CHAPTER IV

MY FIRST JOURNEY TO THE EAST

From the little foretaste which my theoretical studies had given me of

the immense depths of delight contained in Oriental literature, it had

become quite clear to me that in order fully to understand and

appreciate this strange and wonderful world it would be absolutely

necessary to have a more intimate knowledge of the land and its bizarre

inhabitants. When I was still in Kecskemét I had been planning a journey

to the East, and since that time the enchanting pictures which the

Oriental poets conjured up had ever been before my eyes. But how could

I, devoid of all means, and scarcely able to procure the bare

necessaries of life--how could I possibly dream of undertaking a journey

which at that time was very expensive? I pondered in vain. But now I had

saved 120 florins from my last salary as tutor. I was thoroughly weary

of teaching, and possessed by a wild desire for adventure. The time

seemed come at last to carry out my ambitious plans. I determined to

start for Constantinople _viâ_ Galatz as soon as ever I could get ready.

The means at my disposal would cover only half of my travelling

expenses, and arrived in Constantinople I should be penniless, without

recommendation, without friends, an utter stranger, with nothing but

starvation before me. But none of these things troubled me, nor did I

worry myself about the possible issue of my hazardous scheme. The

glorious Bosporus, the Golden Horn, the slender minarets, the stately

cupolas of the mosques, the turbaned Turks, and closely veiled Turkish

women, and many other marvels which I was about to behold, had entirely

captivated my imagination, and I had no thought left for the prosaic

details of travelling preparations and expenses, and the care for daily

food. "I shall manage somehow," I said to myself, and the only thing

that caused me some uneasiness was how to get a passport from the

Austrian authorities. Just then they were always very suspicious of any

one going to Turkey, for it was the favourite resort of Hungarian

emigrants, and it was thought in Vienna that rebellious schemes were

being hatched there. Without protection I could do nothing, and by good

fortune the Baron Joseph Eötvös came to my rescue. I had made the

acquaintance of this noble-minded, highly-cultured countryman of mine

some little time before. He, the distinguished and kind-hearted author

and scientist, having accidentally heard of me, had expressed a wish to

make my personal acquaintance. I was then in great want and distress.

My foot covering was in a very dilapidated condition, the soles of my

shoes were in holes, and as I did not like to come into the room from

the dirty street in the rags which covered my feet I tied pasteboard

soles under my shoes. In spite of this precaution my feet left

unmistakable traces on the carpet, much to the annoyance of the

servants, no doubt, but the noble baron only smiled at my discomfiture;

he set me at my ease and questioned me as to what had induced me to take

up the study of philology. He promised me his protection and also gave

me an introduction to the Academy library, so that I could borrow books,

which was of great service to me in my studies. When I spoke to him

about the passport he managed, not without a good deal of trouble, to

influence in my favour the then Governor, a man highly esteemed in

Government circles. The noble baron even went so far as to start a

collection for my benefit, but this failed, and when I took leave of

him, although not rich himself, he gave me some money and clothes,

requesting me to let him have news of me from time to time.

Provided with the necessary legal documents, I soon after packed up my

dictionaries, a few favourite authors, and some underclothes, and was

ready to start. Again at the recommendation of Baron Eötvös I was

provided with a ticket to Galatz at half price, and I went on board one

fine morning in the month of May, 1857, to enter the "land of romance,"

