readiness at Pitsani Camp.
The troops were paraded, and Dr. Jameson read the letter of
invitation from Johannesburg.
He then explained to the force _(a)_ that no hostilities were
intended; _(b)_ that we should only fight if forced to do so in
self-defence; _(c)_ that neither the persons nor property of
inhabitants of the Transvaal were to be molested; _(d)_ that our sole
object was to help our fellow-men in their extremity, and to ensure
their obtaining attention to their just demands.
Dr. Jameson's speech was received with the greatest enthusiasm by the
men, who cheered most heartily.
The above programme was strictly adhered to until the column was
fired upon on the night of the 31st.
Many Boers, singly and in small parties, were encountered on the line
of march; to one and all of these the pacific nature of the
expedition was carefully explained.
[Start from Pitsani.]
The force left Pitsani Camp at 6.30 p.m., December 29, and marched
through the night.
At 5.15 a.m. on the morning of the 30th the column reached the
village of Malmani (39 miles distant from Pitsani).
[Junction effected at Malmani with B.B.P.]
Precisely at the same moment the advanced guard of the Mafeking
Column (under Colonel Grey) reached the village, and the junction was
effected between the two bodies.
For details of the composition of the combined force, as also for
general particulars of the march to Krugersdorp, see sketch of the
route and schedule attached (marked A. and B. respectively).
[Defile at lead-mines passed.]
From Malmani I pushed on as rapidly as possible in order to cross in
daylight the very dangerous defile at Lead Mines. This place, distant
71 miles from Pitsani, was passed at 5.30 p.m., December 30.
I was subsequently informed that a force of several hundred Boers,
sent from Lichtenburg to intercept the force at this point, missed
doing so by three hours only.
[Letter from Commandant-General.]
At our next 'off-saddle' Dr. Jameson received a letter from the
Commandant-General of the Transvaal demanding to know the reason of
our advance, and ordering us to return immediately. A reply was sent
to this, explaining Dr. Jameson's reasons in the same terms as those
used to the force at Pitsani.
[Letter from High Commissioner.]
At Doornport (91 miles from Pitsani), during an 'off-saddle' early on
Tuesday morning, December 31, a mounted messenger overtook us, and
presented a letter from the High Commissioner, which contained an
order to Dr. Jameson and myself to return at once to Mafeking and
Pitsani.
[Reasons for not retreating.]
A retreat by now was out of the question, and to comply with these
instructions an impossibility. In the first place, there was
absolutely no food for men or horses along the road which we had
recently followed; secondly, three days at least would be necessary
for our horses, jaded with forced marching, to return; on the road
ahead we were sure of finding, at all events, some food for man and
beast. Furthermore, we had by now traversed almost two-thirds of the
total distance; a large force of Boers was known to be intercepting
our retreat, and we were convinced that any retrograde movement would
bring on an attack of Boers from all sides.
It was felt, therefore, that to ensure the safety of our little
force, no alternative remained but to push on to Krugersdorp to our
friends, who we were confident would be awaiting our arrival there.
Apart from the above considerations, even had it been possible to
effect a retreat from Doornport, we knew that Johannesburg had risen,
and felt that by turning back we should be shamefully deserting those
coming to meet us.
[They could not possibly _know_ it, because the rising--_i.e._
the public arming and moving of men--only began at the very hour
they claim to have _known_ it, and because the first news from
Johannesburg only reached them 24 hours later by the two cyclists
'Oh what a tangled web we weave, when--']
Finally, it appeared to us impossible to turn back, in view of the
fact that we had been urgently called in to avert a massacre, which
we had been assured would be imminent in the event of a crisis such
as had now occurred.
[_Vide_ the telegrams and messages to stop! How noble!]
[Boer scouts.]
Near Boon's store, on the evening of the 31st, an advanced patrol
fell in with Lieutenant Eloff, of the Krugersdorp Volunteers. This
officer, in charge of a party of 15 scouts, had come out to gain
intelligence of our movements. He was detained whilst our intentions
were fully explained to him, and then released at Dr. Jameson's
request.
[First skirmish New Year's Eve.]
At midnight (New Year's Eve), while the advanced scouts were crossing
a rocky wooded ridge at right angles to and barring the line of
advance, they were fired on by a party of 40 Boers, who had posted
themselves in this position. The scouts, reinforced by the advanced
guard, under Inspector Straker, drove off their assailants after a
short skirmish, during which one trooper of the M.M.P. was wounded.
At Van Oudtshoorn's, early on the following morning (January 1), Dr.
Jameson received a second letter from the High Commissioner, to which
he replied in writing.
At 9.30 a.m. the march was resumed in the usual day formation. After
marching two miles, the column got clear of the hills and emerged
into open country.
[10.15 a.m.]
About this time Inspector Drury, in command of the rearguard, sent
word that a force of about 100 Boers was following him about one mile
in rear. I thereupon reinforced the rearguard, hitherto consisting of
a troop and one Maxim, by an additional half-troop and another Maxim.
[11 a.m.]
About 5 miles beyond Van Oudtshoorn's store the column was met by two
cyclists bearing letters from several leaders of the Johannesburg
Reform Committee. These letters expressed the liveliest approval and
delight at our speedy approach, and finally contained a renewal of
their promise to meet the column with a force at Krugersdorp.{55} The
messengers also reported that only 300 armed Boers were in the town.
This news was communicated to the troops, who received it with loud
cheers.
When within two miles of Hind's store, the column was delayed by
extensive wire-fencing, which ran for one and a half miles on either
side of the road, and practically constituted a defile.
While the column was halted and the wire being cut, the country for
some distance on both sides was carefully scouted.
By this means it was ascertained that there was a considerable force
of Boers (1) on the left front, (2) in the immediate front
(retreating hastily on Krugersdorp), (3) a third party on the right
flank.
The force which had been following the column from Van Oudtshoorn's
continued to hover in the rear.
Lieutenant-Colonel White, in command of the advanced guard, sent back
a request for guns to be pushed forward as a precaution in case of
an attack from the Boers in front. By the time these guns reached the
advanced guard, the Boers were still retreating some two miles off. A
few rounds were then fired in their direction. Had Colonel White, in
the first instance, opened fire with his Maxims on the Boers, whom he
surprised watering their horses close to Hind's store, considerable
loss would have been inflicted; but this was not our object, for with
the exception of the small skirmish on the previous night, the Boers
had not as yet molested the column, whose sole aim was to reach
Johannesburg if possible without fighting.
[1.30 p.m.]
At this hour Hind's store was reached.
Here the troops rested for one and a half hours.
Unfortunately, hardly any provisions for men and horses were
available.
[3 p.m.]
An officers' patrol, consisting of Major Villiers (Royal Horse
Guards) and Lieutenant Grenfell (1st Life Guards) and six men, moved
off for the purpose of reconnoitring the left flank of the Boer
position, while Captain Lindsell, with his permanent force of
advanced scouts, pushed on as usual to reconnoitre the approach by
the main road. At the same time I forwarded a note to the Commandant
of the forces in Krugersdorp to the effect that, in the event of my
friendly force meeting with opposition on its approach, I should be
forced to shell the town, and that therefore I gave him this warning
in order that the women and children might be moved out of danger.
[Friendly!]
To this note, which was despatched by a Boer who had been detained at
Van Oudtshoorn, I received no reply.
At Hind's store we were informed that the force in our front had
increased during the forenoon to about 800 men, of whom a large
number were entrenched on the hillside.
[4.30 p.m.]
Four miles beyond Hind's store, the column following the scouts,
which met with no opposition, ascended a steep rise of some 400 feet,
and came full in view of the Boer position on the opposite side of
a deep valley, traversed by a broad "sluit" or muddy water course.
Standing on the plateau or spur, on which our force was forming up
for action, the view to our front was as follows:
Passing through our position to the west ran the Hind's
store--Krugersdorp Road traversing the valley and the Boer position
almost at right angles to both lines.
Immediately to the north of this road, at the point where it
disappeared over the sky-line on the opposite slope, lay the Queen's
Battery House and earthworks, completely commanding the valley on all
sides and distant 1,900 yards from our standpoint.
Some 1,000 yards down the valley to the north stood a farmhouse,
surrounded by a dense plantation, which flanked the valley.
Half-way up the opposite slope, and adjacent to the road, stood an
iron house which commanded the drift where the road crossed the
above-mentioned watercourse.
On the south side of the road, and immediately opposite the
last-named iron house, an extensive rectangular stone wall enclosure
with high trees formed an excellent advanced central defensive
position. Further up the slope, some 500 yards to the south of this
enclosure, stretched a line of rifle-pits, which were again flanked
to the south by 'prospecting' trenches. On the sky-line numbers of
Boers were apparent to our front and right front.
Before reaching the plateau we had observed small parties of Boers
hurrying towards Krugersdorp, and immediately on reaching the high
ground the rearguard was attacked by the Boer force which had
followed the column during the whole morning.
I therefore had no further hesitation in opening fire on the
Krugersdorp position.
[4.30 p.m.]
