CHAPTER XVI

CHINA AND THE WAR

The question of Chinese sentiments on the subject of the war, as

well as the precise relations between the Chinese Government and

the two groups of belligerents, are matters which have been

totally misunderstood. To those who have grasped the significance

of the exhaustive preceding account of the Republic in travail,

this statement should not cause surprise; for China has been in no

condition to play anything but an insignificant and unsatisfactory

role in world-politics.

When the world-war broke out China was still in the throes of her

domestic troubles and without any money at all in her Central

Treasury; and although Yuan Shih-kai, on being suddenly confronted

with an unparalleled international situation, did initiate certain

negotiations with the German Legation with a view to securing a

cancellation of the Kiaochow lease, the ultimatum which Japan

dispatched to Germany on the 15th August, 1914, completely

nullified his tentative proposals. Yuan Shih-kai had, indeed, not

been in the slightest degree prepared for such a sensational

development as war between Japan and Germany over the question of

a cruiser-base established on territory leased from China; and

although he considered the possibility of sending a Chinese force

to co-operate in the attack on the German stronghold, that project

was never matured, whilst his subsequent contrivances, notably the

establishment of a so-called war-zone in Shantung, were without

international value, and attracted no attention save in Japan.

Chinese, however, did not remain blind to the trend of events.

After the fall of Tsingtao and the subsequent complications with

Japan, which so greatly served to increase the complexities of a

nebulous situation, certain lines of thought insensibly developed.

That the influential classes in China should have desired that

Germany should by some means rehabilitate herself in Europe and so

be placed in a position to chastise a nation that for twenty years

had brought nothing but sorrow to them was perhaps only natural;

and it is primarily to this one cause that so-called sympathy with

Germany during the first part of the war has been due. But it must

also be noticed that the immense German propaganda in China during

the first two years of the war, coupled with the successes won in

Russia and elsewhere, powerfully impressed the population--not so

much because they were attracted by the feats of a Power that had

enthroned militarism, but because they wrongly supposed that

sooner or later the effects of this military display would be not

only to secure the relaxation of the Japanese grip on the country

but would compel the Powers to re-cast their pre-war policies in

China and abandon their attempts at placing the country under

financial supervision. Thus, by the irony of Fate, Germany in

Eastern Asia for the best part of 1914, 1915 and 1916, stood for

the aspirations of the oppressed--a moral which we may very

reasonably hope will not escape the attention of the Foreign

Offices of the world. Nor must it be forgotten that the modern

Chinese army, being like the Japanese, largely Germany-trained and

Germany-armed, had a natural predilection for Teutonism; and since

the army, as we have shown, plays a powerful role in the politics

of the Republic, public opinion was greatly swayed by what it

proclaimed through its accredited organs.

Be this as it may, it was humanly impossible for such a vast

country with such vast resources in men and raw materials to

remain permanently quiescent during an universal conflagration

when there was so much to be salvaged. Slowly the idea became

general in China that something had to be done; that is that a

state of technical neutrality would lead nowhere save possibly to

Avernus.

As early as November, 1915, Yuan Shih-kai and his immediate

henchmen had indeed realized the internal advantages to be derived

from a formal war-partnership with the signatories of the Pact of

London, the impulse to the movement being given by certain

important shipments of arms and ammunition from China which were

then made. A half-surreptitious attempt to discuss terms in Peking

caused no little excitement, the matter being, however, only

debated in very general terms. The principal item proposed by the

Peking government was characteristically the stipulation that an

immediate loan of two million pounds should be made to China, in

return for her technical belligerency. But when the proposal was

taken to Tokio, Japan rightly saw that its main purpose was simply

to secure an indirect foreign endorsement of Yuan Shih-kai's

candidature as Emperor; and for that reason she threw cold-water

on the whole project. To subscribe to a formula, which besides

enthroning Yuan Shih-kai would have been a grievous blow to her

Continental ambitions, was an unthinkable thing; and therefore the

manoeuvre was foredoomed to failure.

The death of Yuan Shih-kai in the Summer of 1916 radically altered

the situation. Powerful influences were again set to work to stamp

out the German cult and to incline the minority of educated men

who control the destinies of the country to see that their real

interests could only lie with the Allies, who were beginning to

export Chinese man-power as an auxiliary war-aid and who were very

anxious to place the whole matter on a sounder footing. Little

real progress was, however, made in the face of the renewed German

efforts to swamp the country with their propaganda. By means of

war-maps, printed in English and Chinese, and also by means of an

exhaustive daily telegraphic service which hammered home every

possible fact illustrative of German invincibility, the German

position in China, so far from being weakened, was actually

strengthened during the period when Rumania was being overrun. By

a singular destiny, any one advocating an alliance with the Allies

was bitterly attacked not only by the Germans but by the Japanese

as well--this somewhat naive identification of Japan's political

interest with those of an enemy country being an unique feature of

the situation worthy of permanent record.

It was not until President Wilson sent out his Peace offering of

the 19th December, 1916, that a distant change came. On this

document being formally communicated to the Chinese Government

great interest was aroused, and the old hopes were revived that it

would be somehow possible for China to gain entry at the

definitive Peace Congress which would settle beyond repeal the

question of the disposal of Kiaochow and the whole of German

interests in Shantung Provinces,--a subject of burning interest to

the country not only because of the harsh treatment which had been

experienced at the hands of Japan, but because the precedent

established in 1905 at the Portsmouth Treaty was one which it was

felt must be utterly shattered if China was not to abandon her

claim of being considered a sovereign international State. On that

occasion Japan had simply negotiated direct with Russia concerning

all matters affecting Manchuria, dispatching a Plenipotentiary to

Peking, after the Treaty of Peace had been signed, to secure

China's adhesion to all clauses EN BLOC without discussion. True

enough, by filing the Twenty-one Demands on China in 1915--when

the war was hardly half-a-year old--and by forcing China's assent

to all Shantung questions under the threat of an Ultimatum, Japan

had reversed the Portsmouth Treaty procedure and apparently

settled the issues at stake for all time; nevertheless the Chinese

hoped when the facts were properly known to the world that this

species of diplomacy would not be endorsed, and that indeed the

Shantung question could be reopened.

Consequently great pains were taken at the Chinese Foreign Office

to draft a reply to the Wilson Note which would tell its own

story. The authorized translation of the document handed to the

American Legation on the 8th January has therefore a peculiar

political interest. It runs as follows:--

"I have examined with the care which the gravity of the question

demands the note concerning peace which President Wilson has

addressed to the Governments of the Allies and the Central Powers

now at war and the text of which Your Excellency has been good

enough to transmit to me under instructions of your Government.

"China, a nation traditionally pacific, has recently again

manifested her sentiments in concluding treaties concerning the

pacific settlement of international disputes, responding thus to

the voeux of the Peace Conference held at the Hague.

"On the other hand, the present war, by its prolongation, has

seriously affected the interests of China, more so perhaps than

those of other Powers which have remained neutral. She is at

present at a time of reorganization which demands economically and

industrially the co-operation of foreign countries, a co-operation

which a large number of them are unable to accord on account of

the war in which they are engaged.

"In manifesting her sympathy for the spirit of the President's

Note, having in view the ending as soon as possible of the

hostilities, China is but acting in conformity not only with her

interests but also with her profound sentiments.

"On account of the extent which modern wars are apt to assume and

the repercussions which they bring about, their effects are no

longer limited to belligerent States. All countries are interested

in seeing wars becoming as rare as possible. Consequently China

cannot but show satisfaction with the views of the Government and

people of the United States of America who declare themselves

ready, and even eager, to co-operate when the war is over, by all

proper means to assure the respect of the principle of the

equality of nations, whatever their power may be, and to relieve

them of the peril of wrong and violence. China is ready to join

her efforts with theirs for the attainment of such results which

can only be obtained through the help of all."

Already, then, before there had been any question of Germany's

ruthless submarine war necessitating a decisive move, China had

commenced to show that she could not remain passive during a

world-conflict which was indirectly endangering her interests.

America, by placing herself in direct communication with the

Peking Government on the subject of a possible peace, had given a

direct hint that she was solicitous of China's future and

determined to help her as far as possible. All this was in strict

accordance with the traditional policy of the United States in

China, a policy which although too idealistic to have had much

practical value--being too little supported by battleships and

bayonets to be respected--has nevertheless for sixty years

tempered the wind to the shorn lamb. The ground had consequently

been well prepared for the remarkable denouement which came on the

9th February, 1917, and which surprised all the world.

On the fourth of that month the United States formally

communicated with China on the subject of the threatened German

submarine war against neutral shipping and invited her to

associate herself with America in breaking-off diplomatic

relations with Germany. China had meanwhile received a telegraphic

communication from the Chinese Minister in Berlin transmitting a

Note from the German Government making known the measures

endangering all merchant vessels navigating the prescribed zones.

The effect of these two communications on the mind of the Chinese

Government was at first admittedly stunning and very varied

expressions of opinion were heard in Peking. For the first time in

the history of the country the government had been invited to take

a step which meant the inauguration of a definite Foreign policy

from which there could be no retreat. For four days a discussion

raged which created the greatest uneasiness; but by the 8th

February, President Li Yuan-hung had made up his mind--the final

problem being simply the "conversion" of the Military Party to the

idea that a decisive step, which would forever separate them from

Germany, must at last be taken. It is known that the brilliant

Scholar Liang Ch'i-chao, who was hastily summoned to Peking,

proved a decisive influence and performed the seemingly impossible

in a few hours' discussion. Realizing at once the advantages which

would accrue from a single masculine decision he advised instant

action in such a convincing way that the military leaders

surrendered. Accordingly on the 9th February the presence of the

German Minister was requested at the Chinese Foreign Office when

the following Note was read to him and subsequently transmitted

telegraphically to Berlin.

Your Excellency:

A telegraphic communication has been received from the Chinese

Minister at Berlin transmitting a note from the German Government

dated February 1st, 1917, which makes known that the measures of

blockade newly adopted by the Government of Germany will, from

that day, endanger neutral merchant vessels navigating in certain

prescribed zones.

The new measures of submarine warfare, inaugurated by Germany,

imperilling the lives and property of Chinese citizens to even a

greater extent than the measures previously taken which have

already cost so many human lives to China, constitute a violation

of the principles of public international law at present in force;

the tolerance of their application would have as a result the

introduction into international law of arbitrary principles

incompatible with even legitimate commercial intercourse between

neutral states and between neutral states and belligerent powers.

The Chinese Government, therefore, protests energetically to the

Imperial German Government against the measures proclaimed on

February 1st, and sincerely hopes that with a view to respecting

the rights of neutral states and to maintaining the friendly

relations between these two countries, the said measures will not

be carried out.

In case, contrary to its expectations, its protest be ineffectual

the Government of the Chinese Republic will be constrained, to its

profound regret, to sever the diplomatic relations at present

existing between the two countries. It is unnecessary to add that

the attitude of the Chinese Government has been dictated purely by

the desire to further the cause of the world's peace and by the

maintenance of the sanctity of international law.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the

assurance of my highest consideration.