as Wieland calls it in his _Oberon_, with no one to see me off, no one

to weep, no one to grieve over me. The reader will easily imagine the

joyful exultation and rapturous delight which filled my whole being. As

my little stock of ready money had considerably diminished during the

prolonged delay, I had only taken a second-class ticket. All day I

remained on deck, entering into conversation with my fellow-travellers,

old and young, great and small, and of many different nationalities; and

as I could address them all in their mother-tongue my versatility called

forth much admiration, which sometimes expressed itself in the offer of

a drink, sometimes in an invitation to share a modest repast, which I

always gladly accepted. After a good meal my hilarity generally rose a

few degrees, and in this agreeable state of mind I was always pleased to

recite some beautiful passage or other from one of my favourite authors,

and especially from Petrarch's _Sonnets_. It was with the "Hermit of

Vaucluse" that I first gained the favour of the Italian ship's cook, who

invited me to sit down by his kitchen door, and while I was gaily

declaiming outside, the poetically inclined cook inside stirred his pans

with all the more vigour, and an occasional bravo! or _ben fatto!_ for

my benefit. Of course the practical tokens of his favour were not

wanting, for Mr. Cook handed me from time to time a plateful of the best

food his kitchen could produce. Thus I lived in plenty and comfort, and

often had to confess to myself that my adventurous sail to the East had

with this passage of the Danube commenced under the very best auspices.

I was particularly fascinated by the variety of nationalities around me.

For the first time in my life the narrow limits of a ship afforded me

the opportunity of conversing with representatives of so many different

nations, that I could now at pleasure put into practice my theoretical

and letter knowledge; and although my queer pronunciation and faulty

accentuation often made it difficult for the foreigners to understand

me, I very soon learned to understand them, and after a while I was

surprised to find how smoothly and fluently the conversation went along.

When at Widdin I first saw real live Turks, and my surprise and

astonishment knew no bounds. My first acquaintance with a Mussulman was

of special interest. It was evening, the sun was going down, and its

last rays shone on the deck swarming with natives from Servia,

Wallachia, Bulgaria, and Turkey. A venerable follower of the Prophet

stepped forth, spread his carpet in a corner of the deck, and began to

perform his "Akhsham Namazi," _i.e._, evening devotions. The sight of

this old man prostrating himself in all humility and contrition of

heart, with his head bent low, and arms limply stretched out in front of

him, made a deep impression upon me. I never took my eyes off him, and

when he rose from his prayers and rolled up his carpet, I came forward

and addressed him. I was pleased to find that he was willing to talk to

me; he told me that his name was Mehemed Aga and that he came from

Lofcha. He was now on his way to Stambul to visit his son Djewdet

Effendi, who was studying there, and who afterwards became known as

Historiographer and Minister of Justice. From Stambul he intended to go

on to Mecca. The name "Madjar" (Hungarian) stood at that time in good

repute with the Turks, who had interested themselves for the emigrating

Hungarians; and when I had shown the dear old man my Turkish reading

book, a religious work entitled _Kyrk Sual_ (the Forty Questions), and

had read something aloud out of it, his confidence increased, he invited

me to supper, and throughout the voyage proved himself a good, kind

friend to me.

Other acquaintances of a similar nature helped to clear away the black

clouds which darkened the horizon of my future in the strange land. The

sail up the Danube as far as Galatz soon came to an end, and I was

fortunate enough to secure a half deck-ticket on one of the Lloyd

steamers. I was supremely happy, as now for the first time in my life I

should see the briny ocean, so familiar to me from the descriptions of

Byron and Tegner and other master poets; and when I beheld its mighty

grandeur I was almost giddy with delight and admiration. In order to

watch the motion of the waves more closely I stationed myself, with

permission of the sailors, on a projection near to the bowsprit, and I

imagined I was riding a dolphin, with the salt waves splashing round me.

Thus I accomplished the first few miles on the dark waters of the Pontus

Euxinus. I literally bathed in a sea of delight. I sang, I shouted in my

exultation, and until far into the night my voice vied with the seagulls

and the clamour of the ship's crew behind me. At last, nearly soaked

through with the spray, I left my perch and retired to a corner of the

deck which the Turks had taken possession of, and soon fell fast asleep.

About midnight I was roused by the jerky motion of the ship, and got up.