The two seven-pounders and the 12-1/2 pounder opened on the Boer
line, making good practice under Captain Kincaid-Smith and Captain
Gosling at 1,900 yards.
[It must have been here that the waggon-loads of dead Boers
weren't found.]
[5 p.m.]
This fire was kept up until 5 p.m. The Boers made practically no
reply, but lay quiet in the trenches and battery.
Scouts having reported that most of the trenches were evacuated, the
first line consisting of the advanced guard (a troop of 100 men),
under Colonel White advanced. Two Maxims accompanied this force; a
strong troop with a Maxim formed the right and left supports on
either flank.
Lieutenant-Colonel Grey, with one troop B.B.P. and one Maxim, had
been previously detailed to move round and attack the Boers' left.
The remaining two troops, with three Maxims, formed the reserve and
rearguard.
The first line advance continued unopposed to within 200 yards of the
watercourse, when it was checked by an exceedingly heavy cross-fire
from all points of the defence.
Colonel White then pushed his skirmishers forward into and beyond the
watercourse.
The left support under Inspector Dykes then advanced to prolong the
first line to the left, but, diverging too much to his left this
officer experienced a very hot flanking fire from the farmhouse and
plantation, and was driven back with some loss.
Colonel Grey meanwhile had pushed round on the extreme right and come
into action.
[5.30 p.m.]
About this time Major Villiers' patrol returned and reported that the
country to our right was open, and that we could easily move round in
that direction.
It was now evident that the Boers were in great force, and intended
holding their position.
Without the arrival of the Johannesburg force in rear of the
Boers--an event which I had been momentarily expecting--I did not
feel justified in pushing a general attack, which would have
certainly entailed heavy losses on my small force.
[When Celliers and Rowlands left them at 11 a.m. they had not
expected anyone. _Vide_ Cellier's report and Colonel H.E. White's
letter.]
[6.15 p.m.]
I accordingly left Inspector Drury with one troop and one Maxim to
keep in check the Boers who were now lining the edge of the plateau
to our left, and placed Colonel Grey with two troops B.B.P., one
12-1/2 pounder, and one Maxim to cover our left flank and continue
firing on the battery and trenches south of the road.
I then made a general flank movement to the right with the remaining
troops.
Colonel Grey succeeded in shelling the Boers out of their advanced
position during the next half-hour, and blew up the battery house.
[Flank movement.]
Under this cover the column moved off as far as the first houses
of the Randfontein group of mines, the Boers making no attempt to
intercept the movement.
Night was now fast approaching, and still there were no signs of the
promised help from Johannesburg. I determined, therefore, to push
on with all speed in the direction of that town, trusting in the
darkness to slip through any intervening opposition.
Two guides were obtained, the column formed in the prescribed night
order of march, and we started off along a road leading direct to
Johannesburg.
At this moment heavy rifle and Maxim fire was suddenly heard from the
direction of Krugersdorp, which lay 1-1/2 miles to the left rear.
We at once concluded that this could only be the arrival of the
long-awaited reinforcements, for we knew that Johannesburg had
Maxims, and that the Staats'-Artillerie were not expected to arrive
until the following morning. To leave our supposed friends in the
lurch was out of the question. I determined at once to move to their
support.
[Long awaited! Why, this was only 6 hours since the cyclists left.]
Leaving the carts escorted by one troop on the road I advanced
rapidly across the plateau towards Krugersdorp in the direction of
the firing, in the formation shown in the accompanying sketch.
After advancing thus for nearly a mile the firing ceased, and we
perceived the Boers moving in great force to meet the column. The
flankers on the right reported another force threatening that flank.
Fearing that an attempt would be made to cut us off from the
ammunition carts, I ordered a retreat on them.
It was now clear that the firing, whatever might have been the cause
thereof, was not occasioned by the arrival of any force from
Johannesburg.
[This is really magnificent!]
Precious moments had been lost in the attempt to stand by our friends
at all costs, under the mistaken supposition that they could not fail
to carry out their repeated promises,{56} renewed to us by letter so
lately as 11 a.m. this same day. It was now very nearly dark. In
the dusk the Boers could be seen closing in on three sides--viz.,
north, east, and south. The road to Johannesburg appeared completely
barred, and the last opportunity of slipping through, which had
presented itself an hour ago when the renewed firing was heard, was
gone not to return.
[Bivouac, January 1.]
Nothing remained but to bivouac in the best position available.
But for the unfortunate circumstance of the firing, which we
afterwards heard was due to the exultation of the Boers at the
arrival of large reinforcements from Potchefstroom, the column would
have been by this time (7 p.m.) at least four or five miles further
on the road to Johannesburg, with an excellent chance of reaching
that town without further opposition.
I moved the column to the edge of a wide vley to the right of the
road, and formed the horses in quarter-column under cover of the
slope. The carts were formed up in rear and on both flanks, and five
Maxims were placed along the front so as to sweep the plateau.
The other three Maxims and the heavy guns were posted on the rear and
flank faces.
The men were then directed to lie down between the guns and on the
side; sentries and cossack posts were posted on each face.
Meantime the Boers had occupied the numerous prospecting trenches and
cuttings on the plateau at distances from 400 to 800 yards.
[9 p.m.]
At 9 p.m. a heavy fire was opened on the bivouac, and a storm of
bullets swept over and around us, apparently directed from all sides
except the south-west.
The troops were protected by their position on the slope below the
level of the plateau, so that the total loss from this fire, which
lasted about twenty minutes, was very inconsiderable.
The men behaved with admirable coolness, and were as cheery as
possible, although very tired and hungry and without water.
We were then left unmolested for two or three hours.
[Midnight.]
About midnight another shower of bullets was poured into the camp,
but the firing was not kept up for long.
Somewhat later a Maxim gun opened on the bivouac, but failed to get
our range.
[Thursday, January 2.]
At 3.30 a.m. patrols were pushed out on all sides, while the force as
silently and rapidly as possible was got ready to move off.
At 4 a.m. a heavy fire was opened by the Boers on the column, and the
patrols driven in from the north and east sides.
Under the direction of Major R. White (assisted by Lieutenant
Jesser-Coope) the column was formed under cover of the slope.
Soon after this the patrols which had been sent out to the south
returned, and reported that the ground was clear of the Boers in that
direction.
The growing light enabled us to ascertain that the Boers in force
were occupying pits to our left and lining the railway embankment
for a distance of one and a half miles right across the direct road
to Johannesburg.
I covered the movements of the main body with the B.B.P. and two
Maxims under Colonel Grey along the original left front of the
bivouac, and two troops M.M.P., under Major K. White on the right
front.
During all this time the firing was excessively heavy; however the
main body was partially sheltered by the slope.
Colonel White then led the advance for a mile across the vley without
casualty, but on reaching the opposite rise near the Oceanic Mine,
was subjected to a very heavy long-range fire. Colonel White hereupon
very judiciously threw out one troop to the left to cover the further
advance of the main body.
This was somewhat delayed, after crossing the rise, by the
disappearance of our volunteer guide of the previous night.
Some little time elapsed before another guide could be obtained.
In the meantime, Lieutenant-Colonel Grey withdrew his force and the
covering Maxims out of action under the protection of the M.M.P.
covering troops, and rejoined the main body.
[5 a.m.]
At this juncture Colonel Grey was shot in the foot, but most
gallantly insisted on carrying on his duties until the close of the
action.
Sub-Inspector Cazalet was also wounded here, but continued in action
until he was shot again in the chest at Doornkop.
While crossing the ridge the column was subjected to a very heavy
fire, and several men and horses were lost here.
I detailed a rearguard of one troop and two Maxims, under Major R.
White, to cover our rear and left flank, and move the remainder of
the troops in the ordinary day formation as rapidly forward as
possible.
In this formation a running rear and flank guard fight was kept up
for ten miles. Wherever the features of the ground admitted, a stand
was made by various small detachments of the rear and flank guard.
In this manner the Boers were successfully kept a distance of 500
yards, and repulsed in all their efforts to reach the rear and flank
of the main body.
In passing through the various mines and the village of Randfontein
we met with hearty expressions of goodwill from the mining
population, who professed a desire to help if only they had arms.
[8 a.m.]
Ten miles from the start I received intelligence from Colonel Grey,
at the head of the column, that Doornkop, a hill near the
Speitfontein mine, was held by 400 Boers, directly barring our line
of advance.
I repaired immediately to the front, Colonel White remaining with the
rear-guard.
On arriving at the head of the column, I found the guns shelling a
ridge which our guide stated was Doornkop.
The excellent dispositions for the attack made by Colonel Grey were
then carried out.
The B.B.P., under Major Coventry, who I regret to say was severely
wounded and lost several of his men, attacked and cleared the ridge
in most gallant style and pushed on beyond it.
About this time Inspector Barry received the wound which we have
learnt with grief has subsequently proved fatal.
Chief-Inspector Bodle at the same time, with two troops M.M.P.,
charged, and drove off the field a large force of Boers threatening
our left flank.
The guide had informed us that the road to the right of the hill was
impassable, and that there was open and easy country to the left.