At the same time the following reply was handed to the American

Minister in Peking thus definitely clinching the matter:

Your Excellency:

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's

Note of the 4th February, 1917, informing me that the Government

of the United States of America, in view of the adoption by the

German Government of its new policy of submarine warfare on the

1st of February, has decided to take certain action which it

judges necessary as regards Germany.

The Chinese Government, like the President of the United Slates of

America, is reluctant to believe that the German Government will

actually carry into execution those measures which imperil the

lives and property of citizens of neutral states and jeopardize

the commerce, even legitimate, between neutrals as well as between

neutrals and belligerents and which tend, if allowed to be

enforced without opposition, to introduce a new principle into

public international law.

The Chinese Government being in accord with the principles set

forth in Your Excellency's note and firmly associating itself with

the Government of the United States, has taken similar action by

protesting energetically to the German Government against the new

measures of blockade. The Chinese government also proposes to take

such action in the future as will be deemed necessary for the

maintenance of the principles of international law.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the

assurance of my highest consideration.

His Excellency Paul S. Reinsch, Envoy Extraordinary & Minister

Plenipotentiary of The United States of America.

When these facts became generally known an extraordinary ferment

was noticeable. What efforts had to be made to overcome the not

inconsiderable opposition of the Military Party who were opposed

to any departure from a policy of passive neutrality need not now

be set down; but it is sufficient to state that the decision

arrived at was in every sense a victory of the younger

intellectual forces over the older mandarinate, whose traditions

of laissez faire and spineless diplomacy had hitherto cost the

country so dear. A definite and far-reaching Foreign Policy had at

last been inaugurated. By responding rapidly and firmly to the

invitation of the United States to associate herself with the

stand taken against Germany's piratical submarine warfare, China

has undoubtedly won for herself a new place in the world's esteem.

Both in Europe and America the news of this development awakened

well-understandable enthusiasm, and convinced men that the

Republic at last stood for something vital and real. Until the 9th

February, 1917, what China had been doing was not really to

maintain her neutrality, since she had been unable to defend her

territory from being made a common battleground in 1914: she had

been engaged in guarding and perpetuating her traditional

impotency. For whilst it may be accurate to declare--a fact which

few Westerners have realized--that to the mass of the Chinese

nation the various members of the European Family are

undistinguishable from one another, there being little to choose

in China between a Russian or a German, an Englishman or an

Austrian, a Frenchman or a Greek, the trade-contact of a century

had certainly taught to a great many that there was profit in

certain directions and none in certain others. It was perfectly

well-known, for instance, that England stood for a sea-empire;

that the sea was an universal road; that British ships, both

mercantile and military, were the most numerous; and that other

things being equal it must primarily be Britain more than any

other European country which would influence Chinese destinies.

But the British Alliance with Japan had greatly weakened the trust

which originally existed; and this added to the fact that Germany,

although completely isolated and imprisoned by the sea, still

maintained herself intact by reason of her marvellous war-machine,

which had ploughed forward with such horrible results in a number

of directions, had made inaction seem the best policy. And yet,

although the Chinese may be pardoned for not forming clear

concepts regarding the rights and wrongs of the present conflict,

they had undoubtedly realized that it was absolutely essential for

them not to remain outside the circle of international friendships

when a direct opportunity was offered them to step within.

It was a sudden inkling of these things which now dawned on the

public mind and slowly awakened enthusiasm. For the first time

since Treaty relations with the Powers had been established

Chinese diplomatic action had swept beyond the walls of Peking and

embraced world-politics within its scope. The Confucianist

conception of the State, as being simply a regional creation, a

thing complete in itself and all sufficient because it was locked

to the past and indifferent to the future, had hitherto been

supreme, foreign affairs being the result of unwilling contact at

sea-ports or in the wastes of High Asia where rival empires meet.

To find Chinese--five years after the inauguration of their

Republic--ready to accept literally and loyally in the western way

all the duties and obligations which their rights of eminent

domain confer was a great and fine discovery. It has been supposed

by some that a powerful role was played in this business by the

temptation to benefit materially by an astute move: that is that

China was greatly influenced in her decision by the knowledge that

the denouncing of the German treaties would instantly suspend the

German Boxer indemnity and pour into the depleted Central Treasury

a monthly surplus of nearly two million Mexican dollars.

Paradoxical as it may sound in a country notoriously hard-pressed

for cash, monetary considerations played no part whatever in

convincing the Peking Government that the hour for action had

arrived; nor again was there any question of real hostility to a

nation which is so far removed from the East as to be meaningless

to the masses. The deep, underlying, decisive influence was simply

expediency--the most subtle of all political reasons and the

hardest to define. But just as Britain declared war because the

invasion of Belgium brought to a head all the vague grounds for

opposition to German policy; and just as America broke off

relations because the scrapping of undertaking after undertaking

regarding the sea-war made it imperative for her to act, so did

China choose the right moment to enunciate the doctrine of her

independence by voicing her determination to hold to the whole

corpus of international sanctions on which her independence

finally rests. In the last analysis, then, the Chinese note of the

9th February to the German Government was a categorical and

unmistakable reply to all the insidious attempts which had been

made since the beginning of the war to place her outside and

beyond the operation of the Public Law of Europe; and it is solely

and entirely in that light that her future actions must be judged.

The leaders who direct the destinies of China became fully

prepared for a state of belligerency from the moment they decided

to speak; but they could not but be supremely anxious concerning

the expression of that belligerency, since their international

position had for years been such that a single false move might

cripple them.

Let us make this clear. Whilst China has been from the first fully

prepared to co-operate with friendly Powers in the taking of war-

measures which would ultimately improve her world-position, she

has not been prepared to surrender the initiative in these matters

into foreign hands. The argument that the mobilization of her

resources could only be effectively dealt with by specially

designated foreigners, for instance, has always been repellent to

her because she knows from bitter experience that although Japan

has played little or no part in the war, and indeed classifies

herself as a semi-belligerent, the Tokio Government would not

hesitate to use any opportunity which presented itself in China

for selfish ends; and by insisting that as she is on the spot she

is the most competent to insure the effectiveness of Chinese co-

operation, attempt to tighten her hold on the country. It is a

fact which is self-evident to observers on the spot that ever

since the coup of the Twenty-one Demands, many Japanese believe

that their country has succeeded in almost completely infeodating

China and has became the sovereign arbitrator of all quarrels, as

well as the pacificator of the Eastern World. Statements which

were incautiously allowed to appear in the Japanese Press a few

days prior to the Chinese Note of the 9th February disclose what

Japan really thought on the subject of China identifying herself

with the Allies. For instance, the following, which bears the

hall-mark of official inspiration, reads very curiously in the

light of after-events:

... "Dispatches from Peking say that England and France have

already started a flanking movement to induce China to join the

anti-German coalition. The intention of the Chinese Government has

not yet been learned. But it is possible that China will agree, if

conditions are favourable, thus gaining the right to voice her

views at the coming peace conference. Should the Entente Powers

give China a firm guarantee, it is feared here that China would

not hesitate to act.

"The policy of the Japanese Government toward this question cannot

yet be learned. It appears, however, that the Japanese Government

is not opposed to applying the resolutions of the Paris Economic

Conference, in so far as they concern purely economic questions,

since Japan desires that German influence in the commerce and

finance of the Orient should be altogether uprooted. But should

the Entente Powers of Europe try to induce China to join them,

Japan may object on the ground that it will create more

disturbances in China and lead to a general disturbance of peace

in the Orient."

Now there is not the slightest doubt in the writer's mind--and he

can claim to speak as a student of twenty years' standing--that

this definition of Japanese aims and objects is a very true one;

and that the subsequent invitation to China to join the Allies

which came from Tokio after a meeting between the Japanese

Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Allied Ambassadors was simply

made when a new orientation of policy had been forced by stress of

circumstances. Japan has certainly always wished German influence

in the Far East to be uprooted if she can take the place of

Germany; but if she cannot take that place absolutely and entirely

she would vastly prefer the influence to remain, since it is in

the nature of counterweight to that of other European Powers and

of America--foreign influence in China, as Mr. Hioki blandly told

the late President Yuan Shih-kai in his famous interview of the

18th January, 1915, being a source of constant irritation to the

Japanese people, and the greatest stumbling-block to a permanent

understanding in the Far East.

Chinese suspicion of any invitation coming by way of Tokyo has

been, therefore, in every way justified, if it is a reasonable and

legitimate thing for a nation of four hundred millions of people

to be acutely concerned about their independence; for events have

already proved up to the hilt that so far from the expulsion of

Germany from Shantung having resulted in the handing-back of

interests which were forcibly acquired from China in 1898, that

expulsion has merely resulted in Japan succeeding to such

interests and thereby obliterating all trace of her original

promise to the world in 1914 that she would restore to China what

was originally taken from her. Here it is necessary to remark that

not only did Japan in her negotiations over the Twenty-one Demands

force China to hand over the twelve million pounds of German

improvements in Shantung province, but that Baron Hayashi, the

present Japanese Minister to China, "has recently declared that

Japan would demand from China a vast settlement or concession at

Tsingtao, thus making even the alleged handing-back of the leased

territory--which Japan is pledged to force from Germany at the

Peace Conference--wholly illusory, the formula of a Settlement

being adopted because twelve years' experience of Port Arthur has

shown that territorial "leases," with their military garrisons and

administrative offices, are expensive and antiquated things, and

that it is easier to push infiltration by means of a multitude of

Settlements in which police-boxes and policemen form an important

element, than to cut off slices of territory under a nomenclature

which is a clamant advertisement of disruptive aims.

Now although these matters appear to be taking us far from the

particular theme we are discussing, it is not really so. Like a

dark thunder-cloud on the horizon the menace of Japanese action

has rendered frank Chinese co-operation, even in such a simple

matter as war-measures against Germany, a thing of supreme

difficulty. The mere rumour that China might dispatch an

Expeditionary Force to Mesopotamia was sufficient to send the host

of unofficial Japanese agents in Peking scurrying in every

direction and insisting that if the Chinese did anything at all

they should limit themselves to sending troops to Russia where

they would be "lost"--a suggestion made because that was what

Japan herself offered to do when she declined in 1915 the Allies'

proposal to dispatch troops to Europe. Nor must the fact be lost

sight of that as in other countries so in China, foreign affairs

provide an excellent opportunity for influencing the march of

internal events. Thus, as we have clearly shown, the Military

Party, although originally averse to any action at all, saw that a

strong foreign policy would greatly enhance its reputation and

allow it to influence the important elections for the Parliament

of 1918 which, sitting as a National Convention, will elect the

next President. Thus, in the extraordinary way which happens

throughout the world, the whole of February was consumed in the

rival political parties manoeuvring for position, the Vice-

President, General Feng Kuo-chang, himself coming hastily to

Peking from Nanking to take part in this elaborate game in which

many were now participating merely for what they could get out of

it.