The howling of the wind, the creaking of the planks, the jolting and

bumping of the vessel, the sighs and groans of the passengers, and

especially of the Turkish women, soon made me realise that I was to have

the good fortune of witnessing the terrible majesty of the Euxine in a

real storm. Regardless of the consternation round me, the fright, the

lamentations, the cries, and the general confusion, I steered my way

along the pitch-dark deck, and was beside myself with joy when an

occasional flash of lightning gave me a sight of the awful spectacle

around, and the black waves towering high above us. Oh! the horror and

the delight of it! My dearest wishes were realised, and as I stood

leaning against the railing which separated our quarter from the deck of

the first-class passengers, and in my rapturous excitement began to

declaim a few stanzas from the _Henriade_, I noticed that a traveller,

pacing up and down on the other side, occasionally stopped to listen;

and after a while he shouted to me in French, "Who are you; what makes

you think of the _Henriade_ just now?" After a little conversation I

found that I was talking to the Secretary of the Belgian Legation at

Constantinople. The next morning he talked for a long time with me, and

finally asked me to come and see him at Pera.

Needless to say I was deeply impressed by the entrance of the Bosporus,

and it was not until the ship had cast anchor at the Golden Horn

opposite Galata, and the passengers crowding into the boats had gone

ashore, that I awoke from my dreams and began to realise my critical

position. I had only just enough money in my pocket to pay for the

ferryboat, without the slightest idea where to go or what to do. There I

stood, penniless, in an utterly strange town. As far as I can remember I

was about two hours climbing up the steep incline between Galata and

Pera. I was so fascinated by the absolute grotesqueness of the life

around me, the chaos of languages, gaudy costumes and strange

physiognomies, that I was obliged to stop every few minutes, rooted, as

it were, to the spot. Pushed on all sides, I felt myself suddenly seized

by the shoulder, and some one addressed me first in Italian and then in

Hungarian. I stood face to face with Mr. Püspöki, my countryman and an

emigrant. My Hungarian hat with the flying ribbons had attracted his

attention, and he began to question me as to the aim and object of my

journey. "Ah, perhaps you are the philologer of whose journey to the

East we have read in the Hungarian papers?" "Yes," I answered; "and

since you are the first countryman I have met, you must help me to find

a lodging and work to do." The good man looked at me with surprise; he

seemed to have guessed the emptiness of my pocket, and in order not to

raise my hopes too high he told me that he was not doing very well

himself, and that just at present he was looking for a cook's place, and

would gladly share his modest quarters with me. Talking about the

beloved fatherland, the absolutism of the Austrians, and the miserable

condition of Turkey, he led me through a labyrinth of dirty, narrow

passages to his abode behind the wall of the English Embassy. This

dwelling consisted of one bare room, with broken windows, and as its

only furniture a long, torn, Turkish divan, which he pulled forward,

inviting me to sit down. "Half of it is mine, and the other yours," said

kind-hearted Mr. Püspöki; "and as for food, I will show you a locanda

(eating-house), where, if you happen to have cash, you can get a good

meal very reasonably." He took me to a basement place in what is now the

Grande Rue de Pera, and which bore the pompous title of "Café Flamm de

Vienne." They sold café-au-lait and Vienna rolls, quite a novelty for

the East in those days. Here I found other compatriots lounging about,

some in Turkish military uniform, some in threadbare clothes. The

majority gave me a hearty welcome, but a few eyed me suspiciously, for

just then the emigrants dreaded to find in every fresh arrival from

Hungary an Austrian spy, sent over to report about them to the

authorities. However, the harmlessness of my personality soon reassured

them, and all suspicions were allayed when they found that I could read

Turkish and speak it a little as well. Some of them invited me to

breakfast straight away, to which meal I did full justice.