This information was misleading. I afterwards ascertained that
without storming the Boer position there was no road open to
Johannesburg except by a wide detour of many miles to the right.
[8.30 a.m.]
At this moment Dr. Jameson received a letter from the High
Commissioner again ordering us to desist in our advance. Dr. Jameson
informed me at the same time of the most disheartening news, viz.,
that he had received a message stating that Johannesburg would not
or could not come to our assistance, and that we must fight our way
through unaided.
Thinking that the first ridge now in our hands was Doornkop, we again
pushed rapidly on, only to find that in rear of the ridge another
steep and stony kopje, some 400 feet in height, was held by hundreds
of Boers completely covered from our fire.
This kopje effectually flanked the road over which the column must
advance at a distance of 400 yards. Scouting showed that there was no
way of getting round this hill.
Surrounded on all sides by the Boers, men and horses wearied out,
outnumbered by at least six to one, our friends having failed to
keep their promises to meet us, and my force reduced numerically
by one-fourth, I no longer considered that I was justified in
sacrificing any more of the lives of the men under me.
[Wonderfully considerate! seeing how they deliberately risked the
lives of thousands in Johannesburg when they started.]
As previously explained, our object in coming had been to render
assistance, without bloodshed if possible, to the inhabitants of
Johannesburg. This object would in no way be furthered by a hopeless
attempt to cut our way through overwhelming numbers, an attempt,
moreover which must without any doubt have entailed heavy and useless
slaughter.
[9.15 a.m.]
With Dr. Jameson's permission, I therefore sent word to the
Commandant that we would surrender provided that he would give a
guarantee of safe conduct out of the country to every member of the
force.
To this Commandant Cronjé replied by a guarantee of the lives of all,
provided that we would lay down our arms and pay all expenses.
In spite of this guarantee of the lives of all, Commandant Malan
subsequently repudiated the guarantee in so far as to say that he
would not answer for the lives of the leaders, but this was not until
our arms had been given up and the force at the mercy of the Boers.
I attribute our failure to reach Johannesburg in a great measure to
loss of time from the following causes:
(1) The delay occasioned by the demonstration in front of
Krugersdorp, which had been assigned as the place of junction with
the Johannesburg force.
(2) The non-arrival of that force at Krugersdorp or of the guides to
the Krugersdorp-Johannesburg section of the road, as previously
promised by Johannesburg.
(3) The delay consequent on moving to the firing of the supposed
Johannesburg column just before dark on Wednesday evening.
[How is it that nothing was said of this to Celliers and Rowland;
nothing in the Letter of Colonel White and Dr. Jameson which they
wrote at 11 a.m. Wednesday; nothing in the message sent by Bugler
Vallé, who was despatched on Thursday before daybreak _after_ the
Krugersdorp light? How is it that if the forces were to meet at
Krugersdorp Dr. Jameson telegraphed to Dr. Wolff to meet him
_en route,_ so as to decide whether to turn off _20 miles before
reaching Krugersdorp_ and march direct on Pretoria or go into
Johannesburg first?]
I append (1) a sketch-map of the route from Pitsani to Krugersdorp,
marked A. This distance (154 miles) was covered in just under 70
hours, the horses having been off-saddled ten times. The 169 miles
between Pitsani and Doornkop occupied 86 hours, during 17 of which
the men were engaged with the Boers, and were practically without
food or water, having had their last meal at 8 a.m. on the morning of
the 1st January at Van Oudtshoorn's, 17 miles from Krugersdorp.
The average weight carried by each horse was 16 stone.
(2) List of officers engaged in the expedition and composition of the
force marked B. From this it will be seen that there was a total of
494 men and officers (exclusive of staff).
(3) Plans of engagements at Krugersdorp and Doornkop, and of the
bivouac on the night of January 1st.
I cannot close this narrative without testifying to the very great
gallantry and endurance of all officers, non-commissioned officers,
and troopers under my command in the field and on the march under
most trying circumstances.
COMPOSITION OF FORCE.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir John Willoughby, Royal
Horse Guards Commanding.
Major Hon. Robert White, Royal Welsh
Fusiliers Senior Staff Officer.
Major C. Hyde Villiers, Royal Horse Guards Staff Officer.
Captain Kincaid-Smith, Royal Artillery Artillery Staff Officer.
Captain Kennedy, B.S.A.C.'s Service Quartermaster.
Captain E. Holden, Derbyshire Yeomanry Assistant Quarter-Master.
Surgeon Captain Farmer, B.S.A. Co. }
Surgeon Captain Seaton Hamilton, late 1st Life } Medical Officers.
Guards }
Lieutenant Grenfell, 1st Life Guards Remount Officer.
Lieutenant Jesser-Coope, B.S.A. Co. Transport Officer.
Captain Lindsell, late Royal Scots Fusiliers In charge Scouts.
Major J.B. Stracey, Scots Guards }
Major Heany, B.S.A. Co. } Officers temporarily
Captain Foley } attached to Staff.
Lieutenant Harry R. Holden, late Grenadier }
Guards }
OFFICERS OF MASHONALAND MOUNTED POLICE.
Lieutenant-Colonel Hon. H.F. White, Grenadier
Guards Commanding.
Inspector Bodle (late 6th Dragoons) 2nd in command.
Inspector Straker, commanding A Troop.
Inspector Dykes, commanding B Troop.
Inspector Barry, commanding C Troop.
Inspector Drury, commanding D Troop.
Sub-Inspectors Scott and Cashel, A Troop.
Sub-Inspectors Tomlinson and Chawner, B Troop.
Sub-Inspectors Cazalet and Williams, C Troop.
Sub-Inspectors Murray and Constable, D Troop.
Artillery Troop--Inspector Bowden and Sub-Inspector Spain.
Regimental Sergeant--Major Abbott.
BECHUANALAND BORDER POLICE.
Lieutenant-Colonel Raleigh Grey, 6th Dragoons Commanding.
Major Hon. Charles Coventry 2nd in command.
Captain Gosling, commanding G Troop.
Sub-Lieutenants Hoare and Wood, commanding G Troop.
Captain Munroe, commanding K Troop.
Sub-Lieutenant McQueen, commanding K Troop.
Medical Officer Surgeon Garraway.
Veterinary Surgeon Lakie.
M.M. Police officers and men 372 Pitsani
Staff 13 camp.
Colony boys (leading horses, etc.) 65
Horses 480
Mules 128
One 12-1/2-pounder, 6 Maxims, 6 Scotch carts, 1 Cape cart,
2 grain waggons.
B.B. Police officers and men 122 Mafeking
Staff 1 column.
Drivers and leaders 10
Horses 160
Mules 30
Two 7-pounders, 2 Maxims, 2 Scotch carts, 2 Cape carts.
Officers and men 494 Totals.
Staff 14
Drivers, leaders, etc. 75
Horses 640
Mules 158
M.H. Maxims 8
12-1/2-pounder 1
7-pounder 2
Scotch carts 8
Cape carts 3
AMMUNITION.
Rounds.
Carried by men and natives 50,000 Lee-Met.
Carried in Scotch carts and Cape carts 54,000 rifle.
-------
Total 104,000
=======
On the guns 17,000 Maxim.
In carts 28,000
-------
Total 45,000
=======
On limber 44 12-1/2
On one Scotch cart 80 pounders.
-------
Total 124
=======
On limbers 70 7-pounders.
In Scotch carts 172
-------
Total 242
=======
The rifle ammunition used was that supplied by the Maxim firm for
their guns and also pellet powder.
The powder used with the 12-1/2-pounder was that known as
'ballistite.' Rocket signals and limelights were carried, but
not used.
EQUIPMENT CARRIED.
On the Person.
(a) Rifle (10 rounds).
(b) Bandolier (60 rounds).
(c) Haversack (1/2 day's ration).
(d) Water-bottle filled.
On the Saddle.
(a) Nosebag (5 lb. grain).
(b) Cloak on wallet.
(c) Rifle bucket.
(d) Patrol tin (with grocery ration).
(e) Leather axe-holder (every fourth man).
Near-side wallet, 30 rounds and 1/2 day's rations.
Off-side wallet, 20 rounds, tin dubbin, hold-all, and towel.
Average weight carried by horse = 16 stone.
Average weight carried by Scotch carts = 1,600 lb.
Footnotes for Appendix H
{55} The letters are published in their proper place, and readers can
satisfy themselves as to whether they justify the above inference.
{56} Note. July, 1899. In the Report of the Select Committee of the
House of Commons (No. 311 of 1897), page 298, are the following:--
Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman: "Did you understand that you were to
meet a considerable force at Krugersdorp coming from Johannesburg?"
Sir John Willoughby: _Not when we started_ from Pitsani, but
certainly after the letters received from the cyclists.
APPENDIX I.
MANIFESTO.
If I am deeply sensible of the honour conferred upon me by being
elected chairman of the National Union, I am profoundly impressed
with the responsibilities attached to the position. The issues to be
faced in this country are so momentous in character that it has been
decided that prior to the holding of a public meeting a review of the
condition of affairs should be placed in your hands, in order that
you may consider matters quietly in your homes. It has also been
decided that it will be wise to postpone the meeting which was to
have taken place on the 27th December until the 6th day of January
next.