On the 4th March matters were brought to a climax by an open

breach between President Li Yuan-hung and the Premier, General

Tuan Chi-jui, at a Cabinet meeting regarding the procedure to be

observed in breaking off diplomatic relations with Germany.

Although nearly a month had elapsed, no reply had been received

from Berlin; and of the many plans of action proposed nothing had

been formally decided. Owing to the pressure Japan was exerting

from Tokio to get China to come to a definite arrangement, popular

anxiety was growing. Over the question of certain telegrams to be

communicated to the Japanese Government, of which he had been kept

in ignorance, President Li Yuan-hung took a firm stand; with the

result that the Premier, deeply offended, abruptly left the

Council Chamber, handed in his resignation and left the capital--a

course of action which threatened to provoke a national crisis.

Fortunately in President Li Yuan-hung China had a cool and

dispassionate statesman. At the first grave crisis in his

administration he wished at all costs to secure that the assent of

Parliament should be given to all steps taken, and that nothing so

speculative as a policy which had not been publicly debated should

be put into force. He held to this point doggedly; and after some

negotiations, the Premier was induced to return to the capital and

resume office, on the understanding that nothing final was to be

done until a popular endorsement had been secured.

On the 10th March the question was sent to Parliament for

decision. After a stormy debate of several hours in the Lower

House the policy of the Government was upheld by 330 votes to 87:

on the following day the Senate endorsed this decision by 158

votes to 37. By a coincidence which was too extraordinary not to

have been artificially contrived, the long-awaited Germany reply

arrived on the morning of this 10th March, copies of the document

being circulated wholesale by German agents among the Members of

Parliament in a last effort to influence their decision. The

actual text of the German reply was as follows, and it will be

seen how transparently worded it is:

To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China:

YOUR EXCELLENCY: By the instructions of my home Government--which

reached me on the 10th inst.--I beg to forward you the following

reply to China's protest to the latest blockade policy of

Germany:--

"The Imperial German Government expresses its great surprise at

the action threatened by the Government of the Republic of China

in its Note of protest. Many other countries have also protested,

but China, which has been in friendly relations with Germany, is

the only State which has added a threat to its protest. The

surprise is doubly great, because of the fact that, as China has

no shipping interests in the seas of the barred zones, she will

not suffer thereby.

"The Government of the Republic of China mentions that loss of

life of Chinese citizens has occurred as the results of the

present method of war. The Imperial German Government wishes to

point out that the Government of the Republic of China has never

communicated with the Imperial Government regarding a single case

of this kind nor has it protested in this connexion before.

According to reports received by the Imperial Government, such

losses as have been actually sustained by Chinese subjects have

occurred in the firing line while they were engaged in digging

trenches and in other war services. While thus engaged, they were

exposed to the dangers inevitable to all forces engaged in war.

The fact that Germany has on several occasions protested against

the employment of Chinese citizens for warlike purpose is evident

that the Imperial Government has given excellent proof of its

friendly feelings toward China. In consideration of these friendly

relations the Imperial Government is willing to treat the matter

as if the threat had never been uttered. It is reasonable for the

Imperial Government to expect that the Government of the Republic

of China will revise its views respecting the question.

"Germany's enemies were the first to declare a blockade on Germany

and the same is being persistently carried out. It is therefore

difficult for Germany to cancel her blockade policy. The Imperial

Government is nevertheless willing to comply with the wishes of

the Government of the Republic of China by opening negotiations to

arrive at a plan for the protection of Chinese life and property,

with the view that the end may be achieved and thereby the utmost

regard be given to the shipping rights of China. The reason which

has prompted the Imperial Government to adopt this conciliatory

policy is the knowledge that, once diplomatic relations are

severed with Germany, China will not only lose a truly good friend

but will also be entangled in unthinkable difficulties."

In forwarding to Your Excellency the above instructions from my

home Government, I beg also to state that--if the Government of

China be willing--I am empowered to open negotiations for the

protection of the shipping rights of China.

I have the honour to be. ... (Signed by the German Minister.)

March 10, 1917.

With a Parliamentary endorsement behind them there remained

nothing for the Peking Government but to take the vital step of

severing diplomatic relations. Certain details remained to be

settled but these were expeditiously handled. Consequently,

without any further discussion, at noon on the 14th March the

German Minister was handed his passports, with the following

covering dispatch from the Chinese Foreign Office. It is worthy of

record that in the interval between the Chinese Note of the 9th

February and the German reply of the 10th March the French mail-

steamer Athos had been torpedoed in the Mediterranean and five

hundred Chinese labourers proceeding to France on board her

drowned.

Your Excellency:--

With reference to the new submarine policy of Germany, the

Government of the Republic of China, dictated by the desire to

further the cause of world's peace and to maintain the sanctity of

International Law, addressed a protest to Your Excellency on

February 9th and declared that in case, contrary to its

expectations its protest be ineffectual, it would be constrained

to sever the diplomatic relations at present existing between the

two countries.

During the lapse of a month no heed has been paid to the protest

of the Government of the Republic in the activities of the German

Submarines, activities which have caused the loss of many Chinese

lives. On March 10, a reply was received from Your Excellency.

Although it states that the Imperial German Government is willing

to open negotiations to arrive at a plan for the protection of

Chinese life and property, yet it declares that it is difficult

for Germany to cancel her blockade policy. It is therefore not in

accord with the object of the protest and the Government of the

Chinese Republic, to its deep regret, considers its protest to be

ineffectual. The Government of the Republic is constrained to

sever the diplomatic relations at present existing with the

Imperial German Government. I have the honour to send herewith to

Your Excellency, the passport for Your Excellency, the members of

the German Legation and their families and retinue for protection

while leaving Chinese territory. With regard to the Consular

Officers of Germany in China, this Ministry has instructed the

different Commissioners of Foreign Affairs to issue to them

similarly passports for leaving the country.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the

assurance of my highest consideration.

March 14th, 1917.

It was not until eleven days later--on the 25th March--that the

German Minister and his suite reluctantly left Peking for Germany

via America. Meanwhile the Chinese Government remained undecided

regarding the taking of the final step as a number of important

matters had still to be settled. Not only had arrangements to be

made with the Allies but there was the question of adjusting

Chinese policy with American action. A special commission on

Diplomatic affairs daily debated the procedure to be observed, but

owing to the conflict of opinion in the provinces further action

was greatly delayed. As it is necessary to show the nature of this

conflict we give two typical opinions submitted to the Government

on the question of a formal declaration of war against Germany

(and Austria). The first Memorandum was written for the Diplomatic

Commission by the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao and is singularly

lucid:--

THE NECESSITY FOR WAR

"Those who question the necessity for war can only quote the

attitude of America as example. The position of China is, however,

different from that of America in two points. First, actual

warfare will follow immediately after America's declaration of

war, so it is necessary for her to make the necessary preparations

before taking the step. For this purpose, America has voted

several hundred million dollars for an increase of her naval

appropriations. America therefore cannot declare war until she has

completed every preparation. With China it is different. Even

after the declaration of war, there will be no actual warfare. It

is therefore unnecessary for us to wait.

"Secondly, America has no such things as foreign settlements,

consular jurisdiction or other un-equal treaties with Germany.

Under the existing conditions America has no difficulties in

safeguarding herself against the Germans residing in America after

the severance of diplomatic relations even though war has not yet

been actually declared, and as to future welfare, America will

have nothing to suffer even though her old treaties with Germany

should continue to be operative. It is impossible for China to

take the necessary steps to safeguard the country against the

Germans residing in China unless the old treaties be cancelled.

For unless war is declared it is impossible to cancel the consular

jurisdiction of the Germans, and so long as German consular

jurisdiction remains in China we will meet with difficulties

everywhere whenever we wish to deal with the Germans. If our

future is to be considered, unless war is declared, the old

treaties will again come into force upon the resumption of

diplomatic relations, in which case we shall be held responsible

for all the steps which we have taken in contravention of treaties

during the rupture. It will be advantageous to China if the old

treaties be cancelled by a declaration of war and new treaties be

negotiated after the conclusion of peace.

"In short by severing diplomatic relations with Germany China has

already incurred the ill-feelings of that country. We shall not be

able to lessen the hostile feelings of the Germans even if we

refrain from declaring war on them. It is therefore our obligation

to choose the course that will be advantageous to us. This is not

reluctantly yielding to the request of the Entente Allies. It is

the course we must take in our present situation.

THE REASON FOR DECLARING WAR

"The presumptuous manner in which Germany has replied to our

demand is an open affront to our national integrity. Recently

Germany has deliberately shown hostility to our advice by

reiterating her determination to carry out the ruthless submarine

policy with increased vigour. All these are reasons for diplomatic

rupture as well as for declaration of war. Furthermore, the peace

of the Far East was broken by the occupation of Kiachow by

Germany. This event marked the first step of the German disregard

for international law. In the interests of humanity and for the

sake of what China has passed through, she should rise and punish

such a country, that dared to disregard international law. Such a

reason for war is certainly beyond criticism.

THE TIME TO DECLARE WAR

"War should be declared as soon as possible. The reason for the

diplomatic rupture is sufficient reason for declaring war. This

has already been explained. It would be impossible for us to find

an excuse for declaring war if war be declared now. According to

usual procedure war is declared when the forces of the two

countries come into actual conflict. Now such a possibility does

not exist between China and Germany. Since it is futile to expect

Germany to declare war on us first, we should ask ourselves if war

is necessary. If not, then let us go on as we are, otherwise we

must not hesitate any more.

"Some say that China should not declare war on Germany until we

have come to a definite understanding with the Entente Allies

respecting certain terms. This is indeed a wrong conception of

things. We declare war because we want to fight for humanity,

international law and against a national enemy. It is not because

we are partial towards the Entente or against Germany or Austria.

International relations are not commercial connexions. Why then

should we talk about exchange of privileges and rights? As to the

revision of Customs tariff, it has been our aspiration for more

than ten years and a foremost diplomatic question, for which we

have been looking for a suitable opportunity to negotiate with the

foreign Powers. It is our view that the opportunity has come

because foreign Powers are now on very friendly terms with China.

It is distinctly a separate thing from the declaration of war. Let

no one try to confuse the two.

THE QUESTION OF AUSTRIA

"If China decides to declare war on Germany the same attitude

should be taken towards Austria. We have severed diplomatic

relations with Germany but retain the status quo with Austria.

This is fraught with danger. German intrigue is to be dreaded.

What they have done in America and Mexico is enough to shock us.

The danger can easily be imagined when we remember that they have

in China the Austrian Legation, Austrian Consulates and Austrian

concessions as their bases of operation for intrigue and plotting.

Some say we should follow America, which has not yet severed

diplomatic relations with Austria. This is a great mistake.

America can afford to ignore Austria because there are no Austrian

concessions and Austrian consular jurisdiction in America.

