_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
At no period of our political existence had we so much cause to
felicitate ourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our
country. The abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An
extensive and profitable commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The
public credit has attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations
for defense in case of future wars, from which, by the experience
of all nations, we ought not to expect to be exempted, are advancing
under a well-digested system with all the dispatch which so important
a work will admit. Our free Government, founded on the interest and
affections of the people, has gained and is daily gaining strength.
Local jealousies are rapidly yielding to more generous, enlarged, and
enlightened views of national policy. For advantages so numerous and
highly important it is our duty to unite in grateful acknowledgments
to that Omnipotent Being from whom they are derived, and in unceasing
prayer that He will endow us with virtue and strength to maintain and
hand them down in their utmost purity to our latest posterity.
I have the satisfaction to inform you that an arrangement which had
been commenced by my predecessor with the British Government for the
reduction of the naval force by Great Britain and the United States on
the Lakes has been concluded, by which it is provided that neither party
shall keep in service on Lake Champlain more than one vessel, on Lake
Ontario more than one, and on Lake Erie and the upper lakes more than
two, to be armed each with one cannon only, and that all the other armed
vessels of both parties, of which an exact list is interchanged, shall
be dismantled. It is also agreed that the force retained shall be
restricted in its duty to the internal purposes of each party, and
that the arrangement shall remain in force until six months shall have
expired after notice given by one of the parties to the other of its
desire that it should terminate. By this arrangement useless expense
on both sides and, what is of still greater importance, the danger of
collision between armed vessels in those inland waters, which was great,
is prevented.
I have the satisfaction also to state that the commissioners under the
fourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide
to which party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged
under the treaty of 1783, have agreed in a report, by which all the
islands in the possession of each party before the late war have been
decreed to it. The commissioners acting under the other articles of the
treaty of Ghent for the settlement of boundaries have also been engaged
in the discharge, of their respective duties, but have not yet completed
them. The difference which arose between the two Governments under that
treaty respecting the right of the United States to take and cure fish
on the coast of the British provinces north of our limits, which had
been secured by the treaty of 1783, is still in negotiation. The
proposition made by this Government to extend to the colonies of Great
Britain the principle of the convention of London, by which the commerce
between the ports of the United States and British ports in Europe had
been placed on a footing of equality, has been declined by the British
Government. This subject having been thus amicably discussed between
the two Governments, and it appearing that the British Government
is unwilling to depart from its present regulations, it remains for
Congress to decide whether they will make any other regulations in
consequence thereof for the protection and improvement of our
navigation.
The negotiation with Spain for spoliations on our commerce and the
settlement of boundaries remains essentially in the state it held by the
communications that were made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been
evidently the policy of the Spanish Government to keep the negotiation
suspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an
amicable disposition toward Spain and in the expectation that her
Government would, from a sense of justice, finally accede to such an
arrangement as would be equal between the parties. A disposition has
been lately shown by the Spanish Government to move in the negotiation,
which has been met by this Government, and should the conciliatory
and friendly policy which has invariably guided our councils be
reciprocated, a just and satisfactory arrangement maybe expected. It
is proper, however, to remark that no proposition has yet been made
from which such a result can be presumed.
It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and
the colonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It
was natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected
their neighbors. It seemed probable also that the prosecution of the
conflict along our coast and in contiguous countries would occasionally
interrupt our commerce and otherwise affect the persons and property of
our citizens. These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have
been received from persons acting under authority of both the parties,
and for which redress has in most instances been withheld. Through every
stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an impartial
neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money, ships,
or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light
of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between
parties nearly equal, having as to neutral powers equal rights. Our
ports have been open to both, and every article the fruit of our soil
or of the industry of our citizens which either was permitted to take
has been equally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their
independence, it is proper now to state that this Government neither
seeks nor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise
which will not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will
in that event become independent states, free from any obligation to or
connection with us which it may not then be their interest to form on
the basis of a fair reciprocity.
In the summer of the present year an expedition was set on foot against
East Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of
the colonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of
the St. Marys River, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As
this Province lies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the
United States and the ocean on every side, and has been a subject of
negotiation with the Government of Spain as an indemnity for losses by
spoliation or in exchange for territory of equal value westward of the
Mississippi, a fact well known to the world, it excited surprise that
any countenance should be given to this measure by any of the colonies.
As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the friendly relations
existing between the United States and the colonies, a doubt was
entertained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of them.
This doubt has gained strength by the circumstances which have unfolded
themselves in the prosecution of the enterprise, which have marked it as
a mere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and commenced with an
incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what might be
drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits; and of late, as
their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of
unfriendliness to us, the island being made a channel for the illicit
introduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for
fugitive slaves from the neighboring States, and a port for smuggling of
every kind.
A similar establishment was made at an earlier period by persons of the
same description in the Gulf of Mexico at a place called Galvezton,
within the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession
of Louisiana. This enterprise has been marked in a more signal manner by
all the objectionable circumstances which characterized the other, and
more particularly by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our
commerce, and by smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned
by any authority whatever, which is not believed, have abused their
trust and forfeited all claim to consideration. A just regard for the
rights and interests of the United States required that they should be
suppressed, and orders have been accordingly issued to that effect. The
imperious considerations which produced this measure will be explained
to the parties whom it may in any degree concern.
