In the afternoon the sloop was hauled into the inner harbor, and on
the following day we commenced discharging cargo. I took an early
opportunity to hold some conversation with Captain Lordick on the
subject of my change of name. The Lesson I had received in my agonizing
interview with Captain Brown made a deep impression on my mind, and
doubtless had an effect in shaping my character in future life.
I expressed my gratitude to Captain Lordick for the interest he took
in my welfare, but frankly told him I could no longer sail under false
colors; that falsehood, in any shape, was alien to my character; that
I was determined to fall back on the name to which I was rightfully
entitled, a very good and quiet name in itself, and acknowledge myself
in all times and places a native citizen of the United States. If I
should be involved in trouble by this straightforward and honest mode of
proceeding, impressed on board a man-of-war, or detained as a prisoner,
in my tribulations I should be able to bear a bold front and enjoy the
glorious consciousness of telling the truth and being no imposter.
The captain stared. Although a worthy and upright man, he could hardly
appreciate the line of conduct I had determined to adopt. He urged
that if I remained in those seas, and avowed myself an American without
evidence of the fact, I should beyond all doubt be impressed, and under
such circumstances I should not only be justified by the strictest code
of morality in eluding the grasp of the kidnappers by changing my name,
but be a great fool for rejecting such a simple and harmless means of
safety. Nevertheless, I remained firm in my determination.
In a few days the cargo was discharged, and I learned that the sloop was
about to proceed on a trip to Barbadoes, and that Mr. Thomas, the
owner, intended to go in the sloop as a passenger and take charge of
the business. I had seen Mr. Thomas, who was a fine-looking, portly
gentleman, when he visited the sloop; but he had never spoken to me,
and I had no longer any communication with Mr. Bohun. Not a syllable had
been lisped in relation to further compensation for my services in St.
Bartholomew, which, I supposed, had been undervalued or forgotten, as a
matter of course. But in this supposition I was unjust; for, on the day
on which it was expected the Lapwing would sail, Bohun came on board,
and, referring to my conduct during the hurricane, said he felt uneasy
in regard to my situation in the sloop, especially as the Lapwing was
bound to a port which was much frequented by English men-of-war. He
suggested that some business on shore would be preferable to a voyage to
the Island of Barbadoes.
I heartily assented to this view of the subject, but added, that having
neither money, clothing, nor friends, I felt rejoiced at procuring
employment of any kind; but if I could obtain the means of living in the
island until I could meet a favorable opportunity to return to my native
country, this would be altogether more desirable than to be compelled to
serve on board a man-of-war.
"Well," said Bohun, "I will represent your case to Mr. Thomas, and
perhaps he will be able to make some satisfactory arrangement."
In two hours afterwards the Lapwing was ready for sea, being confined to
the wharf by a single fast, when Mr. Thomas came on board accompanied
by Bohun. Mr. Thomas, with a dignified and patronizing air, said, "Young
man, Mr. Bohun has just informed me that you rendered valuable aid in
saving my vessel from shipwreck in St. Bartholomew. It is a service
that I cannot forget; and I shall be happy to bestow upon you a suitable
recompense. In the mean time you had better go ashore. Mr. Bohun will
take care of you, provide for your wants, and endeavor to procure you a
proper situation."
I accordingly went below, gathered together all my worldly effects,
which were confined within a very small pocket handkerchief, took an
affectionate farewell of my worthy friend and QUONDAM brother, Captain
Lordick, and my Saba countrymen, and, lightly clad and barefooted,
cheerfully stepped on shore, somewhat amused at the sudden change in my
destiny, and wondering what new figure would be presented by the next
shake of fortune's kaleidoscope.
Bohun said that the first step should be to find a cheap and comfortable
boarding house, where I could remain for a few days; that a widow woman
kept a house of that description, he believed, not far from the wharves.
He pointed out the place, and suggested that I should call upon her
immediately, make use of his name, and ascertain her price for board,
and afterwards proceed to the counting room of Mr. Thomas, in a
different part of the town, where we would confer together further.
The boarding house to which Bohun directed my attention was an
ordinary-looking abode; but I cared little for its character, provided
the price would suit. It was kept by a round-faced, jolly-looking,
middle-aged woman, whose complexion bore unmistakable evidence of her
African extraction. I told my errand. She threw a suspicious glance upon
my person and on the diminutive bundle I held in my hand, and the result
was unfavorable.