"The question is then what steps should be taken to sever

diplomatic relations with and declare war on Austria. The solution

is that since Austria has also communicated to our Minister

regarding her submarine policy we can serve her with an ultimatum

demanding that the submarine policy be cancelled within twenty-

four hours. If Austria refuses, China may sever diplomatic

relations and declare war at the same time immediately upon the

expiry of the twenty-four hour limit.

"In conclusion I wish to say that whenever a policy is adopted we

should carry out the complete scheme. If we should hesitate in the

middle and become afraid to go ahead we will soon find ourselves

in an embarrassing position. The Government and Parliament should

therefore stir up courage and boldly make the decision and take

the step.

Unanswerable as seem these arguments to the Western mind, they

were by no means so to the mass of Chinese who are always fearful

lest some sudden reshuffling in the relationships existing between

foreign Powers exposes them to new and greater calamities. This

Chinese viewpoint, with its ignorance of basic considerations, is

well-illustrated by the Second Memorandum, which follows. Written

by the famous reformer of 1898 Kang Yu-wei, it demonstrates how

greatly the revolutionists of 1911 are in advance of a school

which was the vogue less than twenty years ago and which is

completely out of touch with the thought which the war has made

world-wide. Nevertheless the line of argument which characterizes

this utterance is still a political factor in China and must be

understood.

MEMORANDUM

... "The breach between the United States and Germany is no

concern of ours. But the Government suddenly severed diplomatic

relations with Germany and is now contemplating entry into the

war. This is to advance beyond the action of the United States

which continues to observe neutrality. And if we analyse the

public opinion of the country, we find that all peoples--high and

low, well-informed and ignorant--betray great alarm when informed

of the rupture and the proposal to declare war on Germany, fearing

that such a development may cause grave peril to the country. This

war-policy is being urged by a handful of politicians, including a

few members of Parliament and several party men with the view of

creating a diplomatic situation to serve their political ends and

to reap great profits.

"Their arguments are that China--by siding with the Entente--may

obtain large loans, the revision of the Customs Tariff and the

suspension of the Boxer indemnity to Germany, as well as the

recovery of the German concessions, mining and railroad rights and

the seizure of German commerce. Pray, how large is Germany's share

of the Boxer indemnity? Seeing that German commerce is protected

by international law, will China be able to seize it; and does she

not know that the Kaiser may in the future exact restitution?

PERILS OF WAR

"News from Holland tells of a rumoured secret understanding

between Germany, Japan and Russia. The Japanese Government is

pursuing a policy of friendship toward Germany. This is very

disquieting news to us. As to foreign loans and the revision of

the Customs Tariff, we can raise these matters at any time. Why

then should we traffic for these things at the risk of grave

dangers to the nation? My view is that what we are to obtain from

the transaction is far less than what we are to give. If it be

argued that the policy aims at securing for China her right to

live as an unfettered nation, then we ought to ask for the

cancellation of the entire Boxer Indemnities, the abolition of

exterritoriality, the retrocession of the foreign concessions and

the repeal or amendment of all unjust treaties after the war. But

none of these have we demanded. If we ourselves cannot improve our

internal administration in order to become a strong country, it is

absurd to expect our admission to the ranks of the first-class

Powers simply by being allowed a seat at the Peace Conference and

by taking a side with the Entente!

"Which side will win the war? I shall not attempt to predict here.

But it is undoubted that all the arms of Europe--and the

industrial and financial strength of the United States and Japan--

have proved unavailing against Germany. On the other hand France

has lost her Northern provinces and Belgium, Serbia and Rumania

are blotted off the map. Should Germany be victorious, the whole

of Europe--not to speak of a weak country like China--would be in

great peril of extinction. Should she be defeated, Germany still

can--after the conclusion of peace--send a fleet to war against

us. And as the Powers will be afraid of a second world-war, who

will come to our aid? Have we not seen the example of Korea? There

is no such thing as an army of righteousness which will come to

the assistance of weak nations. I cannot bear to think of hearing

the angry voice of German guns along our coasts!

"If we allow the Entente to recruit labour in our country without

restriction, thousands upon thousands of our fellow countrymen

will die for no worthy cause; and if we allow free exportation of

foodstuff, in a short time the price of daily necessaries will

mount ten to a hundredfold. This is calculated to cause internal

troubles. Yea, all gains from this policy will go to the

politicians but the people will suffer the evil consequences

through no fault of theirs.

DIPLOMACY OF CONFUCIUS

"In the matter of diplomacy, we do not need to go to the West for

the apt learning on the point at issue. Confucius had said: 'Be

truthful and cultivate friendship--this is the foundation of human

happiness.' Our country being weak and undeveloped, if we strive

to be truthful and cultivate friendship, we can still be a

civilized nation, albeit hoary with age. But we are now advised to

take advantage of the difficulties of Germany and abandon honesty

in order that we may profit thereby. Discarding treaties is to be

unfaithful, grasping for gains is not the way of a gentleman,

taking advantage of another's difficulties is to be mean and

joining the larger in numbers is cowardice. How can we be a

nation, if we throw away all these fundamental qualities.

"Even in the press of England and the United States, there is

opposition to America entering the war. If we observe neutrality,

we are not bound to any side; and when the time comes for peace--

as a friend to both sides--we may be able to bring about the ends

of the war. Is this not a service to humanity and the true spirit

of civilization?

"Now it is proposed to take the existence of this great nation of

five thousand years and four hundred million people in order to

serve the interests of politicians in their party struggles. We

are now to be bound to foreign nations, without freedom to act for

ourselves and running great risks of national destruction. Can you

gentlemen bear to see this come to pass? China has severed

relations with Germany but the decision for war has not yet been

reached. The whole country is telegraphing opposition to the

Government's policy and wants to know whether Germany will not in

the future take revenge on account of our rupture with her; and if

we are not secured against this eventuality, what are the

preparations to meet with a contingency? The Government must not

stake the fate of the nation as if it be a child's toy, and the

people must not be cast into the whirlpool of slaughter. The

people are the backbone of a country, and if the people are all

opposed to war on Germany, the Government--in spite of the support

of Parliament--must call a great citizens' convention to decide

the question. We must persist in our neutrality. You gentlemen are

patriotic sons of this country and must know that the existence of

China as a nation depends upon what she does now in this matter.

In tears, I appeal to you. KANG YU-WEI."

March and April were consumed in this fruitless discussion in

which everybody participated. The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui,

in view of the alleged provincial opposition, now summoned to

Peking a Conference of Provincial Military Governors to endorse

his policy, but this action although crowned with success so far

as the army chiefs were concerned--the conference voting solidly

for war--was responsible for greatly alarming Parliament which saw

in this procedure a new attempt to undermine its power and control

the country by extra-legal means. Furthermore, publication in the

Metropolitan press of what the Japanese were doing behind the

scenes created a fear that extraordinary intrigues were being

indulged in with the object of securing by means of secret

diplomacy certain guarantees of a personal nature. Apart from

being associated with the semi-official negotiations of the

Entente Powers in Peking, Japan was carrying on a second set of

negotiations partly by means of a confidential agent named Kameio

Nishihara dispatched from Tokio specially for that purpose by

Count Terauchi, the Japanese Premier, a procedure which led to the

circulation of highly sensational stories regarding China's future

commitments. When the Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, had made his

statement to Parliament on the 10th March, regarding the necessity

of an immediate rupture with Germany, he had implied that China

had already received assurances from the Allies that there would

be a postponement of the Boxer Indemnities for a term of years, an

immediate increase in the Customs Tariff, and a modification of

the Peace Protocol of 1901 regarding the presence of Chinese

troops near Tientsin. Suddenly all these points were declared to

be in doubt. Round the question of the length of time the

Indemnities might be postponed, and the actual amount of the

increase in the Customs Tariff, there appeared to be an

inexplicable muddle largely owing to the intervention of so many

agents and to the fact that the exchange of views had been almost

entirely verbal, unofficial, and secret. It would be wearisome to

analyse a dispute which belongs to the peculiar atmosphere of

Peking diplomacy; but the vast difficulties of making even a

simple decision in China were glaringly illustrated by this

matter. With a large section of the Metropolitan press daily

insisting that the future of democracy in China would be again

imperilled should the Military Party have its own way, small

wonder if the question of a formal declaration of war on Germany

(and Austria) now assumed an entirely different complexion.

On the 1st May, in spite of all these trials and tribulations,

being pressed by the Premier to do so, the Cabinet unanimously

decided that a declaration of war was imperative; and on the 7th

May, after an agreement with the President had been reached,

Parliament received the following dispatch--this method of

communication being the usual one between the executive and

legislative branches of the Government:

The President has the honour to communicate to the House of

Representatives the following proposal. Since the severance of

diplomatic relations with Germany, Germany has continued to

violate the rights of the neutral nations and to damage and cause

losses in life and property to our people as well as to trample on

international law and disregard principles of humanity. For the

purpose of hastening peace, upholding international law and

protecting the life and property of our people, the President is

of the view that it is necessary to declare war on the German

Government. In accordance with Article 35 of the Provisional

Constitution, he now asks for the approval of the House, and

demands--in accordance with Article 21 of the Provisional

Constitution--that the meeting in the House be held in secret.

On 8th May, after hearing a statement made in person by the

Premier, the House of Representatives in secret session referred

the question for examination to the House sitting as a Committee

in order to gain time to make up its mind. On the same day the

Senate sat on the same question. A very heated and bitter

discussion followed in the upper House, not because of any real

disagreement regarding the matter at issue, but because a large

section of Senators were extremely anxious regarding the internal

consequences. This is well-explained by the following written

interpellation which was addressed to the government by a large

number of parliamentarians:

We, the undersigned, hereby address this interpellation to the

Government. As a declaration of war on Germany has become an

object of the foreign policy of the Government, the latter has

held informal meetings to ascertain the views of parliament on the

question; and efforts are being made by the Government to secure

the unanimous support of both Houses for its war policy. In

pursuing this course, the Government appears to believe that its

call for support will be readily complied with by the Houses. But

in our view there are quite a number of members in both Houses who

fail thoroughly to understand the war decision of the Government.

The reason for this is that, according to recent reports, both

foreign and vernacular, the Government has entered into secret

treaties with a "neighbouring country." It is also reported that

secret agents on both sides are active and are travelling between

the two countries. The matter seems to be very grave; and it has

already attracted the attention of Parliament, which in the near

future will discuss the war-issue.

Being in doubt as to the truth of such a report, we hereby request

the Government for the necessary information in the matter. We

also beg to suggest that, if there is any secret diplomatic

agreement, we consider it expedient for the Government to submit

the matter to Parliament for the latter's consideration. This will

enable the members in Parliament to study the question with care

and have a clear understanding of the matter. When this is done,

Parliament will be able to support the Government in the

prosecution of its war policy according to the dictates of

conscience. In this event both Parliament and Government will be

able to co-operate with each other in the solution of the present

diplomatic problem. Troubled not a little with the present

diplomatic situation of the country, we hereby address this

interpellation to the Government in accordance with law. It is

hoped that an answer from the Government will be dispatched to us

within three days from date.