On that day you will have made up your minds on the various points
submitted to you, and we will ask you for direction as to our future
course of action. It is almost unnecessary to recount all the steps
which have been taken by the National Union, and I shall therefore
confine myself to a very short review of what has been done.
THE THREE PLANKS.
The constitution of the National Union is very simple. The three
objects which we set before ourselves are: (1) The maintenance of
the independence of the Republic, (2) the securing of equal rights,
and (3) the redress of grievances. This brief but comprehensive
programme has never been lost sight of, and I think we may
challenge contradiction fearlessly when we assert that we have
constitutionally, respectfully, and steadily prosecuted our purpose.
Last year you will remember a respectful petition, praying for the
franchise, signed by 13,000 men, was received with contemptuous
laughter and jeers in the Volksraad. This year the Union, apart
from smaller matters, endeavoured to do three things.
THE RAAD ELECTIONS.
First we were told that a Progressive spirit was abroad, that twelve
out of twenty-four members of the First Volksraad had to be elected,
and we might reasonably hope for reform by the type of broad-minded
men who would be elected. It was therefore resolved that we should do
everything in our power to assist in the election of the best men who
were put up by the constituencies, and everything that the law
permitted us to do in this direction was done.
DISAPPOINTED HOPES.
The result has been only too disappointing, as the record of the
debates and the division list in the Volksraad prove. We were
moreover told that public speeches in Johannesburg prevented the
Progressive members from getting a majority of the Raad to listen to
our requests, that angry passions were inflamed, and that if we would
only hold our tongues reform would be brought about. We therefore
resolved in all loyalty to abstain from inflaming angry passions,
although we never admitted we had by act or speech given reason for
legislators to refuse justice to all. Hence our silence for a long
time.
THE RAILWAY CONCESSION NEXT.
We used all our influence to get the Volksraad to take over the
railway concession, but, alas! the President declared with tears in
his voice that the independence of the country was wrapped up in this
question, and a submissive Raad swept the petitions from the table.
THE FRANCHISE PETITION.
Our great effort however was the petition for the franchise, with the
moderate terms of which you are all acquainted. This petition was
signed by more than 38,000 persons. What was the result? We were
called unfaithful for not naturalizing ourselves, when naturalization
means only that we should give up our original citizenship and get
nothing in return, and become subject to disabilities. Members had
the calm assurance to state, without any grounds whatever, that
the signatures were forgeries; and, worst of all, one member in an
inflammatory speech challenged us openly to fight for our rights, and
his sentiment seemed to meet with considerable approval. This is the
disappointing result of our honest endeavours to bring about a fusion
between the people of this State, and the true union and equality
which alone can be the basis of prosperity and peace. You all know
that as the law now stands we are virtually excluded for ever from
getting the franchise, and by a malignant ingenuity our children born
here are deprived of the rights of citizenship unless their fathers
take an oath of allegiance, which brings them nothing but
disabilities.
THE BITTER CRY OF THE 'UITLANDER.'
We are the vast majority in this State. We own more than half the
land, and, taken in the aggregate, we own at least nine-tenths of the
property in this country; yet in all matters affecting our lives, our
liberties, and our properties, we have absolutely no voice. Dealing
now first with the legislature, we find taxation is imposed upon
us without any representation whatever, that taxation is wholly
inequitable, _(a)_ because a much greater amount is levied from the
people than is required for the needs of Government; _(b)_ because it
is either class taxation pure and simple, or by the selection of the
subjects, though nominally universal, it is made to fall upon our
shoulders; and _(c)_ because the necessaries of life are unduly
burdened.
ABUSE OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE.
Expenditure is not controlled by any public official independent of
the Government. Vast sums are squandered, while the Secret Service
Fund is a dark mystery to everybody. But, essential as the power to
control taxation and expenditure is to a free people, there are other
matters of the gravest importance which are equally precious.
The Legislature in this country is the supreme power, apparently
uncontrolled by any fixed Constitution. The chance will of a majority
in a Legislature elected by one-third of the people is capable of
dominating us in every relation of life, and when we remember that
those who hold power belong to a different race, speak a different
language, and have different pursuits from ourselves, that they
regard us with suspicion, and even hostility; that, as a rule, they
are not educated men, and that their passions are played upon by
unscrupulous adventurers, it must be admitted that we are in very
grave danger.
TRIBUTE TO THE MODERATES.
I think it is but just to bear tribute to the patriotic endeavours of
a small band of enlightened men in the Volksraad who have earnestly
condemned the policy of the Government and warned them of its danger.
To Mr. Jeppe, Mr. Lucas Meyer, the De Jagers, Mr. Loveday, and a few
others in the First Raad, leaving out the second Raad, we owe our
best thanks, for they have fought our battle and confirmed the
justice of our cause. But when we look to the debates of the last
few years, what do we find? All through a spirit of hostility, all
through an endeavour not to meet the just wants of the people, not
to remove grievances, not to establish the claim to our loyalty by
just treatment and equal laws, but to repress the publication of
the truth, however much it might be required in the public interest,
to prevent us from holding public meetings, to interfere with the
Courts, and to keep us in awe by force.
THE POWERS OF THE EXECUTIVE.
There is now threatened a danger even graver than those which have
preceded it. The Government is seeking to get through the Legislature
an Act which will vest in the Executive the power to decide whether
men have been guilty of sedition, and to deport them and confiscate
their goods. The Volksraad has by resolution affirmed the principle,
and has instructed the Government to bring up a Bill accordingly next
session. To-day this power rests justly with the courts of law, and I
can only say that if this Bill becomes law the power of the Executive
Government of this country would be as absolute as the power of the
Czar of Russia. We shall have said goodbye finally to the last
principle of liberty.
PRESIDENT KRUGER INDICTED.
Coming to the Executive Government, we find that there is no true
responsibility to the people, none of the great departments of State
are controlled by Ministerial officers in the proper sense, the
President's will is virtually supreme, and he, with his unique
influence over the legislators of the House, State-aided by an able
if hostile State Secretary, has been the author of every act directed
against the liberties of the people. It is well that this should be
recognized. It is well that President Kruger should be known for what
he is, and that once for all the false pedestal on which he has so
long stood should be destroyed. I challenge contradiction when I
state that no important Act has found a place on the Statute-book
during the last ten years without the seal of President Kruger's will
upon it; nay, he is the father of every such Act. Remember that
all legislation is initiated by the Government, and, moreover,
President Kruger has expressly supported every Act by which we and
our children have been deprived by progressive steps of the right to
acquire franchise, by which taxation has been imposed upon us almost
exclusively, and by which the right and the liberty of the Press and
the right of public meeting have been attacked.
THE JUDGES AND THE LIBERTY OF THE SUBJECT.
Now we come to the judicial system. The High Court of this country
has, in the absence of representation, been the sole guardian of
our liberties. Although it has on the whole done its work ably,
affairs are in a very unsatisfactory position. The judges have
been underpaid, their salaries have never been secure, the most
undignified treatment has been meted out to them, and the status
and independence of the Bench have on more than one occasion been
attacked. A deliberate attempt was made two years ago by President
Kruger and the Government to reduce the bench to a position
subordinate to the Executive Government, and only recently we had in
the Witfontein matter the last of the cases in which the Legislature
interfered with vested rights of action. The administration of
justice by minor officials, by native commissioners, and by
field-cornets, has produced, and is producing, the gravest unrest in
the country; and, lastly, gentlemen,
THE GREAT BULWARK OF LIBERTY,
the right to trial by jurymen who are our peers, is denied to us.
Only the burgher or naturalized burgher is entitled to be a juryman;
or, in other words, anyone of us is liable to be tried upon the
gravest charge possible by jurymen who are in no sense our peers, who
belong to a different race, who regard us with a greater or lesser
degree of hostility, and whose passions, if inflamed, might prompt
them, as weak human creatures, to inflict the gravest injustice, even
to deprive men of their lives. Supposing, in the present tense
condition of political feeling, any one of us were tried before a
Boer jury on any charge having a political flavour about it, should
we be tried by our peers, and should we have a chance of receiving
even-handed justice?
THE SECRET SERVICE FUND.
When we come to the Administration, we find that there is the
grossest extravagance, that Secret Service moneys are squandered,
that votes are exceeded, that the public credit is pledged, as it was
pledged in the case of the Netherlands Railway Company, and later
still in the case of the Selati Railway, in a manner which is wholly
inconsistent with the best interests of the people.
SQUANDERING THE PUBLIC REVENUE.
The Delagoa Bay festivities are an instance of a reckless disregard
of a Parliamentary vote; £20,000 was voted for those useless
festivities--about £60,000 was really expended, and I believe certain
favoured gentlemen hailing from Holland derived the principal
benefit. It is said that £400,000 of our money has been transferred
for some extraordinary purpose to Holland. Recently £17,000 is said
to have been sent out of the country with Dr. Leyds for Secret
Service purposes, and the public audit seems a farce. When the
Progressive members endeavoured to get an explanation about large
sums of money they were silenced by a vote of the majority
prompted by President Kruger. The administration of the public
service is in a scandalous condition.
