Ruinart,
although he was no Spaniard--has contradicted all these learned persons!
He has candidly given us many stories of martyrs which have appeared to
the critics very suspicious. Many sensible persons have doubted various
anecdotes relating to the legends recounted by Don Ruinart, from
beginning to end.
_1. Of Saint Symphorosia And Her Seven Children._
Their scruples commence with St. Symphorosia and her seven children who
suffered martyrdom with her; which appears, at first sight, too much
imitated from the seven Maccabees. It is not known whence this legend
comes; and that is at once a great cause of skepticism.
It is therein related that the emperor Adrian himself wished to
interrogate the unknown Symphorosia, to ascertain if she was a
Christian. This would have been more extraordinary than if Louis XIV.
had subjected a Huguenot to an interrogatory. You will further observe
that Adrian, far from being a persecutor of the Christians, was their
greatest protector.
He had then a long conversation with Symphorosia, and putting himself in
a passion, he said to her: "I will sacrifice you to the gods"; as if the
Roman emperors sacrificed women in their devotions. In the sequel, he
caused her to be thrown into the Anio--which was not a usual mode of
immolation. He afterwards had one of her sons cloven in two from the top
of his head to his middle; a second from side to side; a third was
broken on the wheel; a fourth was only stabbed in the stomach; a fifth
right to the heart; a sixth had his throat cut; the seventh died of a
parcel of needles thrust into his breast. The emperor Adrian was fond of
variety. He commanded that they should be buried near the temple of
Hercules--although no one is ever buried in Rome, much less near the
temples, which would have been a horrible profanation. The legend adds
that the chief priest of the temple named the place of their interment
"the Seven Biotanates".
If it was extraordinary that a monument should be erected at Rome to
persons thus treated, it was no less so that a high priest should
concern himself with the inscription; and further, that this Roman
priest should make a Greek epitaph for them. But what is still more
strange is that it is pretended that this word biotanates signifies the
seven tortured. Biotanates is a fabricated word, which one does not meet
with in any author; and this signification can only be given to it by a
play upon words, falsely using the word "thenon." There is scarcely any
fable worse constructed. The writers of legends knew how to lie, but
none of them knew how to lie skilfully.
The learned Lacroze, librarian to Frederick the Great, king of Prussia,
observed: "I know not whether Ruinart is sincere, but I am afraid he is
silly."
_2. Of St. Felicita And Seven More Children._
It is from Surius that this legend is taken. This Surius is rather
notorious for his absurdities. He was a monk of the sixteenth century,
who writes about the martyrs of the second as if he had been present.
He pretends that that wicked man, that tyrant, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
Pius, ordered the prefect of Rome to institute a process against St.
Felicita, to have her and her seven children put to death, because there
was a rumor that she was a Christian.
The prefect held his tribunal in the Campus Martius, which, however, was
at that time used only for the reviewing of troops; and the first thing
the prefect did was to cause a blow to be given her in full assembly.
The long discourses of the magistrates and the accused are worthy of the
historian. He finishes by putting the seven brothers to death by
different punishments, like the seven children of St. Symphorosia. This
is only a duplicate affair. But as for St. Felicita, he leaves her
there, and does not say another word about her.
_3. Of Saint Polycarp._
Eusebius relates that St. Polycarp, being informed in a dream that he
should be burned in three days, made it known to his friends. The
legend-maker adds that the lieutenant of police at Smyrna, whose name
was Herodius, had him seized by his archers; that he was abandoned to
the wild beasts in the amphitheatre; that the sky opened, and a heavenly
voice cried to him: "Be of good courage, Polycarp"; that the hour of
letting loose the lions in the amphitheatre having passed, the people
went about collecting wood from all the houses to burn him with; that
the saint addressed himself to the God of the "archangels"--although the
word archangel was not then known--that the flames formed themselves
round him into a triumphal arch without touching him; that his body had
the smell of baked bread; but that, having resisted the fire, he could
not preserve himself against a sabre-cut; that his blood put out the
burning pile, and that there sprung from it a dove which flew straight
to heaven. To which planet is not precisely known.
_4. Of Saint Ptolomais._
We follow the order of Don Ruinart; but we have no wish to call in
question the martyrdom of St. Ptolomais, which is extracted from "St.
Justin's Apology."