On the 10th May Parliament met in secret session and it was plain

that a crisis had come. Members of the House of Representatives

experienced great difficulties in forcing their way through a mob

of several thousand roughs who surrounded the approaches to

Parliament, many members being hustled if not struck. The mob was

so plainly in control of a secret organization that the House of

Representatives refused to sit. Urgent messages were sent to the

Police and Gendarmerie headquarters for reinforcements of armed

men as a protection, whilst the presence of the Premier was also

demanded. Masses of police were soon on the ground, but whilst

they prevented the mob from entering Parliament and carrying out

their threat of burning the buildings, and murdering the members,

they could not--or would not--disperse the crowds, it transpiring

subsequently that half-a-battalion of infantry in plain clothes

under their officers formed the backbone of the demonstrators.

It was not until nearly dark, after six or seven hours of these

disorderly scenes, that the Premier finally arrived. Cavalry had

meanwhile also been massed on the main street; but it was only

when the report spread that a Japanese reporter had been killed

that the order was finally given to charge the mob and disperse it

by force. This was very rapidly done, as apart from the soldiers

in plain clothes the mass of people belonged to the lowest class,

and had no stomach for a fight, having only been paid to shout. It

was nearly midnight, after twelve hours of isolation and a

foodless day, that the Representatives were able to disperse

without having debated the war-question. The upshot was that with

the exception of the Minister of Education, the Premier found that

his entire Cabinet had resigned, the Ministers being unwilling to

be associated with what had been an attempted coercion of

Parliament carried out by the Military.

The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, however, remained determined to

carry his point, and within a week a second dispatch was sent to

the House of Representatives demanding, in spite of what had

happened, that the declaration of war be immediately brought up

for debate. Meanwhile publication in a leading Peking newspaper of

further details covering Japan's subterranean activities greatly

inflamed the public, and made the Liberal political elements more

determined than ever to stand firm. It was alleged that Count

Terauchi was reviving in a more subtle form Group V of the Twenty-

one Demands of 1915, the latest Japanese proposal taking the form

of a secret Treaty of twenty articles of which the main

stipulations were to be a loan of twenty million yen to China to

reorganize the three main Chinese arsenals under Japanese

guidance, and a further loan of eighty million yen to be expended

on the Japanization of the Chinese army. As a result of this

publication, which rightly or wrongly was declared to be without

foundation, the editor of The Peking Gazette was seized in the

middle of the night and thrown into goal; but Parliament so far

from being intimidated passed the very next day (19th May) a

resolution refusing to consider in any form the declaration of war

against Germany until the Cabinet had been reorganized--which

meant the resignation of General Tuan Chi-jui. A last effort was

made by the reactionary element to jockey the President into

submission by presenting to the Chief Executive a petition from

the Military Governors assembled in Peking demanding the immediate

dissolution of Parliament. On this proposal being absolutely

rejected by the President as wholly unconstitutional, and the

Military Governors soundly rated for their interference, an

ominous calm followed.

Parliament, however, remained unmoved and continued its work.

Although the draft of the Permanent Constitution had been

practically completed, important additions to the text were now

proposed, such additions being designed to increase parliamentary

control and provide every possible precaution against arbitrary

acts in the future. Thus the new provision that a simple vote of

want of confidence in the Cabinet must be followed by the

President either dismissing the Cabinet or dissolving the House of

Representatives--but that the dissolution of the Lower House

could not be ordered without the approval of the Senate--was

generally recognized as necessary to destroy the last vestiges of

the Yuan Shih-kai regime. Furthermore a new article, conferring on

the President the right to dismiss the Premier summarily by

Presidential Mandate without the counter-signature of the other

Cabinet Ministers, completed the disarray of the conservatives who

saw in this provision the dashing of their last hopes. [Footnote:

The final text of the Permanent Constitution as it stood on the

28th May, 1917, will be found in the appendix. Its accuracy has

been guaranteed to the writer by the speakers of the two Houses.]

By the 21st May, the last remaining Cabinet Minister--the

Minister of Education--had resigned and the Premier was left

completely isolated. On the 23rd May the President, relying on the

general support of the nation, summarily dismissed General Tuan

Chi-jui from the Premiership and appointed the veteran diplomat

Dr. Wu Ting-fang to act during the interim period in his stead, at

the same time placing the metropolitan districts under four

trustworthy Generals who were vested with provost-marshals' powers

under a system which gave them command of all the so-called

"precautionary troops" holding the approaches to the capital. The

Military Governors, who a few hours before these events had left

Peking precipitately in a body on the proclaimed mission of

allying themselves with the redoubtable General Chang Hsun at

Hsuchowfu, and threatening the safety of the Republic were,

however, coolly received in the provinces in spite of all their

most bitter attempts to stir up trouble. This, however, as will be

shown, had no influence on their subsequent conduct. The quiet

disappearance of the ex-Premier in the midst of this upheaval

caused the report to spread that all the members of the corrupt

camarilla which had surrounded him were to be arrested, but the

President soon publicly disclaimed any intention of doing so,--

which appears to have been a fatal mistake. It is disheartening to

have to state that nearly all the Allied Legations in Peking had

been in intimate relations with this gang--always excepting the

American Legation whose attitude is uniformly correct--the French

Minister going so far as to entertain the Military Governors and

declare, according to reports in the native press, that Parliament

was of no importance at all, the only important thing being for

China promptly to declare war. That some sort of public

investigation into Peking diplomacy is necessary before there can

be any hope of decent relations between China and the Powers seems

indisputable. [Footnote: Since this was written certain

diplomatists in Peking have been forced to resign.]

Before the end of May the militarists being now desperate,

attempted the old game of inciting the provincial capitals "to

declare their independence," although the mass of the nation was

plainly against them. Some measure of success attended this move,

since the soldiery of the northern provinces obediently followed

their leaders and there was a sudden wild demand for a march on

Peking. A large amount of rolling-stock on the main railways was

seized with this object, the confusion being made worse confounded

by the fierce denunciations which now came from the southernmost

provinces, coupled with their threats to attack the Northern

troops all along the line as soon as they could mobilize.

The month of June opened with the situation more threatening than

it had been for years. Emissaries of the recalcitrant Military

Governors, together with all sorts of "politicals" and disgruntled

generals, gathered in Tientsin--which is 80 miles from Peking--and

openly established a Military Headquarters which they declared

would be converted into a Provisional Government which would seek

the recognition of the Powers. Troops were moved and concentrated

against Peking; fresh demands were made that the President should

dissolve Parliament; whilst the Metropolitan press was suddenly

filled with seditious articles. The President, seeing that the

situation was becoming cataclysmic, was induced, through what

influences is not known, to issue a mandate summoning General

Chang Hsun to Peking to act as a mediator, which was another fatal

move. He arrived in Tientsin with many troops on the 7th June

where he halted and was speedily brought under subversive

influences, sending at once up to Peking a sort of ultimatum which

was simply the old demand for the dissolution of Parliament.

Meanwhile on the 5th June, the United States, which had been

alarmed by these occurrences, had handed China the following Note

hoping thereby to steady the situation:

The Government of the United States learns with the most profound

regret of the dissension in China and desires to express the most

sincere desire that tranquillity and political co-ordination may

be forthwith re-established.

The entry of China into war with Germany--or the continuance of

the status quo of her relations with that Government--are matters

of secondary consideration.

The principal necessity for China is to resume and continue her

political entity, to proceed along the road of national

development on which she has made such marked progress.

With the form of Government in China or the personnel which

administers that Government, the United States has an interest

only in so far as its friendship impels it to be of service to

China. But in the maintenance by China of one Central United and

alone responsible Government, the United States is deeply

interested, and now expresses the very sincere hope that China, in

her own interest and in that of the world, will immediately set

aside her factional political disputes, and that all parties and

persons will work for the re-establishment of a co-ordinate

Government and the assumption of that place among the Powers of

the World to which China is so justly entitled, but the full

attainment of which is impossible in the midst of internal

discord.

The situation had, however, developed so far and so rapidly that

this expression of opinion had little weight. The Vice-President

of the Republic, General Feng Kuo-chang, unwilling or unable to do

anything, had already tendered his resignation from Nanking,

declaring that he would maintain the "neutrality" of the important

area of the lower Yangtsze during this extraordinary struggle; and

his action, strange as it may seem, typified the vast misgivings

which filled every one's mind regarding the mad course of action

which the rebellious camarilla had decided upon.

Until Saturday the 9th June, the President had seemed adamant. On

that day he personally saw foreign press correspondents and

assured them that, in spite of every threat, he would in no

conceivable circumstances attempt the unconstitutional step of

dissolving Parliament,--unconstitutional because the Nanking

Provisional Constitution under which the country was still

governed pending the formal passage of the Permanent Constitution

through Parliament, only provided for the creation of Parliament

as a grand constitutional Drafting Committee but gave no power to

the Chief Executive to dissolve it during its "life" which was

three years. As we have already shown, the period between the coup

d'etat of 4th November, 1913, and the re-convocation of Parliament

on 1st August, 1916, had been treated as a mere interregnum:

therefore until 1918, if the law were properly construed, no power

in the land could interrupt the Parliamentary sessions except

Parliament itself. Parliament, in view of these threatening

developments, had already expressed its willingness (a) to re-

consider certain provisions of the draft constitution in such a

conciliatory manner as to insure the passage of the whole

instrument through both houses within two weeks (b) to alter the

Election Law in such fashion as to conciliate the more

conservative elements in the country (c) to prorogue the second

session (1916-1917) immediately these things were done and after a

very short recess to open the third session (1917-1918) and close

it within three months allowing new elections to be held in the

early months of 1918,--the new Parliament to be summoned in April,

1918, to form itself into a National Convention and elect the

President for the quinquennial period 1918-1923.

All these reasonable plans were knocked on the head on Sunday, the

10th June, by the sudden report that the President having been

peremptorily told that the dissolution of Parliament was the sole

means of saving the Republic and preventing the sack of Peking, as

well as an open armed attempt to restore the boy-emperor Hsuan

Tung, had at last made up his mind to surrender to the inevitable.

He had sealed a Mandate decreeing the dissolution of Parliament

which would be promulgated as soon as it had received the counter-

signature of the acting Premier, Dr. Wu Ting-fang, such counter-

signature being obligatory under Article 45 of the Provisional

Constitution.

At once it became clear again, as happens a thousand times during

every year in the East, that what is not nipped in the bud grows

with such malignant swiftness as finally to blight all honest

intentions. Had steps been taken on or about the 23rd May to

detain forcibly in Peking the ringleader of the recalcitrant

Military Governors, one General Ni Shih-chung of Anhui, history

would have been very different and China spared much national and

international humiliation. Six years of stormy happenings had

certainly bred in the nation a desire for constitutionalism and a

detestation of military domination. But this desire and

detestation required firm leadership. Without that leadership it

was inchoate and powerless, and indeed made furtive by the

constant fear of savage reprisals. A great opportunity had come

and a great opportunity had been lost. President Li Yuan-hung's

personal argument, communicated to the writer, was that in sealing

the Mandate dissolving Parliament he had chosen the lesser of two

evils, for although South China and the Chinese Navy declared they

would defend Parliament to the last, they were far away whilst

large armies were echeloned along the railways leading into Peking

and daily threatening action. The events of the next year or so

must prove conclusively, in spite of what has happened in this

month of June, 1917, that the corrupt power of the sword can no

longer even nominally rule China.

