FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

WASHINGTON, _November 14, 1820_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In communicating to you a just view of public affairs at the

commencement of your present labors, I do it with great satisfaction,

because, taking all circumstances into consideration which claim

attention, I see much cause to rejoice in the felicity of our situation.

In making this remark I do not wish to be understood to imply that

an unvaried prosperity is to be seen in every interest of this great

community. In the progress of a nation inhabiting a territory of such

vast extent and great variety of climate, every portion of which is

engaged in foreign commerce and liable to be affected in some degree

by the changes which occur in the condition and regulations of foreign

countries, it would be strange if the produce of our soil and the

industry and enterprise of our fellow-citizens received at all times

and in every quarter an uniform and equal encouragement. This would be

more than we would have a right to expect under circumstances the most

favorable. Pressures on certain interests, it is admitted, have been

felt; but allowing to these their greatest extent, they detract but

little from the force of the remarks already made. In forming a just

estimate of our present situation it is proper to look at the whole in

the outline as well as in the detail. A free, virtuous, and enlightened

people know well the great principles and causes on which their

happiness depends, and even those who suffer most occasionally in their

transitory concerns find great relief under their sufferings from the

blessings which they otherwise enjoy and in the consoling and animating

hope which they administer. From whence do these pressures come? Not

from a government which is founded by, administered for, and supported

by the people. We trace them to the peculiar character of the epoch

in which we live, and to the extraordinary occurrences which have

signalized it. The convulsions with which several of the powers of

Europe have been shaken and the long and destructive wars in which

all were engaged, with their sudden transition to a state of peace,

presenting in the first instance unusual encouragement to our commerce

and withdrawing it in the second even within its wonted limit, could not

fail to be sensibly felt here. The station, too, which we had to support

through this long conflict, compelled as we were finally to become

a party to it with a principal power, and to make great exertions,

suffer heavy losses, and to contract considerable debts, disturbing

the ordinary course of affairs by augmenting to a vast amount the

circulating medium, and thereby elevating at one time the price of

every article above a just standard and depressing it at another below

it, had likewise its due effect.

It is manifest that the pressures of which we complain have proceeded

in a great measure from these causes. When, then, we take into view

the prosperous and happy condition of our country in all the great

circumstances which constitute the felicity of a nation--every

individual in the full enjoyment of all his rights, the Union blessed

with plenty and rapidly rising to greatness under a National Government

which operates with complete effect in every part without being felt

in any except by the ample protection which it affords, and under

State governments which perform their equal share, according to

a wise distribution of power between them, in promoting the public

happiness--it is impossible to behold so gratifying, so glorious a

spectacle without being penetrated with the most profound and grateful

acknowledgments to the Supreme Author of All Good for such manifold and

inestimable blessings. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, I can not

regard the pressures to which I have adverted otherwise than in the

light of mild and instructive admonitions, warning us of dangers to

be shunned in future, teaching us lessons of economy corresponding

with the simplicity and purity of our institutions and best adapted

to their support, evincing the connection and dependence which the

various parts of our happy Union have on each other, thereby augmenting

daily our social incorporation and adding by its strong ties new strength

and vigor to the political; opening a wider range, and with new

encouragement, to the industry and enterprise of our fellow-citizens at

home and abroad, and more especially by the multiplied proofs which it

has accumulated of the great perfection of our most excellent system of

government, the powerful instrument in the hands of our All-merciful

Creator in securing to us these blessings.

Happy as our situation is, it does not exempt us from solicitude and

care for the future. On the contrary, as the blessings which we enjoy

are great, proportionably great should be our vigilance, zeal, and

activity to preserve them. Foreign wars may again expose us to new

wrongs, which would impose on us new duties for which we ought to be

prepared. The state of Europe is unsettled, and how long peace may

be preserved is altogether uncertain; in addition to which we have

interests of our own to adjust which will require particular attention.

A correct view of our relations with each power will enable you to form

a just idea of existing difficulties, and of the measures of precaution

best adapted to them.

Respecting our relations with Spain nothing explicit can now be

communicated. On the adjournment of Congress in May last the minister

plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid was instructed to inform

the Government of Spain that if His Catholic Majesty should then ratify

the treaty this Government would accept the ratification so far as

to submit to the decision of the Senate the question whether such

ratification should be received in exchange for that of the United

States heretofore given. By letters from the minister of the United

States to the Secretary of State it appears that a communication in

conformity with his instructions had been made to the Government of

Spain, and that the Cortes had the subject under consideration. The

result of the deliberations of that body, which is daily expected,

will be made known to Congress as soon as it is received. The friendly

sentiment which was expressed on the part of the United States in the

message of the 9th of May last is still entertained for Spain. Among

the causes of regret, however, which are inseparable from the delay

attending this transaction it is proper to state that satisfactory

information has been received that measures have been recently adopted

by designing persons to convert certain parts of the Province of East

Florida into depots for the reception of foreign goods, from whence

to smuggle them into the United States. By opening a port within the

limits of Florida, immediately on our boundary where there was no

settlement, the object could not be misunderstood. An early accommodation

of differences will, it is hoped, prevent all such fraudulent and

pernicious practices, and place the relations of the two countries

on a very amicable and permanent basis.