Putting her arms akimbo, and assuming a stately manner, which appeared
to be far from natural, she told me she had no spare room for boarders
her house was already full.
"Very well," said I, "I must then apply elsewhere. Mr. Bohun said he
thought you would accommodate me, and he would be responsible for the
pay."
"Mr. Bohun! O, that's another thing. I can always find room for a friend
of Mr Bohun;" and the whole broad expanse of her face was brightened by
a smile.
On inquiry I found that the price for board was two dollars and a half
a day! I was startled at this announcement. The amount struck me
as exorbitant when compared with the accommodations. I had a secret
misgiving that the good woman had not scrupled in this case to add at
least a hundred and fifty per centum to her customary charges. I told
her I would consult Mr. Bohun, and be guided by his advice.
I lost no time in proceeding to Mr. Thomas's counting room. I
communicated to Bohun the result of my inquiries, expressing an opinion
that the price for board was exorbitantly high. To my astonishment
he seemed well satisfied, pronouncing it reasonable enough. Being
unaccustomed to the usages of the place, I supposed it must be all
right, and made no further objections.
Bohun took me to a clothing shop, and rigged me out from head to foot in
a suit of decent garments a luxury to which I had for some time been a
stranger. He also bought me an extra supply of clothing, and a variety
of other articles which he assured me I should need.
I was amazed at his liberality; but knowing Mr. Thomas was a rich man,
I presumed that Bohun, by ministering to my wants in a manner not
altogether offensive to my pride, was seeking to cancel obligations on
the part of his employer, and perhaps at the same time was obeying the
dictates of a benevolent heart, by rendering important assistance to a
stranger in adversity.
Week after week passed away. I saw Bohun from time to time, but he could
not procure me a desirable situation. In the mean time the expenses for
my board seemed to me a serious matter. My pride took the alarm, and I
could not rest easy under the idea that I was all the while living like
a price at the expense of Mr. Thomas. When I mentioned this to Bohun,
he told me to keep quiet and give myself no anxiety; that my expenses,
which I regarded as so heavy, were in reality trifling, and Mr. Thomas
would never miss the amount.
A few days after this conversation, Bohun called at my lodgings, and
seemed quite excited. "Hawser," said he, "I have pleasant news to
communicate. I have been so fortunate as to secure you an excellent
situation on a plantation in the north part of the island. Mr. Church,
the attorney for the Pearl estates, was in town yesterday, and on
my recommendation has consented to take you to fill a vacancy, in
preference to several young men who are applicants for the place."
"I should much prefer a situation as clerk on a wharf or in a counting
room," said I.
"O," replied Bohun, "this chance with Mr. Church is far better than a
simple clerkship with a trader; the duties are not so arduous, and it
will give you a better opportunity to rise in the world; besides, Mr.
Church is an excellent man, a whole-souled Irishman, who has been in the
army, and has great influence in the island. He will send a mule and a
guide over the mountains tomorrow; so you must prepare for the journey
on the following day."
"Very well," said I, hardly knowing whether to be pleased or
dissatisfied with this arrangement, which I decided, however, to accept,
with a mental determination, if I found my situation objectionable, to
abandon it at once, and if I could do no better, try my fortunes
again on the ocean. In the mean time, I should see a new and perhaps
interesting phase in life.
"The Upper Pearl estate, where you will reside," continued Bohun,
"is one of the healthiest estates on the island. On some of the sugar
plantations, 'fever and ague' prevails at certain seasons of the year,
but is unknown on the Pearl estates. Your situation will be a pleasant
one in every respect."
I shuddered at the idea of fever and ague, with the name of which
disease the most pleasant associations were not connected, and
congratulated myself on the fact that the Pearl estates were exempted
from this and almost every other evil in the shape of sickness. The next
day I completed my preparations for a journey across the mountains to
the opposite side of the island. Agreeably to a suggestion from Bohun,
I procured from my accommodating landlady her bill for my board and
lodging; to this she added another item for washing, swelling the amount
to the very respectable sum of sixty-six dollars.
I handed the bill to Bohun with an innocent and confiding look. He cast
his eye over it, and started back aghast. "What is all this?" said he.
"What does it mean? Why, the woman is crazy."