After the conclusion of the Crimean War this Café Flamm had become the

favourite haunt of disillusioned adventurers, officers out of employ,

bankrupt merchants, despairing emigrants, political enthusiasts, and

heroes of all trades and nationalities. To judge from the conversation

of these almost always hungry gentlemen, the fate of Europe and of

Turkey was to be decided in this dingy, smoky parlour; they played ball

with Sovereigns and Ministers of State to their hearts' content; they

all had their own plans and views for the amelioration of the world, and

each of them secretly believed that it was merely a question of time for

him to get to the head of affairs in Turkey. The modern Argonaut

expedition of united Europe to the northern banks of the Euxine had

created during and since the Crimean War quite a marvellous host of

knights of the Golden Fleece, and had opened the romantic East to the

romantic children of the West. The tailor's apprentice is in this

"Foreign Legion" suddenly promoted to be a first lieutenant or captain;

hotel waiters become secretaries and interpreters; journalists blossom

forth as great strategists, financiers, and diplomatists; ensigns are

for the nonce colonels and generals; and when, after the violent attack

on the Malakoff, the angel of peace appeared on the banks of the Seine,

vanished was the glitter of the golden existence in the Golden Horn; the

heroes, one and all, subsided into their former insignificance, and met

at the Café Flamm to sweeten the bitter bread of sad reality by the

concoction of still more high-flown plans for the future. The various

types I saw in this coffee-house and the hours spent there will ever

remain fresh in my memory.

In this manner the first days of my sojourn in Pera passed away. I

traversed in all directions both the European and the Turkish quarters

of the town, and always liked to enter into conversation with the Turks

lounging in the coffee-houses; I read aloud from the Turkish books I

always carried about with me, and noticed that the Mohammedans, easily

influenced and affable folks, were impressed by my knowledge of Turkish

and Persian, and regarded me as a kind of prodigy who, having arrived in

Stambul only a day or two ago, already spoke Turkish like an Effendi.

On account of the great difference between the language of the educated

classes and of the people, those who speak the former are always treated

with a certain amount of respect, especially if they are unbelievers;

and as at that time the sympathies of the Turks for the Hungarians had

reached their height, the kindness of these good Osmanli seemed quite

natural to me; and when in any of the coffee-houses I read aloud

passages from "Ashik Garib" ("The Amorous Foreigner"), or from another

popular poem, with the right accentuation and modulation, I generally

reaped a rich harvest of bread, cheese, and coffee, sometimes even Kebab

(roast beef) or Pilaf and Pastirma (dry, smoked meat). At night I

availed myself of Mr. Püspöki's hospitality, and slept excellently on my

miserable couch, in spite of the fiendish noise of the rats racing about

in the room. Their presence was at first rather objectionable to me, as

they gnawed my boots and my clothes, but afterwards, when the necessary

precautions had been taken, I did not trouble any more about them.

Favoured by fine weather, in the charm of novelty the first six weeks of

my stay in Constantinople passed away pleasantly. I never knew in the

morning where I should eat in the evening: the future did not trouble me

in the least; and as I had now changed my hat for a fez, and looked

shabby enough to pass for a wandering lecturer, I spent my days enjoying

to the full my vagabond life.

