JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _May 9, 1820_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I communicate to Congress a correspondence which has taken place

between the Secretary of State and the envoy extraordinary and

minister plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty since the message

of the 27th March last, respecting the treaty which was concluded

between the United States and Spain on the 22d February, 1819.

After the failure of His Catholic Majesty for so long a time to ratify

the treaty, it was expected that this minister would have brought with

him the ratification, or that he would have been authorized to give

an order for the delivery of the territory ceded by it to the United

States. It appears, however, that the treaty is still unratified and

that the minister has no authority to surrender the territory. The

object of his mission has been to make complaints and to demand

explanations respecting an imputed system of hostility on the part of

citizens of the United States against the subjects and dominions of

Spain, and an unfriendly policy in their Government, and to obtain new

stipulations against these alleged injuries as the condition on which

the treaty should be ratified.

Unexpected as such complaints and such a demand were under existing

circumstances, it was thought proper, without compromising the

Government as to the course to be pursued, to meet them promptly and to

give the explanations that were desired on every subject with the utmost

candor. The result has proved what was sufficiently well known before,

that the charge of a systematic hostility being adopted and pursued by

citizens of the United States against the dominions and subjects of

Spain is utterly destitute of foundation, and that their Government in

all its branches has maintained with the utmost rigor that neutrality in

the civil war between Spain and the colonies which they were the first

to declare. No force has been collected nor incursions made from within

the United States against the dominions of Spain, nor have any naval

equipments been permitted in favor of either party against the other.

Their citizens have been warned of the obligations incident to the

neutral condition of their country; their public officers have been

instructed to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and severe

examples have been made of some who violated them.

In regard to the stipulation proposed as the condition of the

ratification of the treaty, that the United States shall abandon the

right to recognize the revolutionary colonies in South America, or to

form other relations with them when in their judgment it may be just and

expedient so to do, it is manifestly so repugnant to the honor and even

to the independence of the United States that it has been impossible

to discuss it. In making this proposal it is perceived that His

Catholic Majesty has entirely misconceived the principles on which

this Government has acted in being a party to a negotiation so long

protracted for claims so well founded and reasonable, as he likewise has

the sacrifices which the United States have made, comparatively, with

Spain in the treaty to which it is proposed to annex so extraordinary

and improper a condition.

Had the minister of Spain offered an unqualified pledge that the treaty

should be ratified by his Sovereign on being made acquainted with the

explanations which had been given by this Government, there would have

been a strong motive for accepting and submitting it to the Senate for

their advice and consent, rather than to resort to other measures for

redress, however justifiable and proper; but he gives no such pledge;

oil the contrary, he declares explicitly that the refusal of this

Government to relinquish the right of judging and acting for itself

hereafter, according to circumstances, in regard to the Spanish

colonies, a right common to all nations, has rendered it impossible for

him under his instructions to make such engagement. He thinks that his

Sovereign will be induced by his communications to ratify the treaty,

but still he leaves him free either to adopt that measure or to decline

it. He admits that the other objections are essentially removed and will

not in themselves prevent the ratification, provided the difficulty on

the third point is surmounted. The result, therefore, is that the treaty

is declared to have no obligation whatever; that its ratification is

made to depend not on the considerations which led to its adoption and

the conditions which it contains, but on a new article unconnected with

it, respecting which a new negotiation must be opened, of indefinite

duration and doubtful issue.

Under this view of the subject the course to be pursued would appear to

be direct and obvious if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state

in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an

important change has since taken place in the Government of that country

which can not fail to be sensibly felt in its intercourse with other

nations. The minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to

act in consequence of that change. With him, however, under his present

powers nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now

be assumed on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their

interest and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the

late mission. We may at pleasure occupy the territory which was intended

and provided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long

since sustained by our citizens; but still, nothing could be settled

definitively without a treaty between the two nations. Is this the time

to make the pressure? If the United States were governed by views of

ambition and aggrandizement, many strong reasons might be given in its

favor; but they have no objects of that kind to accomplish, none which

are not founded in justice and which can be injured by forbearance.

Great hope is entertained that this change will promote the happiness of

the Spanish nation. The good order, moderation, and humanity which have

characterized the movement are the best guaranties of its success.

The United States would not be justified in their own estimation should

they take any step to disturb its harmony. When the Spanish Government

is completely organized on the principles of this change, as it is

expected it soon will be, there is just ground to presume that our

differences with Spain will be speedily and satisfactorily settled.

With these remarks I submit it to the wisdom of Congress whether it will

not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until

the next session.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 1: James Monroe · 第 146 / 442 题