"It is right, sir," I replied. "Twenty-five days at two dollars and a
half a day come to sixty-two dollars and a half; and the washing, at one
dollar a week, she says she cannot do it for less, makes a sum total of
sixty-six dollars. It is the amount agreed on, although you recollect
I expressed an opinion more than once that the price for board was
extravagantly high."
"Two dollars and a half a DAY!" shouted he. "Why, I understood the price
to be two dollars and a half a WEEK, and supposed that half a doubloon
would pay the whole debt."
He seemed quite indignant at "the imposition," and indulged in severe
remarks on the character of the woman with whom I boarded. He threatened
to give her a regular reprimanding, and swore he would cut down her bill
to less than one third of the amount.
On the following morning, at about seven o'clock, I again went to the
counting room, and found opposite the entrance a mule already bridled
and saddled, with a negro guide to show me the way, over the mountains
by the Grand Etang route, to the Upper Pearl estate. I took leave of
Bohun, who wrung my hand affectionately at parting, and taking the
direction indicated by my guide, entered on my journey.
The road was rough and muddy, for there had been heavy rains, the mule
was lazy, and I was unaccustomed to this kind of travelling; besides, I
found much on the route to excite my attention; much which was novel and
highly interesting. My progress was consequently slow. The road passed
among the sugar plantations, which were confined to the comparatively
low lands near the sea shore; then ascending towards the mountains,
winded through coffee and cacao estates, the successful cultivation of
which articles of commerce requires a cooler and moister region than the
sugar-cane.
During this journey, I often stopped my mule on the summit of a
commanding height, and gazed admiringly around on the beautiful and
extensive prospect. The well-cultivated plantations, each appearing
like a village in itself, scattered among the many hills and valleys
and intervals even to the very sea coast; the sea beyond, which at that
distance seemed as smooth and polished as a mirror, encasing the island
in a frame of silver; the luxuriant tropical foliage, whose beauty I had
often heard described; the cocoanut, orange, tamarind, and guava trees,
loaded with fruit, with plantains, bananas, pineapples, aloes and
cactuses on every side, all filled my heart with wonder and delight.
Taking the road leading over the mountains, which is impassable for
carriages, I passed through vast tracks of forest, where the lofty trees
were covered with stout vines reaching to the tree tops, rendering it
difficult for man to penetrate those sylvan recesses. Near the highest
part of this mountain road, at a height of several thousand feet above
the sea, is situated a romantic lake, called by the French the Grand
Etang, or Great Lake, which fills the crater of an extinct volcano.
Near this spot, where the atmosphere is always cool and humid, we were
suddenly enveloped in a cloud, and soon experienced the peltings of a
tropical shower. I received conclusive evidence that my garments were
not water-proof before we could find shelter in a negro hut by the
wayside.
After passing the Grand Etang, we began to descend the mountains on our
way towards the north side of the island. The sun again shone brightly,
and again a beautiful and expanded prospect met my view. To the eastward
was the little town of Greenville, situated at the head of a beautiful
bay, in which several ships and quite a number of small vessels were
riding at anchor. Far to the north was seen the high and rugged island
of St. Vincent, rising like a blue and jagged cloud out of the sea; and
between that island and the shores of Grenada, a birdseye view could
be obtained of the little islands and rocks, some cultivated and some
barren, known as the Grenadines. Among the plantations which appeared
afar off, nearest the sea coast, my guide pointed out the Pearl estates,
which, he said, with a degree of pride that caused me some astonishment,
produced more sugar than any two estates in that part of the island.
In the course of the route, I asked a thousand questions of my guide,
who was an intelligent slave belonging to the Upper Pearl estate, and
seemed delighted with an opportunity to display his knowledge. He
gave me much information, which I subsequently found to be correct,
in relation to the mode of managing estates in the West Indies, and
conducting the economy of those establishments, each of which, although
of course subjected to the general laws of the colony, was in those days
a community of itself, under the government of an absolute despotism,
the best government in the world provided "the head man" possesses the
attributes of goodness, wisdom, and firmness, and is exempt from the
imperfections which seem inseparably attached to human nature. But when
a despot can boast of none of those attributes, woe to the people who
are obliged to submit to his oppressions and obey his behests!
The island of Grenada, as is indeed the case with most of the Windward
Islands, is well watered by rivers running from the mountains. Some of
the streams are of considerable size, and are never dry in seasons of
the greatest drought. The water, conducted by canals from these rivers,
constituted the chief motive power for the machinery on the sugar
estates, although in a few cases windmills were used for that purpose.
