Every Englishman who has taken even a very humble part in the
consideration and discussion of public affairs is or ought to be aware
that the most gratuitous error he can commit is to take a side in
American politics and to criticise American public men from the British
point of view. From that error I propose to abstain most rigorously. It
is the right of Americans to criticise their own Government and the
public acts of their statesmen, and on that right I shall not infringe.
It cannot, however, be improper for an Englishman to set out before his
fellow-countrymen the utterances of a great American on matters which
vitally affect not only America but the whole civilised world. Mr.
_Roosevelt_--for Mr. _Roosevelt_ is the great American of whom I
speak--has done more than give utterance to his opinions; he has
deliberately collected them into a book, _Fear God and Take Your Own
Part_ (HODDER AND STOUGHTON), and has thus invited us to read and
consider his views. I accept his invitation and trust I shall not abuse
the privilege.
It is a refreshment to go about with Mr. ROOSEVELT through the pages of
this book. Here are no doubts and no hesitations, no timidity and no
blurred outlines. Everything is clear cut and well defined. Where Mr.
ROOSEVELT blames he blames with a vigour which is overwhelming; where he
approves he approves with a resonant zeal and enjoyment. He has no drop
of English blood in his veins--he himself has said it more than
once--yet he is strong in his praise of our conduct and even stronger in
his denunciation of the faithlessness and inhumanity of Germany. The
contemplation of German atrocities and of what he considers to be
America's weak compliance with them fills him with a rage which is
fortunately articulate. His indictment of Germany is as vigorous as the
most ardent pro-Ally can desire. It would be agreeable to watch the
KAISER's face if he should happen to take up this book in an idle moment
between one front and another.
Mr. ROOSEVELT's position can be best defined in his own words. "We
Americans," he says, "must pay to the great truths set forth by Lincoln
a loyalty of the heart and not of the lips only. In this crisis I hold
that we have signally failed in our duty to Belgium and Armenia, and in
our duty to ourselves. In this crisis I hold that the Allies are
standing for the principles to which Abraham Lincoln said this country
was dedicated; and the rulers of Germany have, in practical fashion,
shown this to be the case by conducting a campaign against Americans on
the ocean, which has resulted in the wholesale murder of American men,
women and children, and by conducting within our own borders a campaign
of the bomb and the torch against American industries. They have carried
on war against our people; for wholesale and repeated killing is war,
even though the killing takes the shape of assassination of
non-combatants, instead of battle against armed men."
Here again is a passage which is not lacking in emphasis: "Of course,
incidentally, we have earned contempt and derision by our conduct in
connection with the hundreds of Americans thus killed in time of peace
without action on our part. The United States Senator or Governor of a
State or other public representative who takes the position that our
citizens should not, in accordance with their lawful rights, travel on
such ships, and that we need not take action about their deaths,
occupies a position precisely and exactly as base and as cowardly (and I
use those words with scientific precision) as if his wife's face were
slapped on the public streets and the only action he took was to tell
her to stay in the house."
This, too, on the hyphenated is good: "As regards the German-Americans
who assail me in this contest because they are really mere transported
Germans, hostile to this country and to human rights, I feel, not
sorrow, but stern disapproval. I am not interested in their attitude
toward me, but I am greatly interested in their attitude toward this
nation. I am standing for the larger Americanism, for true Americanism;
and as regards my attitude in this matter I do not ask as a favour, but
challenge as a right, the support of all good American citizens, no
matter where born and no matter of what creed or national origin." That
puts the matter in a nutshell.
I might continue with pithy extracts until the columns of _Punch_ were
filled to overflowing, and even then I should not have exhausted the
interest of this virile and timely book. The reading of it can only
serve to confirm an Englishman's faith in his country's cause. Thank
you, Mr. ROOSEVELT, for your admirable tonic.
* * * * *
[Illustration: AFTER THE AIR RAID. "ARE YOU HURT, SIR?"
"YES, BUT NOT HALF SO BADLY AS THE CHAP WHO TRIED TO PINCH MY
SOUVENIR."]
* * * * *