JAMES MONROE.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I have the satisfaction to inform Congress that the establishment at

Amelia Island has been suppressed, and without the effusion of blood.

The papers which explain this transaction I now lay before Congress.

By the suppression of this establishment and of that at Galveztown,

which will soon follow; if it has not already ceased to exist, there is

good cause to believe that the consummation of a project fraught with

much injury to the United States has been prevented.

When we consider the persons engaged in it, being adventurers from

different countries, with very few, if any, of the native inhabitants

of the Spanish colonies; the territory on which the establishments were

made--one on a portion of that claimed by the United States westward

of the Mississippi, the other on a part of East Florida, a Province

in negotiation between the United States and Spain; the claim of their

leader as announced by his proclamation on taking possession of Amelia

Island, comprising the whole of both the Floridas, without excepting

that part of West Florida which is incorporated into the State of

Louisiana; their conduct while in the possession of the island making it

instrumental to every species of contraband, and, in regard to slaves,

of the most odious and dangerous character, it may fairly be concluded

that if the enterprise had succeeded on the scale on which it was formed

much annoyance and injury would have resulted from it to the United

States.

Other circumstances were thought to be no less deserving of attention.

The institution of a government by foreign adventurers in the island,

distinct from the colonial governments of Buenos Ayres, Venezuela, or

Mexico, pretending to sovereignty and exercising its highest offices,

particularly in granting commissions to privateers, were acts which

could not fail to draw after them the most serious consequences. It was

the duty of the Executive either to extend to this establishment all the

advantages of that neutrality which the United States had proclaimed,

and have observed in favor of the colonies of Spain who, by the strength

of their own population and resources, had declared their independence

and were affording strong proof of their ability to maintain it, or of

making the discrimination which circumstances required.

Had the first course been pursued, we should not only have sanctioned

all the unlawful claims and practices of this pretended Government

in regard to the United States, but have countenanced a system of

privateering in the Gulf of Mexico and elsewhere the ill effects of

which might, and probably would, have been deeply and very extensively

felt.

The path of duty was plain from the commencement, but it was painful to

enter upon it while the obligation could be resisted. The law of 1811,

lately published, and which it is therefore proper now to mention, was

considered applicable to the case from the moment that the proclamation

of the chief of the enterprise was seen, and its obligation was daily

increased by other considerations of high importance already mentioned,

which were deemed sufficiently strong in themselves to dictate the

course which has been pursued.

Early intimation having been received of the dangerous purposes of these

adventurers, timely precautions were taken by the establishment of a

force near the St. Marys to prevent their effect, or it is probable that

it would have been more sensibly felt.

To such establishments, made so near to our settlements in the

expectation of deriving aid from them, it is particularly gratifying

to find that very little encouragement was given. The example so

conspicuously displayed by our fellow-citizens that their sympathies

can not be perverted to improper purposes, but that a love of country,

the influence of moral principles, and a respect for the laws are

predominant with them, is a sure pledge that all the very flattering

anticipations which have been formed of the success of our institutions

will be realized. This example has proved that if our relations with

foreign powers are to be changed it must be done by the constituted

authorities, who alone, acting on a high responsibility, are competent

to the purpose, and until such change is thus made that our

fellow-citizens will respect the existing relations by a faithful

adherence to the laws which secure them.

Believing that this enterprise, though undertaken by persons some

of whom may have held commissions from some of the colonies, was

unauthorized by and unknown to the colonial governments, full confidence

is entertained that it will be disclaimed by them, and that effectual

measures will be taken to prevent the abuse of their authority in all

cases to the injury of the United States.

For these injuries, especially those proceeding from Amelia Island,

Spain would be responsible if it was not manifest that, though committed

in the latter instance through her territory, she was utterly unable to

prevent them. Her territory, however, ought not to be made instrumental,

through her inability to defend it, to purposes so injurious to the

United States. To a country over which she fails to maintain her

authority, and which she permits to be converted to the annoyance of her

neighbors, her jurisdiction for the time necessarily ceases to exist.

The territory of Spain will nevertheless be respected so far as it may

be done consistently with the essential interests and safety of the

United States. In expelling these adventurers from these posts it was

not intended to make any conquest from Spain or to injure in any degree

the cause of the colonies. Care will be taken that no part of the

territory contemplated by the law of 1811 shall be occupied by a

foreign government of any kind, or that injuries of the nature of

those complained of shall be repeated; but this, it is expected, will

be provided for with every other interest in a spirit of amity in the

negotiation now depending with the Government of Spain.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 1: James Monroe · 第 32 / 442 题