We could make some difficulties with regard to the woman who was accused
by her husband of being a Christian, and who baffled him by giving him a
bill of divorce. We might ask why, in this history, there is no further
mention of this woman? We might make it manifest that in the time of
Marcus Aurelius, women were not permitted to demand divorces of their
husbands; that this permission was only granted them under the emperor
Julian; and that this so much repeated story of the Christian woman who
repudiated her husband--while no pagan would have dared to imagine such
a thing--cannot well be other than a fable. But we do not desire to
raise unpleasant disputes. As for the little probability there is in the
compilation of Don Ruinart, we have too much respect for the subject he
treats of to start objections.
We have not made any to the "Letter of the Churches of Vienna and
Lyons," because there is still a great deal of obscurity connected with
it; but we shall be pardoned for defending the memory of the great
Marcus Aurelius, thus outraged in the life of "St. Symphorian of Autun,"
who was probably a relation of St. Symphorosia.
_5. Of St. Symphorian Of Autun._
This legend, the author of which is unknown, begins thus: "The emperor
Marcus Aurelius had just raised a frightful tempest against the Church,
and his fulminating edicts assailed on all sides the religion of Jesus
Christ, at the time when St. Symphorian lived at Autun in all the
splendor that high birth and uncommon virtue can confer. He was of a
Christian family, one of the most considerable of the city," etc.
Marcus Aurelius issued no sanguinary edicts against the Christians. It
is a very criminal calumny. Tillemont himself admits that "he was the
best prince the Romans ever had; that his reign was a golden age; and
that he verified what he often quoted from Plato, that nations would
only be happy when kings were philosophers."
Of all the emperors, this was the one who promulgated the best laws; he
protected the wise, but persecuted no Christians, of whom he had a great
many in his service.
The writer of the legend relates that St. Symphorian having refused to
adore Cybele, the city judge inquired: "Who is this man?" Now it is
impossible that the judge of Autun should not have known the most
considerable person in Autun.
He was declared by the sentence to be guilty of treason, "divine and
human." The Romans never employed this formula; and that alone should
deprive the pretended martyr of Autun of all credit.
In order the better to refute this calumny against the sacred memory of
Marcus Aurelius, let us bring under view the discourse of Meliton,
bishop of Sardis, to this best of emperors, reported verbatim by
Eusebius:
"The continual succession of good fortune which has attended the empire,
without its happiness being disturbed by a single disgrace, since our
religion, which was born with it, has grown in its bosom, is an evident
proof that it contributes eminently to its greatness and glory. Among
all the emperors, Nero and Domitian alone, deceived by certain
impostors, have spread calumnies against us, which, as usual, have found
some partial credence among the people. But your pious ancestors have
corrected the people's ignorance, and by public edicts have repressed
the audacity of those who attempted to treat us ill. Your grandfather
Adrian wrote in our favor to Fundanus, governor of Asia, and to many
other persons. The emperor, your father, during the period when you
divided with him the cares of government, wrote to the inhabitants of
Larissa, of Thessalonica, of Athens, and in short to all the people of
Greece, to repress the seditions and tumults which have been excited
against us."
This declaration by a most pious, learned, and veracious bishop is
sufficient to confound forever all the lies and legends which may be
regarded as the Arabian tales of Christianity.
_6. Of Another Saint Felicita, And Of Saint Perpetua._
If it were an object to dispute the legend of Felicita and Perpetua, it
would not be difficult to show how suspicious it is. These Carthaginian
martyrs are only known by a writing, without date, of the church of
Salzburg. Now, it is a great way from this part of Bavaria to Goletta.
We are not informed under what emperor this Felicita and this Perpetua
received the crown of martyrdom. The astounding sights with which this
history is filled do not discover a very profound historian. A ladder
entirely of gold, bordered with lances and swords; a dragon at the top
of the ladder; a large garden near the dragon; sheep from which an old
man drew milk; a reservoir full of water; a bottle of water whence they
drank without diminishing the liquid; St. Perpetua fighting entirely
naked against a wicked Egyptian; some handsome young men, all naked, who
took her part; herself at last become a man and a vigorous wrestler;
these are, it appears to me, conceits which should not have place in a
respectable book.
There is one other reflection very important to make. It is that the
style of all these stories of martyrdom, which took place at such
different periods, is everywhere alike, everywhere equally puerile and
bombastic. You find the same turns of expression, the same phrases, in
the history of a martyr under Domitian and of another under Galerius.
There are the same epithets, the same exaggerations. By the little we
understand of style, we perceive that the same hand has compiled them
all.