The commercial relations between the United States and the British

colonies in the West Indies and on this continent have undergone no

change, the British Government still preferring to leave that commerce

under the restriction heretofore imposed on it on each side. It is

satisfactory to recollect that the restraints resorted to by the United

States were defensive only, intended to prevent a monopoly under British

regulations in favor of Great Britain, as it likewise is to know that

the experiment is advancing in a spirit of amity between the parties.

The question depending between the United States and Great Britain

respecting the construction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent

has been referred by both Governments to the decision of the Emperor of

Russia, who has accepted the umpirage.

An attempt has been made with the Government of France to regulate by

treaty the commerce between the two countries on the principle of

reciprocity and equality. By the last communication from the minister

plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, to whom full power had

been given, we learn that the negotiation had been commenced there; but

serious difficulties having occurred, the French Government had resolved

to transfer it to the United States, for which purpose the minister

plenipotentiary of France had been ordered to repair to this city, and

whose arrival might soon be expected. It is hoped that this important

interest may be arranged on just conditions and in a manner equally

satisfactory to both parties. It is submitted to Congress to decide,

until such arrangement is made, how far it may be proper, on the

principle of the act of the last session which augmented the tonnage

duty on French vessels, to adopt other measures for carrying more

completely into effect the policy of that act.

The act referred to, which imposed new tonnage on French vessels, having

been in force from and after the 1st day of July, it has happened that

several vessels of that nation which had been dispatched from France

before its existence was known have entered the ports of the United

States, and been subject to its operation, without that previous notice

which the general spirit of our laws gives to individuals in similar

cases. The object of that law having been merely to countervail the

inequalities which existed to the disadvantage of the United States

in their commercial intercourse with France, it is submitted also to

the consideration of Congress whether, in the spirit of amity and

conciliation which it is no less the inclination than the policy of the

United States to preserve in their intercourse with other powers, it may

not be proper to extend relief to the individuals interested in those

cases by exempting from the operation of the law all those vessels which

have entered our ports without having had the means of previously

knowing the existence of the additional duty.

The contest between Spain and the colonies, according to the most

authentic information, is maintained by the latter with improved

success. The unfortunate divisions which were known to exist some time

since at Buenos Ayres it is understood still prevail. In no part of

South America has Spain made any impression on the colonies, while in

many parts, and particularly in Venezuela and New Grenada, the colonies

have gained strength and acquired reputation, both for the management

of the war in which they have been successful and for the order of the

internal administration. The late change in the Government of Spain,

by the reestablishment of the constitution of 1812, is an event which

promises to be favorable to the revolution. Under the authority of the

Cortes the Congress of Angostura was invited to open a negotiation

for the settlement of differences between the parties, to which it

was replied that they would willingly open the negotiation provided

the acknowledgment of their independence was made its basis, but not

otherwise. Of further proceedings between them we are uninformed. No

facts are known to this Government to warrant the belief that any of

the powers of Europe will take part in the contest, whence it may be

inferred, considering all circumstances which must have weight in

producing the result, that an adjustment will finally take place on

the basis proposed by the colonies. To promote that result by friendly

counsels with other powers, including Spain herself, has been the

uniform policy of this Government.

In looking to the internal concerns of our country you will, I am

persuaded, derive much satisfaction from a view of the several objects

to which, in the discharge of your official duties, your attention will

be drawn. Among these none holds a more important place than the public

revenue, from the direct operation of the power by which it is raised on

the people, and by its influence in giving effect to every other power

of the Government. The revenue depends on the resources of the country,

and the facility by which the amount required is raised is a strong

proof of the extent of the resources and of the efficiency of the

Government. A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a

just light before you. On the 30th of September, 1815, the funded and

floating debt of the United States was estimated at $119,635,558. If to

this sum be added the amount of 5 per cent stock subscribed to the Bank

of the United States, the amount of Mississippi stock and of the stock

which was issued subsequently to that date, the balances ascertained to

be due to certain States for military services and to individuals for

supplies furnished and services rendered during the late war, the public

debt may be estimated as amounting at that date, and as afterwards

liquidated, to $158,713,049. On the 30th of September, 1820, it amounted

to $91,993,883, having been reduced in that interval by payments

$66,879,165. During this term the expenses of the Government of the

United States were likewise defrayed in every branch of the civil,

military, and naval establishments; the public edifices in this city

have been rebuilt with considerable additions; extensive fortifications

have been commenced, and are in a train of execution; permanent arsenals

and magazines have been erected in various parts of the Union; our Navy

has been considerably augmented, and the ordnance, munitions of war, and

stores of the Army and Navy, which were much exhausted during the war,

have been replenished.

By the discharge of so large a proportion of the public debt and the

execution of such extensive and important operations in so short a

time a just estimate may be formed of the great extent of our national

resources. The demonstration is the more complete and gratifying when it

is recollected that the direct tax and excise were repealed soon after

the termination of the late war, and that the revenue applied to these

purposes has been derived almost wholly from other sources.