A CORRUPT LEGISLATURE.
Bribery and corruption are rampant. We have had members of the Raad
accepting presents of imported spiders and watches wholesale from men
who were applying for concessions, and we have the singular fact that
in every instance the recipient of the gift voted for the concession.
We have the President openly stating that such acceptance of presents
was wholly moral. We have a condition of affairs in which the time
of the meeting of the Volksraad is looked upon as the period of the
greatest danger to our interests, and it is an open secret that a
class of man has sprung up who is in constant attendance upon the
members of the Volksraad, and whose special business appears to be
the 'influencing' of members one way or the other. It is openly
stated that enormous sums of money have been spent, some to produce
illegitimate results, some to guard against fresh attacks upon vested
rights. The Legislature passed an Act solemnly denouncing corruption
in the public service. One man, not an official, was punished under
the law, but nothing has ever been done since to eradicate the evil.
AND A TAINTED CIVIL SERVICE.
I think thousands of you are satisfied of the venality of many of our
public servants. I wish to guard against the assumption that all
public servants are corrupt. Thank God there are many who are able
and honourable men, and it must be gall and wormwood to these men to
find the whole tone of the service destroyed, and to have themselves
made liable to be included under one general denunciation. But there
can be no health in an administration, and the public morals must be
sapped also, when such things as the Smit case, and the recent
Stiemens case, go unnoticed and unpunished.
TWO GLARING CASES.
I think it right to state openly what those cases are. N.J. Smit
is the son of a member of the Government. He absented himself for
months without leave. He was meantime charged in the newspapers
with embezzlement. He returned, was fined £25 for being absent
without leave, and was reinstated in office. He is now the Mining
Commissioner of Klerksdorp. He has been charged in at least two
newspapers--one of them a Dutch newspaper, _Land en Volk_, published
within a stone's throw of the Government Office--with being an
'unpunished thief,' and yet the Government have taken no notice of
it, nor has he thought fit to bring an action to clear himself. In
the Stiemens case two officials in the Mining Department admitted in
the witness-box that they had agreed to further the application of a
relative for the grant of a piece of public land at Johannesburg on
condition that they were each to receive one quarter of the proceeds.
A third official, the Landdrost of Pretoria, admitted that he had
received £300 for his 'influence' in furthering the application;
yet no notice had been taken by the Government of their scandalous
conduct, and sad to say the judges who heard the case did not think
it their duty to comment strongly upon the matter. I have in my
possession now a notarial deed which proves that the Railway
Commissioner, the Landdrost, and the Commandant of Pretoria are
members of a syndicate whose avowed object is, or was, to wrest from
the companies their right to the 'bewaarplaatsen.' This shows what
is going on, and what is the measure of safety of title to property.
Those who should guard our rights are our worst enemies. In a law
introduced by the present Government, the Government, instead of the
Courts, are the final judges in cases of disputed elections. No
Election Committees are allowed. This operates against candidates
opposed to the Government, because the Government has virtually a
vast standing army of committee men, henchmen, officials being
allowed openly to take part in swaying elections, and the Government
being in a position, by the distribution of contracts, appointments,
purchase of concessions, the expenditure of Secret Service money and
otherwise, to bring into existence and maintain a large number of
supporters who act as canvassers always on the right side in times
of elections.
NATIVE AFFAIRS.
The administration of native affairs is a gross scandal and a source
of immense loss and danger to the community. Native Commissioners
have been permitted to practise extortion, injustice, and cruelty
upon the natives under their jurisdiction. The Government has allowed
petty tribes to be goaded into rebellion. We have had to pay the
costs of the 'wars,' while the wretched victims of their policy have
had their tribes broken up, sources of native labour have been
destroyed, and large numbers of prisoners have been kept in goal
for something like eighteen months without trial. It was stated
in the newspapers that, out of 63 men imprisoned, 31 had died in
that period, while the rest were languishing to death for want of
vegetable food. We have had revelations of repulsive cruelty on the
part of field-cornets. We all remember the Rachman case, and the
April case, in which the judges found field-cornets guilty of brutal
conduct to unfortunate natives; but the worst features about these
cases is that the Government has set the seal of its approval upon
the acts of these officials by paying the costs of the actions out
of public funds, and the President of the State a few days ago made
the astounding statement in regard to the April case, that,
notwithstanding the judgment of the High Court, the Government
thought that Prinsloo was right in his action, and therefore paid
the costs. The Government is enforcing the 'plakkerswet,' which
forbids the locating of more than five families on one farm. The
field-cornets in various districts have recently broken up homes of
large numbers of natives settled on 'Uitlanders'' lands, just at the
time when they had sown their crops to provide the next winter's
food. The application of this law is most uneven, as large numbers
of natives are left on the farms of the Boers. Quite recently a
well-known citizen brought into the country at great expense some
hundreds of families, provided them with land, helped them to start
life, stipulating only that he should be able to draw from amongst
them labour at a fair wage to develop his properties. Scarcely had
they been settled when the field-cornet came down and scattered the
people, distributing them among Boer farms. The sources of the native
labour supply have been seriously interfered with at the borders by
Government measures, and difficulties have been placed in the way of
transport of natives by railway to the mines. These things are all a
drain upon us as a State, and many of them are a burning disgrace to
us as a people.
THE EDUCATION SCANDAL.
The great public that subscribes the bulk of the revenue is virtually
denied all benefit of State aid in education. There has been a
deliberate attempt to Hollanderise the Republic, and to kill the
English language. Thousands of children are growing up in this land
in ignorance, unfitted to run the race of life, and there is the
possibility that a large number of them will develop into criminals.
We have had to tax ourselves privately to guard against these
dangers, and the iniquity of denying education to the children of
men who are paying taxes is so manifest that I pass on with mingled
feelings of anger and disgust.
RAILWAYS.
This important branch of the public service is entirely in the hands
of a corporation domiciled in Holland. This corporation holds a
concession, of course under which not only was there no adequate
control over expenditure in construction, but it is entitled to
charge and is charging us outrageous tariffs. How outrageous these
are will be seen from the admission made by Mr. Middelberg that the
short section of 10 miles between Boksburg and Krugersdorp is paying
more than the interest on the cost of the construction of the whole
line of railway to Delagoa Bay. To add these to its general revenue,
of which 10 per cent, is set aside as a sinking fund, and then to
take for itself 15 per cent. of the balance, the Company reports
annually to the Raad from Amsterdam in a language which is
practically foreign to it, and makes up its accounts in guelders, a
coinage which our legislators I venture to say know nothing of; and
this is independence. We are liable as guarantors for the whole of
the debt. Lines have been built entirely on our credit, and yet we
have no say and no control over these important public works beyond
the show of control which is supposed to be exercised by the present
Railway Commissioner. The Company in conjunction with the Executive
Government is in a position to control our destinies to an enormous
extent, to influence our relations internally and externally, to
bring about such friction with the neighbouring States as to set the
whole of South Africa in tumult. Petitions have been presented to the
Raad, but the President has constantly brushed these aside with the
well-worn argument that the independence of the State is involved in
the matter. It is involved in the matter, as all who remember the
recent Drifts question will admit. I have been told that it is
dangerous for the country to take over the railway, because it would
afford such an immense field for corruption. Surely this is the
strongest condemnation of the Government by its friends, for if it is
not fit to run a railway, how can it be fit to manage a whole State?
The powers controlling this railway are flooding the public service
with Hollanders to the exclusion of our own people, and I may here
say that in the most important departments of the State we are being
controlled by the gentlemen from the Low Country. While the innocent
Boer hugs to himself the delusion that he is preserving his
independence, they control us politically through Dr. Leyds,
financially through the Netherlands Railway, educationally through
Dr. Mansvelt, and in the Department of Justice through Dr. Coster.
CUSTOMS AND TRADE.
The policy of the Government in regard to taxation may be practically
described as protection without production. The most monstrous
hardships result to consumers, and merchants can scarcely say from
day to day where they are. Twice now has the Government entered into
competition with traders who have paid their licences and rents and
who keep staffs. Recently grain became scarce. The Government
were petitioned to suspend the duties, which are cruelly high, in
order to assist the mining industry to feed its labourers. The
Government refused this request on the plea that it was not in a
position to suspend duties without the permission of the Volksraad,
and yet within a few days we find that the Government has granted a
concession to one of its friends to import grain free of duty and to
sell it in competition with the merchants who have had to pay duties.
I do not attempt to deal with this important question adequately, but
give this example to show how the Government regards the rights of
traders.
MONOPOLIES.
It has been the steady policy of the Government to grant concessions.
No sooner does any commodity become absolutely essential to the
community than some harpy endeavours to get a concession for its
supply. There is scarcely a commodity or a right which has not been
made the subject of an application for the grant of a concession. We
all remember the bread and jam concession, the water concession, the
electric lighting concession, and many others, but I need only point
to the dynamite concession to show how these monopolies tend to
paralyse our industries. There may be some of you who have not yet
heard and some who have forgotten the facts connected with this
outrage upon public rights.