Meanwhile the veteran Dr. Wu Ting-fang, true to his faith,

declared that no power on earth would cause him to sign a Mandate

possessing no legality behind it; and he indeed obstinately

resisted every attempt to seduce him. Although his resignation was

refused he stood his ground manfully, and it became clear that

some other expedient would have to be resorted to. In the small

hours of the 13th June what this was was made clear: by a rapid

reshuffling of the cards Dr. Wu Ting-fang's resignation was

accepted and the general officer commanding the Peking

Gendarmerie, a genial soul named General Chiang Chao-tsung, who

had survived unscathed the vicissitudes of six years of

revolution, was appointed to act in his stead and duly counter-

signed the fateful Mandate which was at once printed and

promulgated at four o'clock in the morning. It has been stated to

the writer that had it not been so issued four battalions of Chang

Hsun's savage pigtailed soldiery, who had been bivouacked for some

days in the grounds of the Temple of Heaven, would have been let

loose on the capital. The actual text of the Mandate proves

conclusively that the President had no hand in its drafting--one

argument being sufficient to prove that, namely the deliberate

ignoring of the fact that Parliament had been called into being by

virture of article 53 of the Nanking Provisional Constitution and

that under article 54 its specific duty was to act as a grand

constitutional conference to draft and adopt the Permanent

Constitution, article 55 furthermore giving Parliament the right

summarily to amend the Provisional Constitution before the

Promulgation of the permanent instrument, should that be

necessary. Provisions of this sort would naturally carry no weight

with generals of the type of Chang Hsun, of whom it is said that

until recent years he possessed only the most elementary

education; but it is a dismal thing to have to record that the

Conservative Party in China should have adopted a platform of

brute force in the year of grace, 1917.

MANDATE DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT

In the 6th month of last year I promulgated a Mandate stating that

in order to make a Constitution it was imperative that Parliament

should be convened. The Republic was inaugurated five years ago

and yet there was no Constitution, which should be the fundamental

law of a nation, therefore it was ordered that Parliament be re-

convened to make the Constitution, etc., at once.

Therefore the main object for the re-convocation of Parliament was

to make a formal constitution for the country. Recently a petition

was received from Meng En-yuen, Tu-chun of Kirin, and others, to

the effect that "in the articles passed by the Constitution

Conference there were several points as follows: 'when the House

of Representatives passes a vote of want of confidence against the

Cabinet Ministers, the President may dismiss the Cabinet

Ministers, or dissolve the said House, but the dissolution of the

House shall have the approval of the Senate.' Again, 'When the

President dismisses his Prime Minister, it is unnecessary for him

to secure the counter-signature of the Cabinet Ministers.' Again

'when a bill is passed by the Two Houses it shall have the force

of the law.' We were surprised to read the above provisions.

"According to the precedents of other nations the Constitution has

never been made by Parliament. If we should desire a good and

workable Constitution, we should seek a fundamental solution.

Indeed Parliament is more important than any other organ in the

country; but when the national welfare is imperilled, we must take

action. As the present Parliament does not care about the national

welfare, it is requested that in view of the critical condition of

the country, drastic measures be taken and both the House of

Representatives and the Senate be dissolved so that they may be

reorganized and the Constitution may be made without any further

delay. Thus the form of the Republican Government be preserved,

etc."

Of late petitions and telegrams have been received from the

military and civil officials, merchants, scholars, etc.,

containing similar demands. The Senate and the House of

Representatives have held the Constitution Conference for about

one year, and the Constitution has not yet been completed.

Moreover at this critical time most of the M.P's. of both Houses

have tendered their resignation. Hence it is impossible to secure

quorums to discuss business. There is therefore no chance to

revise the articles already passed. Unless means be devised to

hasten the making of the Constitution, the heart of the people

will never be satisfied.

I, the President, who desire to comply with the will of the

populace and to consolidate the foundation of the nation, grant

the request of the Tuchuns and the people. It is hereby ordered

that the Senate and the House of Representatives be dissolved, and

that another election be held immediately. Thus a Constitutional

Government can be maintained. It must be pointed out that the

object for the reorganization of Parliament is to hasten the

making of the Constitution, and not to abolish the Legislative

Organ of the Republic. I hope all the citizens of the Republic

will understand my motives.

A great agitation and much public uneasiness followed the

publication of this document; and the parliamentarians, who had

already been leaving Peking in small numbers, now evacuated the

capital en masse for the South. The reasonable and wholly logical

attitude of the Constitutionalists is well-exhibited in the last

Memorandum they submitted to the President some days prior to his

decision to issue the Mandate above-quoted; and a perusal of this

document will show what may be expected in the future. It will be

noted that the revolting Military Governors are boldly termed

rebels and that the constitutional view of everything they may

contrive as from the 13th June, 1917, is that it will be bereft of

all legality and simply mark a fresh interregnum. Furthermore, it

is important to note that the situation is brought back by the

Mandate of the 13th June to where it was on the 6th June, 1916,

with the death of Yuan Shih-kai, and that a period of civil

commotion seems inevitable.

MEMORANDUM

To the President: Our previous memorandum to Your Excellency must

have received your attention. We now beg further to inform you

that the rebels are now practically in an embarrassing predicament

on account of internal differences, the warning of the friendly

Powers, and the protest of the Southwestern provinces. Their

position is becoming daily more and more untenable. If Your

Excellency strongly holds out for another ten days or so, their

movement will collapse.

Some one, however, has the impudence to suggest that with the

entry of Chang Hsun's troops into the Capital, and delay in the

settlement of the question will mean woe and disaster. But to us,

there need be no such fear. As the troops in the Capital have no

mind to oppose the rebels, Tsao Kun and his troops alone will be

adequate for their purposes in the Capital. But now the rebels

troops have been halting in the neighbourhood of the Capital for

the last ten days. This shows that they dare not open hostilities

against the Government, which step will certainly bring about

foreign intervention and incur the strong opposition of the

Southwestern provinces. Having refused to participate in the

rebellion at the invitation of Ni Shih-chung and Chang Tso-lin,

Chang Hsun will certainly not do what Tsao Kun has not dared to

do. But the rebels have secret agents in the Capital to circulate

rumours to frighten the public and we hope that the President will

remain calm and unperturbed, lest it will give an opportunity for

the rebel agents to practise their evil tricks.

Respecting Parliament, its re-assembly was one of the two most

important conditions by means of which the political differences

between the North and the South last year were healed. The

dissolution of Parliament would mean the violation of the terms of

settlement entered into between the North and the South last year

and an open challenge to the South. Would the South remain silent

respecting this outrageous measure? If the South rises in arms

against this measure, what explanation can the Central Government

give? It will only serve to hasten the split between the North and

the South. From a legal point of view, the Power of Government is

vested in the Provisional Constitution. When the Government

exercises power which is not provided for by the Constitution, it

simply means high treason.

Some one has suggested that it would not be an illegal act for the

Government to dissolve Parliament, since it is not provided in the

Provisional Constitution as to how Parliament should be dissolved,

nor does that instrument specifically prohibit the Government from

dissolving Parliament. But this is a misinterpretation. For

instance, the Provisional Constitution has not provided that the

President shall not proclaim himself Emperor, nor does it prohibit

him from so doing. According to such interpretation, it would not

be illegal, if the President were to proclaim himself Emperor of

the country.

In short, the action taken by Ni Shih-chung and others is nothing

short of open rebellion. From the legal point of view, any

suggestion of compromise would be absurd. It has already been a

fatal mistake for the President to have allowed them to do what

they like, and if he again yields to their pressure by dissolving

Parliament, he will be held responsible, when the righteous troops

rise and punish the rebels. If the President, deceived by ignoble

persons, take upon himself to dissolve the assembly, his name will

go down in history as one committing high treason against the

Government, and the author of the break between the North and the

South. The President has been known as the man by whose hands the

Republic was built. We have special regard for his benevolent

character and kind disposition. We are reluctant to see him

intimidated and misled by evil counsels to take a step which will

undo all his meritorious services to the country and shatter the

unique reputation he has enjoyed.

The unrolling of these dramatic events was the signal for the

greatest subterranean activity on the part of the Japanese, who

were now everywhere seen rubbing their hands and congratulating

themselves on the course history was taking. General Tanaka, Vice-

Chief of the Japanese General Staff, who had been on an extensive

tour of inspection in China, SO PLANNED AS TO INCLUDE EVERY

ARSENAL NORTH OF THE YANGTSZE had arrived at the psychological

moment in Peking and was now deeply engaged through Japanese

field-officers in the employ of the Chinese Government, in pulling

every string and in trying to commit the leaders of this

unedifying plot in such a way as to make them puppets of Japan.

The Japanese press, seizing on the American Note of the 5th June

as an excuse, had been belabouring the United States for some days

for its "interference" in Chinese affairs, and also for having

ignored Japan's "special position" in China, which according to

these publicists demanded that no Power take any action in the Far

East, or give any advice, without first consulting Japan. That a

stern correction will have to be offered to this presumption as

soon as the development of the war permits it is certain. But not

only Japanese military officers and journalists were endlessly

busy: so-called Japanese advisers to the Chinese Government had

done their utmost to assist the confusion. Thus Dr. Ariga, the

Constitutional expert, when called in at the last moment for

advice by President Li Yuan-hung had flatly contradicted Dr.

Morrison, who with an Englishman's love of justice and

constitutionalism had insisted that there was only one thing for

the President to do--to be bound by legality to the last no matter

what it might cost him. Dr. Ariga had falsely stated that the

issue was a question of expediency, thus deliberately assisting

the forces of disruption. This is perhaps only what was to be

expected of a man who had advised Yuan Shih-kai to make himself

Emperor--knowing full well that he could never succeed and that

indeed the whole enterprise from the point of view of Japan was an

elaborate trap.