I do not here pretend to make a book against Don Ruinart; and while I
always respect, admire, and invoke the true martyrs with the Holy
Church, I confine myself to making it perceived, by one or two striking
examples, how dangerous it is to mix what is purely ridiculous with what
ought to be venerated.
_7. Of Saint Theodotus Of The City Of Ancyra, And Of The Seven Virgins;
Written By Nisus, An Eye-Witness, And Extracted From Bollandus._
Many critics, as eminent for wisdom as for true piety, have already
given us to understand that the legend of St. Theodotus the Publican is
a profanation and a species of impiety which ought to have been
suppressed. The following is the story of Theodotus. We shall often
employ the exact words of the "Genuine Acts," compiled by Don Ruinart.
"His trade of publican supplied him with the means of exercising his
episcopal functions. Illustrious tavern! consecrated to piety instead of
debauchery.... Sometimes Theodotus was a physician, sometimes he
furnished tit-bits to the faithful. A tavern was seen to be to the
Christians what Noah's ark was to those whom God wished to save from the
deluge."
This publican Theodotus, walking by the river Halis with his companions
towards a town adjacent to the city of Ancyra, "a fresh and soft plot of
turf offered them a delicious couch; a spring which issued a few steps
off, from the foot of the rock, and which by a channel crowned with
flowers came running past them in order to quench their thirst, offered
them clear and pure water. Trees bearing fruit, mixed with wild ones,
furnished them with shade and fruits; and an assemblage of skilful
nightingales, whom the grasshoppers relieved every now and then, formed
a charming concert," etc.
The clergyman of the place, named Fronton, having arrived, and the
publican having drunk with him on the grass, "the fresh green of which
was relieved by the various gradations of color in the flowers, he said
to the clergyman: 'Ah, father! what a pleasure it would be to build a
chapel here.' 'Yes,' said Fronton, 'but it would be necessary to have
some relics to begin with.' 'Well, well,' replied St. Theodotus, 'you
shall have some soon, I give you my word; here is my ring, which I give
you as a pledge; build your chapel quickly.'"
The publican had the gift of prophecy, and knew well what he was saying.
He went away to the city of Ancyra, while the clergyman Fronton set
himself about building. He found there the most horrible persecution,
which lasted very long. Seven Christian virgins, of whom the youngest
was seventy years old, had just been condemned, according to custom, to
lose their virginity, through the agency of all the young men of the
city. The youth of Ancyra, who had probably more urgent affairs, were in
no hurry to execute the sentence. One only could be found obedient to
justice. He applied himself to St. Thecusa, and carried her into a
closet with surprising courage. Thecusa threw herself on her knees, and
said to him, "For God's sake, my son, a little shame! Behold these
lacklustre eyes, this half-dead flesh, these greasy wrinkles, which
seventy years have ploughed in my forehead, this face of the color of
the earth; abandon thoughts so unworthy of a young man like you--Jesus
Christ entreats you by my mouth. He asks it of you as a favor, and if
you grant it Him, you may expect His entire gratitude." The discourse of
the old woman, and her countenance made the executioner recollect
himself. The seven virgins were not deflowered.
The irritated governor sought for another punishment; he caused them to
be initiated forthwith in the mysteries of Diana and Minerva. It is true
that great feasts had been instituted in honor of those divinities, but
the mysteries of Diana and Minerva were not known to antiquity. St. Nil,
an intimate friend of the publican Theodotus, and the author of this
marvellous story, was not quite correct.
According to him, these seven pretty lasses were placed quite naked on
the car which carried the great Diana and the wise Minerva to the banks
of a neighboring lake. The Thucydides St. Nil still appears to be very
ill-informed here. The priestesses were always covered with veils; and
the Roman magistrates never caused the goddesses of chastity and wisdom
to be attended by girls who showed themselves both before and behind to
the people.
St. Nil adds that the car was preceded by two choirs of priestesses of
Bacchus, who carried the thyrses in their hands. St. Nil has here
mistaken the priestesses of Minerva for those of Bacchus. He was not
versed in the liturgy of Ancyra.
Entering the city, the publican saw this sad spectacle--the governor,
the priestesses, the car, Minerva, and the seven maidens. He runs to
throw himself on his knees in a hut, along with a nephew of St. Thecusa.