STORY OF THE DYNAMITE CONCESSION.
Some years ago, Mr. Lippert got a concession for the sole right to
manufacture and sell dynamite and all other explosives. He was to
manufacture the dynamite in this country. For years he imported
dynamite under the name of Guhr Impregne duty free. He never
manufactured dynamite in the country, and upon public exposure, the
Government was compelled to cancel the concession, the President
himself denouncing the action of the concessionnaire as fraudulent.
For a time we breathed freely, thinking we were rid of this incubus,
but within a few months the Government granted virtually to the same
people another concession, under which they are now taking from the
pockets of the public £600,000 per annum, and this is a charge which
will go on growing should the mining industry survive the persistent
attempts to strangle it. How a body charged with the public interests
could be parties to this scandalous fleecing of the public passes
comprehension. Then, the curious feature about the matter is that the
Government gets some petty fraction of this vast sum, and the
concessionnaires have on this plea obtained enormous advances of
public moneys from the Government, without security, to carry on
their trade. Shortly, the concessionnaires are entitled to charge
90s. a case for dynamite, while it could be bought if there were no
concession for about 30s. a case. It may be stated incidentally, that
Mr. Wolmarans, a member of the Government, has been for years
challenged to deny that he is enjoying a royalty of 2s. on every case
of dynamite sold, and that he has up to the present moment neglected
to take up the challenge. Proper municipal government is denied to
us, and we all know how much this means with regard to health,
comfort, and the value of property. The Statute Books are disfigured
with enactments imposing religious disabilities; and the English
language, the language spoken by the great bulk of the people, is
denied all official recognition. The natural result of the existing
condition of things is that the true owners of the mines are those
who have invested no capital in them--the Government, the railway
concessionnaires, the dynamite concessionnaires, and others. The
country is rich, and under proper government could be developed
marvellously, but it cannot stand the drain of the present exactions.
We have lived largely upon foreign capital, and the total amount of
the dividends available for shareholders in companies is ridiculously
small as compared with the aggregate amount of capital invested in
mining ventures. Some day the inevitable result upon our credit and
upon our trade will be forced upon us.
HATRED OF THE SAXON.
There is no disguising the fact that the original policy of the
Government is based upon intense hostility to the English-speaking
population, and that even against the enfranchised burgher of this
State there is the determination to retain all power in the hands of
those who are enjoying the sweets of office now, and naturally the
grateful crowd of relations and friends and henchmen ardently support
the existing _régime_; but there are unmistakable signs, and the
President fears that the policy which he has hitherto adopted will
not be sufficient to keep in check the growing population. It seems
the set purpose of the Government to repress the growth of the
industry, to tax it at every turn, to prevent the working classes
from settling here and making their homes and surrounding themselves
with their families, and there is no mistaking the significance of
the action of the President when he opposed the throwing open of the
town lands of Pretoria on the ground that 'he might have a second
Johannesburg there,' nor that of his speech upon the motion for the
employment of diamond drills to prospect Government lands, which he
opposed hotly on the ground that 'there is too much gold here
already.'
THE POLICY OF FORCE.
We now have openly the policy of force revealed to us. £250,000 is to
be spent upon the completing of a fort at Pretoria, £100,000 is to be
spend upon a fort to terrorize the inhabitants of Johannesburg, large
orders are sent to Krupp's for big guns, Maxims have been ordered,
and we are even told that German officers are coming out to drill the
burghers. Are these things necessary or are they calculated to
irritate the feeling to breaking point? What necessity is there for
forts in peaceful inland towns? Why should the Government endeavour
to keep us in subjection to unjust laws by the power of the sword
instead of making themselves live in the heart of the people by a
broad policy of justice? What can be said of a policy which
deliberately divides the two great sections of the people from each
other, instead of uniting them under equal laws, or the policy which
keeps us in eternal turmoil with the neighbouring States? What shall
be said of the statecraft, every act of which sows torments,
discontent, or race hatred, and reveals a conception of republicanism
under which the only privilege of the majority of the people is to
provide the revenue, and to bear insult, while only those are
considered Republicans who speak a certain language, and in greater
or less degree share the prejudices of the ruling classes?
A STIRRING PERORATION.
I think this policy can never succeed, unless men are absolutely
bereft of every quality which made their forefathers free men; unless
we have fallen so low that we are prepared to forget honour,
self-respect, and our duty to our children. Once more, I wish to
state again in unmistakable language what has been so frequently
stated in perfect sincerity before, that we desire an independent
republic which shall be a true republic, in which every man who is
prepared to take the oath of allegiance to the State shall have equal
rights, in which our children shall be brought up side by side as
united members of a strong commonwealth; that we are animated by no
race hatred, that we desire to deprive no man, be his nationality
what it may, of any right.
THE CHARTER OF THE UNION.
We have now only two questions to consider: _(a)_ What do we want?
_(b)_ how shall we get it? I have stated plainly what our grievances
are, and I shall answer with equal directness the question, 'What do
we want?' We want: (1) the establishment of this Republic as a true
Republic; (2) a Grondwet or Constitution which shall be framed by
competent persons selected by representatives of the whole people and
framed on lines laid down by them--a Constitution which shall be
safe-guarded against hasty alteration; (3) an equitable franchise
law, and fair representation; (4) equality of the Dutch and English
languages; (5) responsibility of the Legislature to the heads of
the great departments; (6) removal of religious disabilities; (7)
independence of the courts of justice, with adequate and secured
remuneration of the judges; (8) liberal and comprehensive education;
(9) efficient civil service, with adequate provision for pay and
pension; (10) free trade in South African products. That is what we
want. There now remains the question which is to be put before you at
the meeting of the 6th January, viz., How shall we get it? To this
question I shall expect from you an answer in plain terms according
to your deliberate judgment.
CHARLES LEONARD,
_Chairman of the Transvaal National Union._
APPENDIX K.
THE CASE OF THE CHIEFTAINESS TOEREMETSJANI
On the reports which have appeared the case or cases of Toeremetsjani
_v_. P.A. Cronjé, Jesaja _v_. P.A. Cronjé and D.J. Schoeman, Segole
_v_. P.A. Cronjé and J.A. Erasmus, have attracted, as well they
might, a good deal of attention. The following _résumé_ and
commentary were compiled by a legal gentleman who was present during
the trial, but not professionally employed in it.
The facts revealed in the evidence (writes our correspondent) speak
pretty well for themselves, but they were brought out into lurid
prominence in the cross-examination of Commandant Cronjé by Mr.
Justice Jorissen. In order to make the case quite clear, it is as
well to state for the benefit of those who are not intimately
acquainted with things in the Transvaal that this Mr. Cronjé, who
is now the Superintendent-General of Natives, is the same Cronjé
concerning whose action in regard to Jameson's surrender there was so
much discussion. After the Jameson Raid, President Kruger, pursuing
his policy of packing the Executive with his own friends, decided to
put Cronjé upon the Executive, for which purpose he induced General
Joubert to resign his position as Superintendent-General of Natives.
The President's intention becoming known to Raad members, the
strongest possible objection was expressed to this course as being
wholly unconstitutional and in direct conflict with the Grondwet; the
President in the first place having no right to add to the number of
Executive members and no authority for appointing any person to fill
a vacancy if there were one. Notice of motion was promptly given in
the Raad to instruct the Executive not to take the proposed course,
as the Raad felt that the privilege and power of appointing members
on the Executive rested with them alone. Twenty-four hours' notice
was requisite to bring a matter up for discussion before the Raad.
President Kruger hearing that notice had been given promptly called a
meeting of the Executive and appointed Mr. Cronjé in defiance of the
notice of motion, so that when the motion came on for discussion on
the following day he replied to the Raad's instruction that it was
too late to discuss the matter, the appointment having been made. Mr.
Cronjé, therefore, appears on the scene on this occasion without much
to prejudice the unbiassed reader in his favour. The circumstances of
the surrender of the Potchefstroom garrison, which was secured by
treacherously suppressing the news of the armistice between the two
forces (a treachery for which public reparation was afterwards
exacted by Sir Evelyn Wood), the treatment of certain prisoners of
war (compelled to work for the Boers exposed to the fire and being
shot down by their own friends in the garrison), the summary
execution of other prisoners, the refusal to allow certain of the
women to leave the British garrison, resulting in the death of at
least one, are matters which although sixteen years old are quite
fresh in the memory of the people in the Transvaal. The condition of
Dr. Jameson's surrender revived the feeling that Mr. Cronjé has need
to do something remarkable in another direction in order to encourage
that confidence in him as an impartial and fair-minded man which his
past career unfortunately does not warrant. Commandant Trichard,
mentioned in this connection as a witness, was one of the commandants
who refused to confirm the terms accorded by Cronjé to Jameson. Mr.