The provincial response to the action taken on the 13th June

became what every one had expected: the Southwestern group of

provinces, with their military headquarters at Canton, began

openly concerting measures to resist not the authority of the

President, who was recognized as a just man surrounded by evil-

minded persons who never hesitated to betray him, but to destroy

the usurping generals and the corrupt camarilla behind them;

whilst the Yangtsze provinces, with their headquarters at Nanking,

which had hitherto been pledged to "neutrality," began secretly

exchanging views with the genuinely Republican South. The group of

Tientsin generals and "politicals," confused by these

developments, remained inactive; and this was no doubt responsible

for the mad coup attempted by the semi-illiterate General Chang

Hsun. In the small hours of July 1st General Chang Hsun, relying

on the disorganization in the capital which we have dealt with in

our preceding account, entered the Imperial City with his troops

by prearrangement with the Imperial Family and at 4 o'clock on the

morning of the 1st July the Manchu boy-emperor Hsuan Tung, who

lost the Throne on the 12th February, 1912, was enthroned before a

small assembly of Manchu nobles, courtiers and sycophantic

Chinese. The capital woke up to find military patrols everywhere

and to hear incredulously that the old order had returned. The

police, obeying instructions, promptly visited all shops and

dwelling-houses and ordered every one to fly the Dragon Flag. In

the afternoon of the same day the following Restoration Edict was

issued, its statements being a tissue of falsehoods, the alleged

memorial from President Li Yuan Hung, which follows the principal

document, being a bare-faced forgery, whilst no single name

inserted in the text save that of Chang Hsun had any right to be

there. There is also every reason to believe that the Manchu court

party was itself coerced, terror being felt from the beginning

regarding the consequences of this mad act which was largely

possible because Peking is a Manchu city.

IMPERIAL EDICT

Issued the 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

While yet in our boyhood the inheritance of the great domain was

unfortunately placed in our possession; and since we were then all

alone, we were unable to weather the numerous difficulties. Upon

the outbreak of the uprising in the year of Hsin Hai, (1911) Our

Empress, Hsiao Ting Chin, owing to her Most High Virtue and Most

Deep Benevolence was unwilling to allow the people to suffer, and

courageously placed in the hands of the late Imperial Councillor,

Yuan Shih-kai, the great dominion which our forefathers had built

up, and with it the lives of the millions of Our People, with

orders to establish a provisional government.

The power of State was thus voluntarily given to the whole country

with the hope that disputes might disappear, disturbances might

stop and the people enabled to live in peace. But ever since the

form of State was changed into a Republic, continuous strife has

prevailed and several wars have taken place. Forcible seizure,

excessive taxation and bribery have been of everyday occurrence.

Although the annual revenue has increased to 400 millions this

amount is still insufficient to meet the needs. The total amount

of foreign obligations has reached a figure of more than ten

thousand millions yet more loans are being contracted. The people

within the seas are shocked by this state of affairs and interest

in life has forsaken them. The step reluctantly taken by Our

Empress Hsiao Ting Chin for the purpose of giving respite to the

people has resulted untowardly in increasing the burdens of Our

People. This indeed Our Empress Hsiao Ting Chin was unable to

foresee, and the result must have made her Spirit in Heaven to

weep sorely. And it is owing to this that we have been praying to

Heaven day and night in the close confines of the palace,

meditating and weeping in silent suffering.

Recently party strife has resulted in war and the country has

remained too long in an unsettled condition. The Republic has

fallen to pieces and means of remedy have been exhausted.

Chang Hsun, Feng Kuo-chang and Lu Yung-ting have jointly

memorialized the Throne stating that the minds of people are

disturbed and they are longing to see the old regime restored, and

asking that the throne be reoccupied in order to comfort the

people.

Chu Hung-chi and others have also memorialized us stating that the

country is in imminent danger and that the people have lost their

faith in the Republic, and asking that we ascend the Throne in

obedience to the mandate of Heaven and man.

Li Yuan Hung has also memorialized the throne, returning the great

power of State to us in order to benefit the country and save the

people.

A persual of the said memorials, which are worded in earnest

terms, has filled our heart with regret and fear. On the one hand

We, being yet in Our boyhood, are afraid to assume the great

responsibilities for the existence of the country but on the other

hand We are unwilling to turn our head away from the welfare of

the millions simply because the step might affect Our own safety.

After weighing the two sides and considering the mandates of

Heaven and man, we have decided reluctantly to comply with the

prayers, and have again occupied the Court to attend to the

affairs of State after resuming possession of the great power on

the 13th day of the 5th moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

A new beginning will be made with our people. Hereafter the

principles of morality and the sacred religion shall be our

constitution in spirit, and order, righteousness, honesty and

conscience will be practised to rebind the minds of the people who

are now without bonds. People high and low will be uniformly

treated with sincerity, and will not depend on obedience of law

alone as the means of co-operation. Administration and orders will

be based on conscientious realization and no one will be allowed

to treat the form of State as material for experiment. At this

time of exhaustion when its vitality is being wasted to the last

drop and the existence of the country is hanging in the balance,

we, as if treading on thin ice over deep waters, dare not in the

slightest degree indulge in license on the principle that the

Sovereign is entitled to enjoyment. It is our wish therefore that

all officials, be they high or low, should purify their hearts and

cleanse themselves of all forms of old corruption, constantly

keeping in mind the real interests of the people. Every bit of

vitality of the people they shall be able to preserve shall go to

strengthen the life of the country for whatever it is worth. Only

by doing so can the danger be averted and Heaven moved by our

sincerity.

THE NINE ARTICLES

Herewith we promulgate the following principal things, which we

must either introduce as reforms or abolish as undesirable in

restoration.

1. We shall obey the edict of Emperor Teh Tsung Chin (Kuang Hsu),

namely, that the sovereign power shall be controlled by the Court

(state) but the detailed administration shall be subject to public

opinion. The country shall be called The Empire of Ta Ching; and

the methods of other constitutional monarchies shall be carefully

copied.

2. The allowance for the Imperial House shall be the same as

before, namely, $4,000,000 per year. The sum shall be paid

annually and not a single cent is to be added.

3. We shall strictly obey the instructions of our forefathers to

the extent that no member of the imperial family shall be allowed

to interfere with administrative affairs.

4. The line of demarcation between Man (Manchu) and Han (Chinese)

shall be positively obliterated. All Manchurian and Mongolian

posts which have already been abolished shall not be restored. As

to intermarrige and change of customs the officials concerned are

hereby commanded to submit their views on the points concerning

them respectively.

5. All treaties and loan agreements, money for which has already

been paid, formally concluded and signed with any eastern and

western countries before this 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th

year of Hsuan Tung, shall continue to be valid.

6. The stamp duty which was introduced by the Republic is hereby

abolished so that the people may be relieved of their burdens. As

to other petty taxes and contributions the Viceroys and Governors

of the provinces are hereby commanded to make investigations and

report on the same for their abolition.

7. The criminal code of the Republic is unsuited to this country.

It is hereby abolished. For the time being the provisional

criminal code as adopted in the first year of Hsuan Tung shall be

observed.

8. The evil custom of political parties is hereby forbidden. Old

political offenders are all pardoned. We shall, however, not be

able to pardon those who deliberately hold themselves aloof and

disturb peace and order.

9. All of our people and officials shall be left to decide for

themselves the custom of wearing or cutting their queues as

commanded in the 9th moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

We swear that we and our people shall abide by these articles. The

Great Heaven and Earth bear witness to our words. Let this be made

known to all.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun, Member of the Imperial Privy

Council.

ALLEGED MEMORIAL BY PRESIDENT LI YUAN HUNG

In a memorial submitted this day, offering to return the sovereign

power of State and praying that we again ascend the throne to

control the great empire, Li Yuan Hung states that some time ago

he was forced by mutinous troops to steal the great throne and

falsely remained at the head of the administration but failed to

do good to the difficult situation. He enumerates the various

evils in the establishment of a Republic and prays that we ascend

the throne to again control the Empire with a view that the people

may thereby be saved. As to himself he awaits punishment by the

properly instituted authorities, etc. As his words are so mournful

and full of remorse they must have been uttered from a sincere

heart. Since it was not his free choice to follow the rebellion,

the fact that he has returned the great power of administration to

us shows that he knows the great principle of righteousness. At

this time of national danger and uncertainty, he has taken the

lead of the people in obeying their sovereign, and decided before

others the plan to save the country from ruin. The merit is indeed

great, and we are highly pleased with his achievement. Li Yuan-

hung is hereby to have conferred on him the dignity of Duke of the

first class so as to show our great appreciation. Let him accept

our Edict and forever receive our blessings.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun, Member of the Privy Council.

PRIVY COUNCIL

At this time of restoration a Privy Council is hereby established

in order that we may be assisted in our duties and that

responsibility may be made definite. Two Under-secretaries of the

Council are also created. Other officials serving outside of the

capital shall remain as under the system in force during the first

year of Hsuan Tung. All civil and military officials who are now

serving at their various posts are hereby commanded to continue in

office as hitherto.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun.

(Hereafter follow many appointments of reactionary Chinese

officials.)

The general stupefaction at the madness of this act and the

military occupation of all posts and telegraph-offices in Peking

allowed 48 hours to go by before the reaction came. On the 2nd

July Edicts still continued to appear attempting to galvanize to

life the corpse of Imperialism and the puzzled populace flew the

Dragon Flag. On the morning of the 3rd, however, the news suddenly

spread that President Li Yuan-hung, who had virtually been made a

prisoner in the Presidential Palace, had escaped at nine o'clock

the night before by motorcar accompanied by two aides-de-camp, and

after attempting to be received at the French Hospital in the

Legation Quarter, had proceeded to the Japanese Legation where he

was offered a suitable residence. On the evening of the 3rd the

Japanese Legation issued the following official communique (in

French) defining its attitude:

TRANSLATION

President Li, accompanied by two members of his staff, came at

9.30 on the evening of July 2 to the residence of General Saito,

Military Attache of the Japanese Legation, and asked protection

from him. He arrived in a spontaneous manner and without previous

notice.

Under these circumstances, the Imperial Japanese Legation,

following international usage, has decided to accord him the

necessary protection and has placed at his disposal a part of the

military barracks.

The Legation further declares that as long as President Li remains

there, it will not permit any political action on his part.

Following this sensational development it became known that

President Li Yuan Hung had completely frustrated the efforts of

the Imperialists by sending away a number of important telegraphic

Mandates by courier to Tientsin as well as the Presidential Seal.

By a masterly move in one of these Mandates General Tuan Chi-jui

was reappointed Premier, whilst Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang was

asked to officiate as President, the arrangements being so

complete as at once to catch Chang Hsun in his own net.

Here is the text of these four historically important messages:

(1) Dated July 1. Today Inspector General Chang Hsun entered the

city with his troops and actually restored the monarchy. He

stopped traffic and sent Liang Ting-fen and others to my place to

persuade me. Yuan-hung refused in firm language and swore that he

would not recognize such a step. It is his hope that the Vice-

President and others will take effective means to protect the

Republic. LI YUAN HUNG.

(2) Dated July 1. As Heaven does not scorn calamity so has the

monarchy been restored. It is said that in an edict issued by the

Ching House it is stated that Yuan-hung had actually memorialized

to return the power of State to the said House. This is an

extraordinary announcement. China changed from autocracy to a

Republic by the unanimous wish of the five races of the country.

Since Yuan-hung was entrusted by the people with the great

responsibilities it is his natural duty to maintain the Republic

to the very end. Nothing more or less than this will he care to

say. He is sending this in order to avoid misunderstanding. LI

YUAN HUNG.