The estates comprised each an area of some two to five hundred acres, a
considerable portion of which was planted with the cane. The remainder
was improved as sites for the various buildings, gardens for the slaves,
fields of corn and "guinea grass," and other purposes. The "sugar works"
were placed as near the centre of the estate as convenience would
admit. The manager's house, which was a large, inconvenient, one-story
building, with numerous out-houses, was generally situated on an
elevated spot of land in the vicinity. Another house of smaller size was
occupied by the overseers.
At no great distance from the "sugar works," and sometimes in close
proximity, was a collection of huts, thirty or forty in number, cheaply
constructed, with thatched roofs, and huddled together without any
regard to order, or even convenience. These were known as "negro
houses," the dwellings of the slaves, where, when their daily tasks were
ended, they could rest from their labors, and enjoy, without restraint,
the few comforts which shed a gleam of sunshine over their condition.
In their houses and families, the slaves made their own regulations.
Their enjoyments consisted chiefly in social gatherings and gossip.
The women derived gratification from showy dresses and decorations, and
sometimes displayed their barbarian tendencies by indulging a love
for scandal and mischief-making. They seemed constitutionally gay
and cheerful, as was seen by their merry jokes and songs; and a loud,
ringing, contagious, African laugh, in the jocund chorus of which many
joined, was elicited on very slight provocation.
In their habitations the slaves were greatly influenced, and sometimes
controlled, by one or more intelligent individuals, who held superior
positions, as is often the case in other communities. The most important
person among them was the "head field-driver," who held that position on
account of his superior intelligence and fidelity. The "head boiler" was
also a man of consequence among them, also the head carpenter, cooper,
and mule-driver. These and others filled situations of responsibility,
which required more than ordinary capacity. Of these trusts they were
proud.
The manager or overseer on a plantation seldom interfered in the
domestic arrangements of the slaves. Their religious and moral
instruction was neglected. The marriage tie was not regarded as an
indissoluble knot, but as a slender thread, to be broken by either party
at will. It is therefore not remarkable that the habits and conduct of
these children of bondage were not of the most exemplary character. Each
family, who wished it, had a small lot of ground set apart as a garden
in some district bordering upon the mountains, where those who were
frugal and industrious cultivated yams, cassava, plantains, and other
varieties of vegetables or fruit, which were sold to managers of
estates, or carried to the nearest town on a Sunday and sold in the
market place. In this way some of the most thrifty could supply all
reasonable wants, and even indulge in luxuries, which made them the
envy of their neighbors; for even in the lowly negro houses of those
plantations, as in every other assemblage of human beings, without
regard to CASTE or color, were exhibited all the passions, virtues, and
weaknesses incident to human nature.
Sunday in the island was generally regarded as a holiday. The slaves on
the plantations on that day passed hours in cultivating their gardens,
as well as in disposing of their produce and attending to their other
concerns. The planters visited each other on the Sabbath, gave dinner
parties, made excursions to the neighboring towns to supply their wants
at the stores, attended militia musters and shooting matches, indulged
in games of quoits and other sports. But religious services and
religious instruction were almost entirely unknown. Young men often came
to the island who were educated in the strictest Presbyterian
faith; lineal descendants of the old Scottish Covenanters; they were
scandalized at the little attention given to religious duties and the
habitual and open violation of the Sabbath. A few months, however, of
familiarity with the customs of the island produced a striking change in
their ideas and acts; and their consciences, which were troublesome at
first, were soon in a state of quiescence.
A small amount of salted provisions, ling, stock fish, or salt fish was
served out every week to the slaves on the plantations as a relish
for their vegetables; and a limited, indeed scanty, supply of coarse
clothing was annually distributed among them. For other articles of food
and clothing, the slaves were compelled to rely on their own industry
and management, excepting in "crop time," when the sugar works were in
operation, and every person was allowed an unlimited amount of sirup,
which is highly nutritious and wholesome.