Abel Erasmus is a gentleman so notorious that it would be quite
unnecessary to further describe him. He is the one whom Lord Wolseley
described as a fiend in human form, and threatened to "hang as high
as Haman." Abel Erasmus is the man who had desolated the Lydenburg
district; the hero of the cave affair in which men, women, and
children were closed up in a cave and burnt to death or suffocated; a
man who is the living terror of a whole countryside, the mere mention
of whose name is sufficient to cow any native. Mr. Schoeman is the
understudy of Abel Erasmus, and is the hero of the satchel case, in
which an unfortunate native was flogged well-nigh to death and
tortured in order to wring evidence from him who, it was afterwards
discovered, knew absolutely nothing about the affair. The Queen, or
Chieftainess, Toeremetsjani, is the present head of the Secocoeni
tribe and the head wife of the late chief, Secocoeni. This tribe, it
will be remembered, was the one which successfully resisted the Boers
under President Burger and Commandant Paul Kruger--a successful
resistance which was one of the troubles leading directly to the
abortive annexation of the Transvaal. The Secocoeni tribe were
afterwards conquered by British troops, and handed over to the tender
mercies of the Boer Government upon the restoration of its
independence.
It is necessary to bear these facts in mind in order to realise the
hideous significance of the unvarnished tale.
Now to the trial.
Mr. Advocate WESSELS, who acted for the natives, gauging pretty
accurately what the defence would be, called two witnesses to prove
the _prima facie_ case. Jesaja, one of the indunas flogged, whose
case was first on the roll, proved that he was flogged by order of
Commandant Cronjé without any form of trial, and without any charge
or indictment being made against him, and that he received twenty-six
lashes, the extra one being given because he declined to say 'Thank
you' for the twenty-five. Commandant Trichard next gave evidence, and
from him Mr. WESSELS elicited that Cronjé had gone through no form of
trial, but handed over Jesaja and the other twelve indunas to be
flogged by Erasmus and Schoeman.
Advocate: Do you positively swear that Commandant Cronjé specified
the sentence of twenty-five lashes each?
Witness: Yes.
Which answer was quite in accordance with the pleas of Erasmus and
Schoeman, who stated specifically that they administered the lashes
in accordance with the orders and sentence given by Commandant
Cronjé. The Court held that a sufficient _prima facie_ case had been
made out by the plaintiff, and that the onus now lay on the
defendants to prove their case. The witnesses called were Commandant
Cronjé and Mr. Stiemens, secretary to the former. Mr. Stiemens in his
evidence fully corroborated Trichard's evidence as to the passing of
the sentence by Cronjé upon the indunas and the absence of any
form of trial; and nothing more need be said about this witness. With
Mr. Cronjé's evidence, however, it is necessary to deal at length.
Mr. Cronjé admitted under cross-examination that he had not observed
any particular form of trial, although, as was pointed out, the law
dealing with native trials stated specifically 'that the rules which
govern procedure in civilized courts shall be followed as closely as
possible.' He stated that as regards the Chieftainess, he called her
up and read over to her 'point by point' 'the indictment under
which she was charged,' which indictment, however, as he admitted,
consisted merely of a letter of complaint written by Field-cornet
Schoeman to him as Superintendent-General of Natives. He claimed
that no form of trial was necessary, inasmuch as he acted under the
authority of the President, who has supreme power over natives, and
was not obliged to observe any particular form of trial. 'Point by
point I read the charge,' to use his own words, 'against the woman,
and point by point I could see by her demeanour that she was guilty.'
As regards the thirteen indunas, Mr. Cronjé admitted that he did not
know whether these were indunas. He considered them guilty, not
because they had done anything, but because in their position as
advisers of the Chieftainess they ought to have advised her better
than they appeared to have done. Instructions had therefore been
given to arrest these indunas, and they had caught as many as they
could. There was no evidence to show that they were indunas, or that
they were ever in a position to advise or had advised the
Chieftainess; in fact, it was admitted that they were a lot of
thirteen caught out of a tribe as one might catch so many sheep out
of a flock. Mr. Cronjé denied that he had sentenced these men, and
repeatedly stated that he had handed them over to Erasmus and
Schoeman, to be dealt with according to law.
Mr. WESSELS cross-examined the witness upon this point as follows:--
Advocate: I believe Commandant Trichard accompanied you on this
commission?
Witness: Yes.
Advocate: He was present throughout the whole proceeding?
Witness: Yes.
Advocate: He had every opportunity of knowing what took place and
what was said?
Witness: Yes.
Advocate: You will be surprised to hear that Mr. Trichard states that
you actually passed sentence upon the thirteen indunas in such words
as, 'I hand you over to the Native Commissioner and Field-cornet to
be dealt with according to law. And you instigators will get
twenty-five lashes each between the shoulders.' Do you positively
deny that you said anything about twenty-five lashes?
Witness: Yes, I deny it.
Advocate: Do you deny that you gave any indication or opinion as to
what ought to be done with these men?
Witness: Yes.
Advocate: Well, Mr. Cronjé, I want to know which of you two the Court
is to believe, you or Commandant Trichard?
Witness: Commandant Trichard has made a mistake.
Advocate: No, no, no, Mr. Cronjé, that won't do; there are no
mistakes in this business. I want you to tell the Court which of you
two men under oath is lying and which is telling the truth.
Witness: Commandant Trichard is lying.
(At this point there was some commotion in Court caused by Commandant
Trichard jumping up and making use of some expressions towards the
witness. The matter ended in a rather fierce altercation after the
Court adjourned.) It is only necessary to add that Mr. Stiemans, who
followed Cronjé, fully corroborated Trichard's evidence. There were
many other interesting points brought out by Mr. WESSELS in his
cross-examination, but it is unnecessary to further detail this part
of the proceedings, as the same ground was covered by Mr. Justice
Jorissen, who took the witness in hand and whose cross-examination
brought out the salient features of the case with extreme vividness
and dramatic effect. The Judge first dealt with that portion of the
evidence relating to the so-called 'trial' of the Chieftainess.
Judge: Mr. Cronjé, in your evidence just now you said that you read
over to this woman the charge that was laid against her. 'Point by
point' you say you read it to her, and 'point by point you could see
by her demeanour that she was guilty.' Is that so?
Witness: Yes.
Judge: Very well, Mr. Cronjé, I will take the indictment, 'point by
point,' as you did. Point the first, Mr. Cronjé. (The Judge here read
the first of the seven clauses in Schoeman's letter which formed the
indictment.) Now kindly explain to me what there was in the woman's
demeanour which conveyed to you the idea that she was guilty on this
point.
The witness became considerably embarrassed and did not answer.
Judge: No answer, Mr. Cronjé? Well, we will take point No. 2. (The
judge dealt with all the seven clauses in a similar manner, the
witness failing to make any answer throughout. After the last point
had been dealt with and remained unanswered, the Judge addressed the
witness again amid a most impressive silence in Court).
Judge: Mr. Cronjé, 'point by point' I have read to you the indictment
as you read it to the woman; 'point by point' I have asked you to
give me certain information; 'point by point' you have failed to make
any answer. Well, Mr. Cronjé, I can only tell you this, 'point by
point' I shall set that down in my notes. (After an interval, during
which the Judge filled in his notes, the examination was resumed.)
Judge: Now, Mr. Cronjé, as I understand it, it was in consequence of
Field-cornet Schoeman's complaint to you as Superintendent-General of
Natives that you were sent by the Government to investigate the
matter?
Witness: Yes.
Judge: You called the woman up before you and read to her the
charges.
Witness: Yes.
Judge: You brought no evidence against her?
Witness: No.
Judge: You did not call upon Schoeman to produce any evidence against
her?
Witness: No.
Judge: His letter of complaint to you seemed sufficient?
Witness: Yes.
Judge: You did not give her any opportunity to bring evidence?
Witness: It was not necessary.
Judge: Oh, dear no; I quite understand that 'you could tell from her
demeanour that she was guilty.' But as a matter of form you did not
hear any evidence on her behalf?
Witness: No.
Judge: You just sentenced her out of hand.
Witness: I sentenced her to pay a fine.
Judge: And then as regards the thirteen indunas, if they were
indunas, as you deny sentencing them we need not refer further to
that point, but I put this to you--there was no evidence brought
against them?
Witness: No.
Judge: There was nothing to show that these men had ever advised the
woman or were in a position to advise her; in fact, as far as the
evidence goes, there was nothing to show that they even belonged to
the tribe, but in your opinion they ought to have advised her
differently, and you therefore sentenced them to twenty-five lashes
each.
Witness: I did not sentence them, but handed them over to the proper
authorities to be dealt with according to law.
Judge: Oh, no, Mr. Cronjé, that is not how the case appears to me.
You came up to these people in the capacity of Judge, to do justice
as between man and man according to your lights, to follow the
procedure that is observed in civilized courts, to represent the
strength, the rights, and the responsibilities of this Republic, and
if we are to accept your evidence as true, you did not try the men
whom you were to have tried. You heard evidence neither for nor
against them, but you handed them over to--to whom, Mr. Cronjé? Not
to the proper authorities, but to Erasmus and Schoeman, the other
parties in the case which you were sent up to try. It seems to me,
Mr. Cronjé, that this is a case without parallel.