To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United
States are interested; to inspire just sentiments in all persons in
authority, on either side, of our friendly disposition so far as it may
comport with an impartial neutrality, and to secure proper respect to
our commerce in every port and from every flag, it has been thought
proper to send a ship of war with three distinguished citizens along the
southern coast with instruction to touch at such ports as they may find
most expedient for these purposes. With the existing authorities, with
those in the possession of and exercising the sovereignty, must the
communication be held; from them alone can redress for past injuries
committed by persons acting under them be obtained; by them alone can
the commission of the like in future be prevented.
Our relations with the other powers of Europe have experienced no
essential change since the last session. In our intercourse with each
due attention continues to be paid to the protection of our commerce,
and to every other object in which the United States are interested.
A strong hope is entertained that, by adhering to the maxims of a just,
a candid, and friendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations
with all the powers of Europe on conditions advantageous and honorable
to our country.
With the Barbary States and the Indian tribes our pacific relations have
been preserved.
In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country the
view which they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which
have been made into the Treasury show the very productive state of the
public revenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for
the support of the civil Government and of the military and naval
establishments, embracing suitable provision for fortifications and for
the gradual increase of the Navy, paying the interest of the public
debt, and extinguishing more than eighteen millions of the principal,
within the present year, it is estimated that a balance of more than
$6,000,000 will remain in the Treasury on the 1st day of January
applicable to the current service of the ensuing year.
The payments into the Treasury during the year 1818 on account of
imposts and tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have
accrued in the present year, may be fairly estimated at $20,000,000;
the internal revenues at $2,500,000; the public lands at $1,500,000;
bank dividends and incidental receipts at $500,000; making in the
whole $24,500,000.
The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil Government
and of the Army and Navy, as now established by law, amounts to
$11,800,000, and for the sinking fund to $10,000,000, making in the
whole $21,800,000, leaving an annual excess of revenue beyond the
expenditure of $2,700,000, exclusive of the balance estimated to be
in the Treasury on the 1st day of January, 1818.
In the present state of the Treasury the whole of the Louisiana debt
maybe redeemed in the year 1819, after which, if the public debt
continues as it now is, above par, there will be annually about five
millions of the sinking fund unexpended until the year 1825, when the
loan of 1812 and the stock created by funding Treasury notes will be
redeemable.
It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be discharged
during the year 1819 from the proceeds of the public lands assigned to
that object, after which the receipts from those lands will annually
add to the public revenue the sum of one million and a half, making the
permanent annual revenue amount to $26,000,000, and leaving an annual
excess of revenue after the year 1819 beyond the permanent authorized
expenditure of more than $4,000,000.
By the last returns to the Department of War the militia force of the
several States may be estimated at 800,000 men--infantry, artillery, and
cavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to
arm the whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of
the militia is one of the great objects which claims the unremitted
attention of Congress.
The regular force amounts nearly to the number required by law, and is
stationed along the Atlantic and inland frontiers.
Of the naval force it has been necessary to maintain strong squadrons in
the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico.
From several of the Indian tribes inhabiting the country bordering on
Lake Erie purchases have been made of lands on conditions very favorable
to the United States, and, as it is presumed, not less so to the tribes
themselves.
By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate reservations, has
been extinguished to the whole of the land within the limits of the
State of Ohio, and to a part of that in the Michigan Territory and of
the State of Indiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased
in the State of Georgia and an arrangement made by which, in exchange
for lands beyond the Mississippi, a great part, if not the whole, of the
land belonging to that tribe eastward of that river in the States of
North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee, and in the Alabama Territory
will soon be acquired. By these acquisitions, and others that may
reasonably be expected soon to follow, we shall be enabled to extend our
settlements from the inhabited parts of the State of Ohio along Lake
Erie into the Michigan Territory, and to connect our settlements by
degrees through the State of Indiana and the Illinois Territory to
that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect will soon
be produced to the south, through the whole extent of the States and
territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and
the Mobile. In this progress, which the rights of nature demand and
nothing can prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty
to make new efforts for the preservation, improvement, and civilization
of the native inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast
uncultivated desert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and
greater force of civilized population; and of right it ought to yield,
for the earth was given to mankind to support the greatest number of
which it is capable, and no tribe or people have a right to withhold
from the wants of others more than is necessary for their own support
and comfort. It is gratifying to know that the reservations of land made
by the treaties with the tribes on Lake Erie were made with a view to
individual ownership among them and to the cultivation of the soil by
all, and that an annual stipend has been pledged to supply their other
wants. It will merit the consideration of Congress whether other
provision not stipulated by treaty ought to be made for these tribes and
for the advancement of the liberal and humane policy of the United
States toward all the tribes within our limits, and more particularly
for their improvement in the arts of civilized life.
Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to those which
have preceded, the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland
frontiers is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting
of our own people, thus planted on the Lakes, the Mississippi, and
the Mobile, with the protection to be derived from the regular force,
Indian hostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth
lose their terror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will
not be necessary, and the expense attending them may be saved. A people
accustomed to the use of firearms only, as the Indian tribes are,
will shun even moderate works which are defended by cannon. Great
fortifications will therefore be requisite only in future along the
coast and at some points in the interior connected with it. On these
will the safety of our towns and the commerce of our great rivers, from
the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi, depend. On these, therefore, should
the utmost attention, skill, and labor be bestowed.
A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public
lands, proceeding from these and other obvious causes, may henceforward
be expected. The difficulties attending early emigrations will be
dissipated even in the most remote parts. Several new States have been
admitted into our Union to the west and south, and Territorial
governments, happily organized, established over every other portion in
which there is vacant land for sale. In terminating Indian hostilities,
as must soon be done, in a formidable shape at least, the emigration,
which has heretofore been great, will probably increase, and the demand
for land and the augmentation in its value be in like proportion. The
great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone produce
an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt as in
those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which ought
to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation. The nation
should therefore derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise
in their value. Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants
consistent with a fair competition between them, but that competition
should operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather
than of individuals. Great capitalists will derive all the benefit
incident to their superior wealth under any mode of sale which may be
adopted. But if, looking forward to the rise in the value of the public
lands, they should have the opportunity of amassing at a low price vast
bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue to them and not to the
public. They would also have the power in that degree to control the
emigration and settlement in such a manner as their opinion of their
respective interests might dictate. I submit this subject to the
consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in
the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should
any be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapted to the
object.
When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States,
the great amount and value of its productions, the connection of its
parts, and other circumstances on which their prosperity and happiness
depend, we can not fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be
derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse
between them by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of
such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind,
nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this
subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may
be a disposition to revive it at the present, I have brought it into
view for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very important
circumstance connected with it with that freedom and candor which a
regard for the public interest and a proper respect for Congress
require. A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation
of our Constitution to the present time among our most enlightened and
virtuous citizens respecting the right of Congress to establish such a
system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now
honored, it would be improper after what has passed that this discussion
should be revived with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the
right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject
all the deliberation which its great importance and a just sense of my
duty required, and the result is a settled conviction in my mind that
Congress do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the
specified powers granted to Congress, nor can I consider it incidental
to or a necessary means, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying
into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In
communicating this result I can not resist the obligation which I feel
to suggest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the States
the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution which shall give to
Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction,
especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and
origin of our institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them,
to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may
confidently rely that if it appears to their satisfaction that the power
is necessary, it will always be granted.
In this case I am happy to observe that experience has afforded the most
ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation
and harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union promises
to such a recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think
proper to suggest also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be
recommended to the States to include in the amendment sought a right
in Congress to institute likewise seminaries of learning, for the
all-important purpose of diffusing knowledge among our fellow-citizens
throughout the United States.
Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The
capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in
the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great
value. Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement is
connected with the high interests of the nation.
Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as
circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is
not yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that
the two wings, the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared for
that purpose at the next session. The time seems now to have arrived
when this subject may be deemed worthy the attention of Congress on
a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of the middle
building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Congress,
of the committees, and various offices belonging to it. It is evident
that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient for the
accommodation of the several Executive Departments, some of whom are
much crowded and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in
private buildings at some distance from the head of the Department,
and with inconvenience to the management of the public business. Most
nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and
ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that
respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the
establishment of a permanent residence for the National Government and
the spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted show that
such improvement was thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its
central position, between the northern and southern extremes of our
Union, and its approach to the west at the head of a great navigable
river which interlocks with the Western waters, prove the wisdom of the
councils which established it.
Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper than that convenient
accommodation should be provided on a well-digested plan for the
heads of the several Departments and for the Attorney-General, and
it is believed that the public ground in the city applied to these
objects will be found amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the
consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in
it as to them may seem proper.
In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention
is drawn with peculiar interest to the surviving officers and soldiers
of our Revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed by their
services to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens
have paid the debt of nature and gone to repose. It is believed that
among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws,
who are reduced to indigence and even to real distress. These men have a
claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their
country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more and the
opportunity will be forever lost; indeed, so long already has been the
interval that the number to be benefited by any provision which may be
made will not be great.
It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from
imposts and tonnage and from the sale of the public lands will be fully
adequate to the support of the civil Government, of the present military
and naval establishments, including the annual augmentation of the
latter to the extent provided for, to the payment of the interest of the
public debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized,
without the aid of the internal taxes, I consider it my duty to
recommend to Congress their repeal. To impose taxes when the public
exigencies require them is an obligation of the most sacred character,
especially with a free people. The faithful fulfillment of it is among
the highest proofs of their virtue and capacity for self-government.
To dispense with taxes when it may be done with perfect safety is
equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance we have
the satisfaction to know that they were imposed when the demand was
imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary fidelity. I have to
add that however gratifying it may be to me regarding the prosperous and
happy condition of our country to recommend the repeal of these taxes at
this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events, and, should any
future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such measures and
burdens as may then be requisite and proper.