The receipts into the Treasury from every source to the 30th of

September last have amounted to $16,794,107.66, whilst the public

expenditures to the same period amounted to $16,871,534.72, leaving in

the Treasury on that day a sum estimated at $1,950,000. For the probable

receipts of the following year I refer you to the statement which will

be transmitted from the Treasury.

The sum of $3,000,000 authorized to be raised by loan by an act of the

last session of Congress has been obtained upon terms advantageous to

the Government, indicating not only an increased confidence in the faith

of the nation, but the existence of a large amount of capital seeking

that mode of investment at a rate of interest not exceeding 5 per cent

per annum.

It is proper to add that there is now due to the Treasury for the sale

of public lands $22,996,545. In bringing this subject to view I consider

it my duty to submit to Congress whether it may not be advisable to

extend to the purchasers of these lands, in consideration of the

unfavorable change which has occurred since the sales, a reasonable

indulgence. It is known that the purchases were made when the price

of every article had risen to its greatest height, and that the

installments are becoming due at a period of great depression. It

is presumed that some plan may be devised by the wisdom of Congress,

compatible with the public interest, which would afford great relief

to these purchasers.

Considerable progress has been made during the present season in

examining the coast and its various bays and other inlets, in the

collection of materials, and in the construction of fortifications for

the defense of the Union at several of the positions at which it has

been decided to erect such works. At Mobile Point and Dauphin Island,

and at the Rigolets, leading to Lake Pontchartrain, materials to

a considerable amount have been collected, and all the necessary

preparations made for the commencement of the works. At Old Point

Comfort, at the mouth of James River, and at the Rip-Rap, on the

opposite shore in the Chesapeake Bay, materials to a vast amount have

been collected; and at the Old Point some progress has been made in the

construction of the fortification, which is on a very extensive scale.

The work at Fort Washington, on this river, will be completed early in

the next spring, and that on the Pea Patch, in the Delaware, in the

course of the next season. Fort Diamond, at the Narrows, in the harbor

of New York, will be finished this year. The works at Boston, New York,

Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and Niagara have been in part repaired,

and the coast of North Carolina, extending south to Cape Fear, has been

examined, as have likewise other parts of the coast eastward of Boston.

Great exertions have been made to push forward these works with the

utmost dispatch possible; but when their extent is considered, with the

important purposes for which they are intended--the defense of the whole

coast, and, in consequence, of the whole interior--and that they are to

last for ages, it will be manifest that a well-digested plan, founded on

military principles, connecting the whole together, combining security

with economy, could not be prepared without repeated examinations

of the most exposed and difficult parts, and that it would also take

considerable time to collect the materials at the several points where

they would be required. From all the light that has been shed on this

subject I am satisfied that every favorable anticipation which has

been formed of this great undertaking will be verified, and that when

completed it will afford very great if not complete protection to our

Atlantic frontier in the event of another war--a protection sufficient

to counterbalance in a single campaign with an enemy powerful at sea the

expense of all these works, without taking into the estimate the saving

of the lives of so many of our citizens, the protection of our towns

and other property, or the tendency of such works to prevent war.

Our military positions have been maintained at Belle Point, on the

Arkansas, at Council Bluffs, on the Missouri, at St. Peters, on the

Mississippi, and at Green Bay, on the upper Lakes. Commodious barracks

have already been erected at most of these posts, with such works as

were necessary for their defense. Progress has also been made in opening

communications between them and in raising supplies at each for the

support of the troops by their own labor, particularly those most

remote.

With the Indians peace has been preserved and a progress made in

carrying into effect the act of Congress making an appropriation for

their civilization, with the prospect of favorable results. As connected

equally with both these objects, our trade with those tribes is thought

to merit the attention of Congress. In their original state game

is their sustenance and war their occupation, and if they find no

employment from civilized powers they destroy each other. Left to

themselves their extirpation is inevitable. By a judicious regulation of

our trade with them we supply their wants, administer to their comforts,

and gradually, as the game retires, draw them to us. By maintaining

posts far in the interior we acquire a more thorough and direct control

over them, without which it is confidently believed that a complete

change in their manners can never be accomplished. By such posts, aided

by a proper regulation of our trade with them and a judicious civil

administration over them, to be provided for by law, we shall, it is

presumed, be enabled not only to protect our own settlements from their

savage incursions and preserve peace among the several tribes, but

accomplish also the great purpose of their civilization.

Considerable progress has also been made in the construction of ships of

war, some of which have been launched in the course of the present year.

Our peace with the powers on the coast of Barbary has been preserved,

but we owe it altogether to the presence of our squadron in the

Mediterranean. It has been found equally necessary to employ some of

our vessels for the protection of our commerce in the Indian Sea, the

Pacific, and along the Atlantic coast. The interests which we have

depending in those quarters, which have been much improved of late, are

of great extent and of high importance to the nation as well as to the

parties concerned, and would undoubtedly suffer if such protection was

not extended to them. In execution of the law of the last session for

the suppression of the slave trade some of our public ships have also

been employed on the coast of Africa, where several captures have

already been made of vessels engaged in that disgraceful traffic.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 1: James Monroe · 第 154 / 442 题