There was no answer from the witness.
Judge: One point more, Mr. Cronjé, and I have finished. When you
handed over these men to be dealt with, did you notify them that they
had the right of appeal from any sentence that might be imposed upon
them?
Witness: Yes, I did.
Judge: Right! Now, Mr. Cronjé, did you notify Erasmus and Schoeman
that they should stay execution of the sentence pending the hearing
of any appeal?
After considerable pause the witness was understood to say "No."
Judge: You did not tell these officials to stay execution?
Witness: No.
Judge: Then you merely gave these natives the right to appeal against
the sentence of lashes after they should have received the lashes?
There was no answer from the witness.
Judge: That will do, Mr. Cronjé. I do not think that these people
have much reason to thank you for the leave to appeal.
Cronjé was followed in the witness-box by Stiemens, whose evidence is
already referred to, and the Court then adjourned.
The next morning, shortly before the opening of the Court, the State
Attorney came down on behalf of the Government and arranged with
Plaintiffs' Counsel to adjourn for the day to enable parties to try
and settle the three cases out of Court. The Court thereupon
adjourned at the request of parties, and during the day the three
cases were settled on the following basis: The Government refunds
Toeremetsjani the £147 10s. with interest at 6 per cent, from the
date of payment by her to Erasmus, and pays her costs, to be taxed as
between attorney and client.
The Defendants Cronjé, Erasmus, and Schoeman, pay each of the
thirteen indunas who were flogged £25 as compensation, and pay the
costs of Jesaja and Segole, to be taxed as between attorney and
client.
POSTSCRIPT.
One last touch of irony is needed to complete the story of the suits
brought by the Chieftainess Toeremetsjani and her indunas against
Messrs. Erasmus, Schoeman, and the rest. It seems that these same
gentlemen have actually been appointed by the Government to
'investigate matters' in the district where these Kaffirs live. Poor
Toeremetsjani and the unfortunate indunas, as a contemporary remarks,
may be expected to give a grovelling welcome. No more High Court for
them.
The natives, by the way, interviewed since their return to the
kraals, state that they have not yet received the settlement
arranged.
In connection with the above sample of justice to the natives it is
as well to recall another recent incident which has lately taken
place. Some natives being severely mishandled by the local
authorities, and being in consequence destitute of means to proceed
against them in law, applied to Court for leave to sue _in forma
pauperis_. This leave was granted. Immediately upon this becoming
known petitions were got up among the Boers, with the result that the
Volksraad some six weeks ago took a resolution instructing the
Government to immediately bring in a law forbidding the judges to
grant such leave, and making it impossible for a native to sue
Government or any white person _in forma pauperis_. Comment
(concludes the correspondent who sets out these various facts) is
superfluous.
APPENDIX L.
59, HOLBORN VIADUCT, LONDON, E.C.
_6th May, 1897._
REPORT ON THE LETTER WRITTEN ON A TORN TELEGRAM FORM SIGNED "F.R.",
BY MR. T.H. GURRIN, EXPERT IN HANDWRITING.
Mr. THOMAS HENRY GURRIN, of 59, Holborn Viaduct, London, E.C., is a
professional expert in handwriting, recognized and employed by the
Director of Public Prosecutions, the Home Office, and the authorities
at Scotland Yard, and is constantly engaged by them in that capacity.
He is also frequently engaged in the same capacity by the Bank of
England and other public bodies.
He has acted as handwriting expert in a very large number of civil
and criminal cases at sessions, assizes, and before the High Courts,
for over twelve years past, and can conscientiously say that his
experience in the identification of genuine handwriting and the
detection of forged and altered documents is very extensive.
Mr. Gurrin begs respectfully to submit the following report:--
'Having been instructed by Mr. Braunstein, solicitor, of 27, Great
George Street, Westminster, I have examined a photograph of torn
portions of a letter written on a telegram form of the South African
Republic.
'My attention has been directed to the evidence of Major Sir J.C.
Willoughby, appearing at page 302 of the Minutes, in which he has
given his version of the missing portions of this document.
'I have compared this version of the missing words with the vacant
spaces, and I find that the words supplied in question 5,571 would
occupy, as near as can be estimated, the missing spaces, judging from
the other writing in the document.
'I read the first portion of the document as follows:--
'"Dear Dr.,
"The rumour of massacre in"
"Johannesburg that started you to our"
"relief was not true. We are all right;"
"feeling intense; we have armed"
"a lot of men. Shall (not 'I shall') be very glad"
"to see you. We are not in possession of"
"town."
'Major Sir J.C. Willoughby reads line 6, "We (or the Boers)." It
cannot possibly be "the Boers," as the first letter is clearly a
portion of a capital "W," and corresponds with the first portion of
the "W" as made at line 3; and further, there would be no room for
the two words "the Boers," between the portion of the letter "W" and
the word "not."
'Again, I am of opinion that the last word in line 6 was "of," as
there is still visible an ascending curved stroke corresponding to
that with which the writer terminates the letter "f."
'With reference to the rest of the version as contained in question
5,573, I respectfully submit that the missing words supplied are
absolutely inconsistent with the spaces which these words would
occupy if written naturally by the same writer.
'The words "I will bring at least three hundred" do not correspond
with the still existing marks on line 7. The portion of a letter
appearing in the middle of the line would not, as far as I can judge,
be a part of any of the words suggested which would come at the
centre of that line. It might be a part of a capital "W," or an
initial "p," or it might be a final "d" turned back to the left, and
the last letter in the line looks as though it was intended for an
"e." In support of this theory, I compare it with the "e" at the end
of the word "true" in line 3, and the "e" at the end of "intense,"
line 4. The writer, when making a final "d," makes the latter
portion of the letter something like this, but in the instances in
this document he exerts more pressure than we find here, see, for
instance, the "d" in "started," at line 2, the "d" in "glad," in
line 5, and "d" in "armed," line 4. Besides, I cannot think that this
can be the end of the word "hundred," as, judging from the length of
the word "started," the word "hundred" would have occupied from the
third vertical line, and this would certainly leave no room for
the other words suggested in the version given by Major Sir J.C.
Willoughby, viz.: "We will bring at least, or about three." If the
words "will send out some," or "we will send out some," are written
in line 7 after the word "town," adopting, as nearly as possible, the
space that would have been occupied by the writer for these words,
they will just fill the line. In like manner, with regard to line 8,
there is just room after the words "men to" for the two words "meet
you," and the small mark appearing before the full stop might
have been the terminal of the letter "u," but it would have been
impossible to get into this small space the words "meet you at
Krugersdorp," and even if the words "meet you at" were omitted, and
if it be assumed that the word which originally stood there was
"Krugersdorp," then the mark appearing before the full stop could
not by any theory be construed as having been a portion of the
letter "p," as I have examined various specimens of Colonel Rhodes'
handwriting, and have seen him write specimens containing the letter
"p" and find that he does not terminate a "p" with any stroke of this
description, but that he terminates it inside the oval portion of the
letter near the downstroke. With regard to the rest of the line, the
last two letters appear to have been "ne," and there is a dot just in
the position that would apparently have been occupied by the dot had
the previous letter been "i." Consequently, I am of opinion that the
theory that the words "will send," or "we will send out some men to
meet you," "you are a fine fellow," is perfectly consistent with the
spaces left in the torn document, but that the theory that the words
which were originally in the spaces were "I will bring at least or
about three hundred men to meet you at Krugersdorp, you are a gallant
fellow," is not only inconsistent with the amount of space available,
but does not fit in with the letters and portions of letters still
visible.
'T.H. GURRIN.'
Contents of the letter according to a statement signed by Dr.
Jameson, Sir John Willoughby, Major Robert White and Colonel Raleigh
Grey:--
'The rumour of massacre in Johannesburg that started you to our
relief was not true. We are all right, feeling intense. We have armed
a lot of men. I shall be very glad to see you. We (or the Boers) are
not in possession of the town. I will bring at least, or about, 300
men to meet you at Krugersdorp. You are a gallant fellow.'
According to Colonel Francis Rhodes and Mr. Lionel Phillips, the
contents are as follows:--
'The rumour of massacre in Johannesburg that started you to our
relief was not true. We are all right, feeling intense. We have armed
a lot of men. Shall be very glad to see you. We are not in possession
of the town. We will send out some men to meet you. You are a fine
fellow.'
'We, the undersigned, were present in the Reform Committee's room
when Colonel Rhodes despatched the letter to Dr. Jameson, which
commences, "Dear Dr.--The rumour of massacre." We read the letter,
but cannot now recall the exact words on the missing fragments; but
we do hereby declare on oath that there was no offer of 300 men, nor
of any other specific number of men, nor was the word Krugersdorp
mentioned. The spirit of the letter was to suggest that a few men
should or would be sent in the character of a complimentary escort to
show Dr. Jameson his camp.
'GEO. W. FARRAR.
'S.W. JAMESON.
'As witness--
'J. Percy FitzPatrick.
'Johannesburg, _10th April, 1897_.'
End of Project Gutenberg's The Transvaal from Within, by J. P. Fitzpatrick