On every plantation might be found some wretched-looking, thriftless, or
lazy negroes, of the vagabond order. These miserable beings formed the
lowest caste, and were despised and often persecuted by those of their
fellow-slaves who were orderly and industrious, and cherished habits of
self-respect. These were the "pariahs" of the plantation, constituting
a class of runaways, who, to avoid work or punishment, or the gibes
and jeers of their more RESPECTABLE companions, took refuge in the
mountains, and in some of the islands became formidable by their numbers
and ferocity. In Dominico, at one period, these run-away negroes,
MAROONS, as they were called, amounted to more than a thousand. They
were organized and armed, and subsisted by committing depredations and
levying contributions on the plantations. They were subdued only after a
desperate and protracted struggle.
The owners of plantations in the English West India Islands, as I have
already intimated, usually resided at "home," in "Merry England," or
the "Land of cakes;" and if they realized a handsome yearly profit from
their estates, seldom interested themselves in the condition or welfare
of the slaves. Their agents in the islands were called ATTORNEYS,
and were vested with almost unlimited power in the management of the
property. The trust was an important one, and the labors of an attorney
were well compensated, which made the situation desirable. It was
sometimes the case that a person who bore a high character for
shrewdness and efficiency acted as attorney for several estates. This
gave him great power and influence, moral and political, in the island.
The ATTORNEY, holding a grade higher than that of MANAGER, kept a
separate establishment, and lived in a loftier style. He often resided
in a pleasant and healthy location, some miles, perhaps, distant from
the estate whose interest he was appointed to look after, and revelled
in tropical luxury and aristocratic grandeur. The details of operations
on the plantations were left to the manager, who was appointed by the
attorney; and this situation being one of great importance, the manager
being intrusted with the management of the slaves and the cultivation of
the estate, required an incumbent of superior administrative abilities
and large experience.
The manager had generally two assistants to aid him in his arduous task,
and direct the operations on the plantation. During half the year, while
the canes were planted and growing, these assistants superintended the
agricultural labors and attended to various other matters, and in
"crop time," in addition to their usual duties, one had charge of the
distillery and the other looked after the manufacture of sugar.
These assistants were called BOOKKEEPERS or OVERSEERS. They were
principally young men, of good characters, steady habits, and well
educated, who had left their homes in Scotland to seek their fortunes
in the West Indies. Those who were not swept off by malignant diseases
incident to tropical climates, and who continued correct in their
conduct which was not always the case after a few years would be
promoted to the situation of manager; and perhaps in time, if they
evinced sufficient capacity, would reach the highest object of their
ambition and become an attorney. It will be recollected that the poet
Burns passed a whole day in taking leave of his "Highland Mary," when he
had made his arrangements for going to the West Indies and obtaining a
situation as overseer on a sugar plantation. Very few cases ever came to
my knowledge where a creole, a white person born and "brought up" in the
West Indies, was engaged on an estate in any capacity. The creoles were
reputed lazy, loose in their morals, ignorant and unfaithful agents.
They were seldom employed, unless on a plantation which was notoriously
unhealthy; where no man, unless he was born in the torrid zone, could
expect to resist successfully the poisonous effects of the miasma.
From what I have said it will be inferred that the manager of a
plantation possessed great power, and that the treatment of the slaves
was regulated in a great measure by the promptings of his head and
heart. A manager with a clear understanding, equable temper, and
elevated principles, could reconcile his duty to the proprietor with
justice and even kindness towards the slaves. So far from treating
them with cruelty or even severity, he allowed them every reasonable
indulgence, and while he exacted the full quota of labor, looked after
their condition, and made them as comfortable and contented as can be
expected in a state of bondage. Such managers were seen in Grenada, and
where they ruled, the estates were prosperous, and the slaves cheerful
and happy.
Some managers, however, were of a different character, and, instigated
by whim, liquor, an evil temper, hatred to the African race, or a desire
to get an impossible amount of work, acted the part of tyrants and
oppressors, and made the slaves feel that they were trodden beneath the
foot of a master.
But policy, a regard for the interest of the owner of the estate,
generally prevented the infliction of ill treatment and privations which
bore severely on the slaves; and public opinion, as well as the laws of
the colony, restrained the manager from the commission of extraordinary
acts of cruelty. In the British island of Tortola, only a few years
before my sojourn in Grenada, the manager of a plantation was arrested
for causing the death of a slave by inhuman punishment. He was tried,
convicted of murder, and hanged. The penalty exacted met the sanction of
public opinion. A full report of the trial was published in a pamphlet
form and circulated among the islands, and was doubtless the means of
preventing similar acts of monstrous cruelty.