He beseeches heaven that the seven ladies should be dead rather than
naked. His prayer is heard; he learns that the seven damsels, instead of
being deflowered, have been thrown into the lake with stones round their
necks, by order of the governor. Their virginity is in safe-keeping. At
this news the saint, raising himself from the ground and placing himself
upon his knees, turned his eyes towards heaven; and in the midst of the
various emotions he experienced of love, joy, and gratitude, he said, "I
give Thee thanks, O Lord! that Thou has not rejected the prayer of Thy
servant."
He slept; and during his sleep, St. Thecusa, the youngest of the drowned
women, appeared to him. "How now, son Theodotus!" she said, "you are
sleeping without thinking of us: have you forgotten so soon the care I
took of your youth? Do not, dear Theodotus, suffer our bodies to be
devoured by the fishes. Go to the lake, but beware of a traitor." This
traitor was, in fact, the nephew of St. Thecusa.
I omit here a multitude of miraculous adventures that happened to the
publican, in order to come to the most important. A celestial cavalier,
armed _cap-a-pie, _preceded by a celestial flambeau, descends from the
height of the empyrean, conducts the publican to the lake in the midst
of storms, drives away all the soldiers who guard the shore, and gives
Theodotus time to fish up the seven old women and to bury them.
The nephew of St. Thecusa unfortunately went and told all. Theodotus was
seized, and for three days all sorts of punishments were tried in vain
to kill him. They could only attain their object by cleaving his skull;
an operation which saints are never proof against.
He was still to be buried. His friend the minister Fronton--to whom
Theodotus, in his capacity of publican, had given two leathern bottles
filled with wine--made the guards drunk, and carried off the body.
Theodotus then appeared in body and spirit to the minister: "Well, my
friend," he said to him, "did I not say well, that you should have
relics for your chapel?"
Such is what is narrated by St. Nil, an eye-witness, who could neither
be deceived nor deceive; such is what Don Ruinart has quoted as a
genuine act. Now every man of sense, every intelligent Christian, will
ask himself, whether a better mode could be adopted of dishonoring the
most holy and venerated religion in the world, and of turning it into
ridicule?
I shall not speak of the Eleven Thousand Virgins; I shall not discuss
the fable of the Theban legion, composed--says the author--of six
thousand six hundred men, all Christians coming from the East by Mount
St. Bernard, suffering martyrdom in the year 286, the period of the most
profound peace as regarded the Church, and in the gorge of a mountain
where it is impossible to place 300 men abreast; a fable written more
than 550 years after the event; a fable in which a king of Burgundy is
spoken of who never existed; a fable, in short, acknowledged to be
absurd by all the learned who have not lost their reason.
Behold what Don Ruinart narrates seriously! Let us pray to God for the
good sense of Don Ruinart!
SECTION II.
How does it happen that, in the enlightened age in which we live,
learned and useful writers are still found who nevertheless follow the
stream of old errors, and who corrupt many truths by admitted fables?
They reckon the era of the martyrs from the first year of the empire of
Diocletian, who was then far enough from inflicting martyrdom on
anybody. They forget that his wife Prisca was a Christian, that the
principal officers of his household were Christians; that he protected
them constantly during eighteen years; that they built at Nicomedia a
church more sumptuous than his palace; and that they would never have
been persecuted if they had not outraged the Cæsar Valerius.
Is it possible that any one should still dare to assert "that Diocletian
died of age, despair, and misery;" he who was seen to quit life like a
philosopher, as he had quitted the empire; he who, solicited to resume
the supreme power loved better to cultivate his fine gardens at
Salonica, than to reign again over the whole of the then known world?
Oh, ye compilers! will you never cease to compile? You have usefully
employed your three fingers; employ still more usefully your reason.
What! you repeat to me that St. Peter reigned over the faithful at Rome
for twenty-five years, and that Nero had him put to death together with
St. Paul, in order to avenge the death of Simon the Magician, whose legs
they had broken by their prayers?
To report such fables, though with the best motive, is to insult
Christianity.
The poor creatures who still repeat these absurdities are copyists who
renew in octavo and duodecimo old stories that honest men no longer
read, and who have never opened a book of wholesome criticism. They rake
up the antiquated tales of the Church; they know nothing of either
Middleton, or Dodwell, or Bruker, or Dumoulin, or Fabricius, or Grabius,
or even Dupin, or of any one of those who have lately carried light into
the darkness.
SECTION III.
We are fooled with martyrdoms that make us break out into laughter. The
Tituses, the Trajans, the Marcus Aureliuses, are painted as monsters of
cruelty. Fleury, abbé of Loc Dieu, has disgraced his ecclesiastical
history by tales which a sensible old woman would not tell to little
children.