(3) The President to the Vice-President.

To the Vice-President Feng at Nanking--It is to be presumed that

the two telegrams sent on the 1st have safely reached you. I state

with deepest regret and greatest sorrow that as the result of my

lack of ability to handle the situation the political crisis has

eventually affected the form of government. For this Yuan-hung

realizes that he owes the country apology. The situation in Peking

is daily becoming more precarious. Since Yuan-hung is now unable

to exercise his power the continuity of the Republic may be

suddenly interrupted. You are also entrusted by the citizens with

great responsibilities; I ask you to temporarily exercise the

power and functions of the President in your own office in

accordance with the provisions of Article 42 of the Provisional

Constitution and Article 5 of the Presidential Election Law. As

the means of communication is effectively blocked it is feared

that the sending of my seal will meet with difficulty and

obstruction. Tuan Chih-chuan (Tuan Chi-jui) has been appointed

Premier, and is also ordered to temporarily protect the seal, and

later to devise a means to forward it on to you. Hereafter every

thing pertaining to the important question of saving the country

shall be energetically pushed by you and Chih-chuan with utmost

vigour. The situation is pressing and your duty is clear. In great

anxiety and expectation I am sending you this telegram. LI YUAN

HUNG.

(4) Dated July 3. To Vice-President Feng, Tu Chuns and Governors

of the Provinces, Provincial Assemblies, Inspector General Lu:--I

presume that the two telegrams dated 1st and one dated 3rd inst.

have safely reached your place. With bitter remorse to myself I

now make the statement that the political crisis has resulted in

affecting the form of government. Tuan Chih-chuan has been

appointed on the 1st inst. as Premier; and the Vice-President has

been asked to exercise the power and functions of the President in

accordance of office by the Vice-President. Premier Tuan is

authorized to act at his discretion. All the seal and documents

have been sent to Tientsin, and Premier Tuan has been told to keep

and guard the same for the time being. He has also been asked to

forward the same to the Vice-President. The body guards of the

President's Office have suddenly been replaced and I have been

pressed to give up the Three Lakes. Yuan-hung has therefore

removed to a sanctuary. As regards the means to save the country I

trust that you will consult and work unitedly with Vice-President

Feng and Premier Tuan. In great expectation, and with much of my

heart not poured out. LI YUAN HUNG.

Meanwhile, whilst these dramatic events were occurring in Peking,

others no less sensational were taking place in the provinces. The

Tientsin group, suddenly realizing that the country was in danger,

took action very swiftly, disclosing that in spite of all disputes

Republicanism had become very dear to every thinking man in the

country, and that at last it was possible to think of an united

China. The Scholar Liang Chi Chao, spokesman of Chinese

Liberalism, in an extraordinarily able message circularized the

provinces in terms summarizing everything of importance. Beginning

with the fine literary flight that "heaven has refused to

sympathize with our difficulties by allowing traitors to be born"

he ends with the astounding phrase that although he had proposed

to remain silent to the end of his days, "at the sight of the

fallen nest he has, however, spat the stopper out of his throat,"

and he calls upon all China to listen to his words which are

simply that the Republic must be upheld or dissolution will come.

Arms now united with Literature. General Tuan Chi-jui, immediately

accepting the burden placed on him, proceeded to the main

entrenched camp outside Tientsin and assumed command of the troops

massed there, issuing at the same time the following manifesto:

TUAN CHI-JUI'S MANIFESTO

To Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang, Inspector General of Wumin, Tu

Chuns, Governors, Tu-tungs. ...

Heaven is chastening this country by the series of disturbances

that have taken place. Chang Hsun, filled with sinister designs,

has occupied the capital by bringing up his troops under the

pretext of effecting a compromise with the astounding result that

last night the Republican form of government was overthrown. The

question of the form of Government is the very fundamental

principle on which the national existence depends. It requires

assiduous efforts to settle the form of government and once a

decision has been reached on the subject, any attempt to change

the same is bound to bring on unspeakable disasters to the

country. Today the people of China are much more enlightened and

democratic in spirit than ever before. It is, therefore,

absolutely impossible to subjugate the millions by holding out to

the country the majesty of any one family.

When the Republic of China was being founded, the Ching House,

being well aware of the general inclinations of modern peoples,

sincerely and modestly abdicated its power. Believing that such

spirit deserved handsome recognition the people were willing to

place the Ching House under the protection of special treatment

and actually recorded the covenant on paper, whereby contentment

and honour were vouchsafed the Ching House. Of the end of more

than 20 dynasties of Chinese history, none can compare with the

Ching dynasty for peace and safety.

Purely for sake of satisfying his ambitions of self-elevation

Chang Hsun and others have audaciously committed a crime of

inconceivable magnitude and are guilty of high treason. Like Wang

Mang and Tung Tso he seeks to sway the whole nation by utilizing a

young and helpless emperor. Moreover he has given the country to

understand that Li Yuan-hung has memorialized the Ching House that

many evils have resulted from republicanism and that the ex-

emperor should be restored to save the masses. That Chang Hsun has

been guilty of usurpation and forging documents is plain and the

scandal is one that shocks all the world.

Can it be imagined that Chang Hsun is actuated by a patriotic

motive? Surely despotism is no longer tolerated in this stage of

modern civilization. Such a scheme can only provoke universal

opposition. Five years have already passed since the friendly

Powers accorded their recognition of the Chinese Republic and if

we think we could afford to amuse ourselves with changes in the

national fabric, we could not expect foreign powers to put up with

such childishness. Internal strife is bound to invite foreign

intervention and the end of the country will then be near.

Can it be possible that Chang Hsun has acted in the interest of

the Ching House? The young boy-emperor lives in peace and

contentment and has not the slightest idea of ever ruling China

again. It is known that his tutors have been warning him of the

dangers of intriguing for power. That the boy-emperor has been

dragged on the throne entirely against his own wishes is

undeniable. History tells us that no dynasty can live for ever. It

is an unprecedented privilege for the Ching dynasty to be able to

end with the gift of special treatment. How absurd to again place

the Tsing house on the top of a high wall so that it may fall once

more and disappear for ever.

Chi-jui, after his dismissal, resolved not to participate in

political affairs, but as he has had a share, however

insignificant, in the formation of the Chinese Republic, and

having served the Republic for so long he cannot bear to see its

destruction without stretching out a helping hand. Further, he has

been a recipient of favours from the defunct dynasty, and he can

not bear to watch unmoved, the sight of the Ching House being made

the channel of brigandage with suicidal results. Wherever duty

calls, Chi-jui will go in spite of the danger of death. You,

gentlemen, are the pillars of the Republic of China and therefore

have your own duties to perform. In face of this extraordinary

crisis, our indignation must be one. For the interest of the

country we should abide by our oath of unstinted loyalty; and for

the sake of the Tsing House let us show our sympathy by sane and

wise deeds. I feel sure you will put forth every ounce of your

energy and combine your efforts to combat the great disaster.

Though I am a feeble old soldier, I will follow you on the back of

my steed. (Sgd) TUAN CHI-JUI.

Following the publication of this manifesto a general movement of

troops began. On the 5th July the important Peking-Tientsin

railway was reported interrupted forty miles from the capital--at

Langfang which is the station where Admiral Seymour's relief

expedition in 1900 was nearly surrounded and exterminated. Chang

Hsun, made desperate by the swift answer to his coup, had moved

out of Peking in force stiffening his own troops with numbers of

Manchu soldiery, and announcing that he would fight it out to the

bitter end, although this proved as false as the rest had been.

The first collision occurred on the evening of the 5th July and

was disastrous for the King-maker. The whole Northern army, with

the exception of a Manchu Division in Peking, was so rapidly

concentrated on the two main railways leading to the capital that

Chang Hsun's army, hopelessly outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, fell

back after a brief resistance. Chang Hsun himself was plainly

stupefied by the discovery that imperialism of the classic type

was as much out of date in the North as in the South; and within

one week of his coup he was prepared to surrender if his life and

reputation were spared. By the 9th July the position was this: the

Republican forces had surrounded Peking: Chang Hsun had resigned

every appointment save the command of his own troops: the Manchu

Court party had drafted a fresh Edict of Renunciation, but being

terrorized by the pigtailed troops surrounding the Palace did not

dare to issue it.

The usual bargaining now commenced with the Legation Quarter

acting as a species of middleman. No one was anxious to see

warfare carried into the streets of Peking, as not only might this

lead to the massacres of innocent people, but to foreign

complications as well. The novelty had already been seen of a

miniature air-raid on the Imperial city, and the panic that

exploding bombs had carried into the hearts of the Manchu Imperial

Family made them ready not only to capitulate but to run away. The

chief point at issue was, however, not the fate of the monarchy,

which was a dead thing, but simply what was going to happen to

Chang Hsun's head--a matter which was profoundly distressing Chang

Hsun. The Republican army had placed a price of 10,000 pounds on

it, and the firebrands were advocating that the man must be

captured, dead or alive, and suffer decapitation in front of the

Great Dynastic Gate of the Palace as a revenge for his perfidy.

Round this issue a subtle battle raged which was not brought to a

head until the evening of the 11th July, when all attempts at

forcing Chang Hsun to surrender unconditionally having failed, it

was announced that a general attack would be made on his forces at

daylight the next morning.

Promptly at dawn on the 12th July a gun-signal heralded the

assault. Large Republican contingents entered the city through

various Gates, and a storm of firing aroused terror among the

populace. The main body of Chang Hsun's men, entrenched in the

great walled enclosure of the Temple of Heaven, were soon

surrounded, and although it would have been possible for them to

hold out for several days, after a few hours' firing a parley

began and they quietly surrendered. Similarly in the Imperial

city, where Chang Hsun had taken up his residence, this leader, in

spite of his fire-eating declarations, soon fled to the Legation

Quarter and besought an asylum. His men held out until two in the

afternoon, when their resistance collapsed and the cease-fire

sounded. The number of casualties on both sides was infinitesimal,

and thus after eleven days' farce the Manchu dynasty found itself

worse off than ever before. It is necessary, however, not to lose

sight of the main problem in China, which is the establishment of

a united government and a cessation of internecine warfare,--

issues which have been somewhat simplified by Chang Hsun's

escapade, but not solved. That a united government will ultimately

be established is the writer's belief, based on a knowledge of all

the facts. But to attain that further provincial struggles are

inevitable, since China is too large a unit to find common ground

without much suffering and bitterness. President Li Yuan Hung

having declared that nothing would induce him to resume office,

Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang has become the legal successor and

has quietly assumed office. Chang Hsun's abortive coup has already

cleared the air in North China to this extent: that the Manchu

Imperial Family is to be removed from Peking and the Imperial

allowance greatly reduced, whilst the proscription of such out-

and-out imperialists as Kang Yu-wei has destroyed the last

vestiges of public support. Finally the completion of China's

foreign policy, i. e. the declaration of war against Germany and

Austria, has at last been made on the 14th August, 1917, and a

consistent course of action mapped out.