Can it be seriously repeated, that the Romans condemned seven virgins,
each seventy years old, to pass through the hands of all the young men
of the city of Ancyra--those Romans who punished the Vestals with death
for the least gallantry?
A hundred tales of this sort are found in the martyrologies. The
narrators have hoped to render the ancient Romans odious, and they have
rendered themselves ridiculous. Do you want good, well-authenticated
barbarities--good and well-attested massacres, rivers of blood which
have actually flowed--fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, infants at the
breast, who have in reality had their throats cut, and been heaped on
one another? Persecuting monsters! seek these truths only in your own
annals: you will find them in the crusades against the Albigenses, in
the massacres of Merindol and Cabrière, in the frightful day of St.
Bartholomew, in the massacres of Ireland, in the valleys of the Pays de
Vaud. It becomes you well, barbarians as you are, to impute extravagant
cruelties to the best of emperors; you who have deluged Europe with
blood, and covered it with corpses, in order to prove that the same body
can be in a thousand places at once, and that the pope can sell
indulgences! Cease to calumniate the Romans, your law-givers, and ask
pardon of God for the abominations of your forefathers!
It is not the torture, you say, which makes martyrdom; it is the cause.
Well! I agree with you that your victims ought not to be designated by
the name of martyr, which signifies witness; but what name shall we give
to your executioners? Phalaris and Busiris were the gentlest of men in
comparison with you. Does not your Inquisition, which still remains,
make reason, nature, and religion boil with indignation! Great God! if
mankind should reduce to ashes that infernal tribunal, would they be
unacceptable in thy avenging eyes?
MASS.
The mass, in ordinary language, is the greatest and most august of the
ceremonies of the Church. Different names are given to it, according to
the rites practised in the various countries where it is celebrated; as
the Mozarabian or Gothic mass, the Greek mass, the Latin mass. Durandus
and Eckius call those masses dry, in which no consecration is made, as
that which is appointed to be said in particular by aspirants to the
priesthood; and Cardinal Bona relates, on the authority of William of
Nangis, that St. Louis, in his voyage abroad, had it said in this
manner, lest the motion of the vessel should spill the consecrated wine.
He also quoted Génébrard, who says that he assisted at Turin, in 1587,
at a similar mass, celebrated in a church, but after dinner and very
late, for the funeral of a person of rank.
Pierre le Chantre also speaks of the two-fold, three-fold, and even
four-fold mass, in which the priest celebrated the mass of the day or
the feast, as far as the offertory, then began a second, third, and
sometimes a fourth, as far as the same place; after which he said as
many secretas as he had begun masses; he recited the canon only once for
the whole; and at the end he added as many collects as he had joined
together masses.
It was not until about the close of the fourth century that the word
"mass" began to signify the celebration of the eucharist. The learned
Beatus Rhenanus, in his notes on Tertullian, observes, that St. Ambrose
consecrated this popular expression, "_missa,_" taken from the sending
out of the catechumens, after the reading of the gospel.
In the "Apostolical Constitutions," we find a liturgy in the name of St.
James, by which it appears, that instead of invoking the saints in the
canon of the mass, the primitive Church prayed for them. "We also offer
to Thee, O Lord," said the celebrator, "this bread and this chalice for
all the saints that have been pleasing in Thy sight from the beginning
of ages: for the patriarchs, the prophets, the just, the apostles, the
martyrs, the confessors, bishops, priests, deacons, subdeacons, readers,
chanters, virgins, widows, laymen, and all whose names are known unto
Thee." But St. Cyril of Jerusalem, who lived in the fourth century,
substituted this explanation: "After which," says he, "we commemorate
those who die before us, and first the patriarchs, apostles, and
martyrs, that God may receive our prayers through their intercession."
This proves--as will be said in the article on "Relics"--that the
worship of the saints was then beginning to be introduced into the
Church.
[Illustration: Ancient Rome.]
Noel Alexander cites acts of St. Andrew, in which that apostle is made
to say: "I offer up every day, on the altar of the only true God, not
the flesh of bulls, nor the blood of goats, but the unspotted lamb,
which still remains living and entire after it is sacrificed, and all
the faithful eat of its flesh"; but this learned Dominican acknowledges
that this piece was unknown until the eighth century. The first who
cited it was Ætherius, bishop of Osma in Spain, who wrote against
Ælipard in 788.