The mixed nationalities that I came into contact with on the banks of

the Bosporus, were exactly what I needed to complete my theoretical

knowledge of their languages, and ear and memory stood each other in

good stead. I soon acquired the correct accent and construction; and

imitating the different languages as closely as I could in tone and

sound, many took me for a native, and the jokes and jests caused by this

muddle of languages gave me many a delicious moment. Unfortunately my

happiness was somewhat marred by the sudden departure of Mr. Püspöki,

who had found employment as cook on one of the steamers of the

Messageries Impériales, for this made me lose my night quarters, and I

had to hunt about for a long time, until at last the secretary of the

Hungarian Association--Magyar Egylet--proposed that I should take up my

quarters in the council-room of the Society, which was likely soon to be

dissolved. In this large, empty hall I found an old sofa, on which I

stretched myself, but the evenings were cool and I could not sleep. So I

begged Mr. Frecskay, which was the secretary's name, to give me a wrap

of some kind. The good-hearted man appeared presently with a torn

tricolor in his hand, handed it to me with grave pathos, and said, "I

have nothing but this precious memento of our glorious struggle. This

flag has sent the fire of enthusiasm into the lines of our fighters for

justice and freedom; cover yourself with it, it will warm you also." Of

course I could not continue to sleep there, so I set off once more in

search of a bed, and soon found help in the person of another

compatriot, Major E. This man had unfortunately lost his watchdog, and

as his wife would not be left alone in the lonely house near Hassköi, he

invited me to take up my abode there while he was away on business in

the provinces, and until he had procured another watchdog. So I was to

occupy the vacant position of watchdog! It was not particularly

inviting; but turned out rather better than I expected. Instead of a

dog-kennel I had a comfortable room, and plenty of coffee and bread for

breakfast. So I contented myself with the exchange, and continued my old

Bohemian life.

The mornings were chiefly devoted to reading Turkish books, then I

cleaned out the yard and fetched water from the well some little

distance off, and towards evening I repaired to different coffee-houses

to gain a piaster or two by reciting familiar love-poems. No sooner was

I seated there on a high stool surrounded by Turks and Armenians, and

had begun to recite in a nasal sing-song tone, when the conversation

gradually dropped, and the rattling of the nargiles began to subside.

They listened to the love-sick lamentations of Wamik and Esra, of

Khossru and Shirin, where the sad fate of the lovers is recounted. My

readings and recitations were generally attended by the manifestations

of violent emotion or admiration on the part of my audience. In my

subsequent travels in Persia I have often experienced the same thing;

and even now, when I think of those times, the spell of the scene comes

over me again, and I revel in the memory of those early days, when I

could gain the ear of those regular Orientals and keep the crowds

spellbound. Truly speech, the spoken word, is a mighty instrument! By it

mountains are levelled and hearts hard as rock are softened. Differences

of faith and nationality vanish before it; and as I had the good fortune

to experience all this at the very outset of my adventurous career in

Asia, many dark outlines of the far-off future were smoothed away.

Thus the days passed swiftly until the approach of autumn, when I began

to realise the seriousness of my condition, and once more I made up my

mind to try to get lessons or a permanent appointment as private tutor,

in order to make a decent living. In the East bombastic speeches and

high-flown announcements are not at all a rarity; nevertheless the

advertisement which I had fixed up in all the booksellers' shops in

Pera, and in which I offered myself as teacher of a whole string of

Western and Eastern languages, attracted much attention. Bizarre,

absurd, and fantastic as my advertisement was, it did not fail in its

object, for before long I was summoned by a Turk in Scutari, and a Mr.

von Hübsch, General-Consul of Denmark. The former had just come in for a

large sum of money, and in order to do justice to his position of

modern dandy wanted to be able to talk a little French. He wished to

take French lessons from me, while the latter, an Easterling by birth,

wanted to learn Danish, not so much for conversation, he thought, but

rather to be able to read the Danish Court circular and newspapers. Here

was a singular and rather perplexing demand upon my Scandinavian

studies; in my wildest dreams it had never entered my brain that I might

be called upon to teach a representative of Denmark the language of that

country! And yet such was the case. For eighteen months Mr. v. Hübsch

continued my pupil, and when, at the end of that time, we had finished

Andersen's novel _Kun a Spilleman_ ("Only a Fiddler"), and he could

read the _Berlinske Tidninger_, I came to the conclusion that there is

nothing impossible in this world, and that an adventurous career

certainly brings the oddest experiences. I did not get on so well with

my Turkish scholar. As a man of fashion his object was merely to have a

French _maître_ coming to the house, but he was lazy and frivolous, and

all the learning that was done was on my side; for in his house at

Chamlidjia, on the hill above Scutari, he always entertained a company

of Effendis and Porte officials in the evenings, with whom I conversed

for hours, and made rapid progress both in Turkish society manners and

customs, and in the elegancies of the Osmanli speech. The distance

between the landing-stage at Scutari and Chamlidjia was a weary journey

to accomplish every day on foot, but it was a _gradus ad Parnassum_, and

after being in office for three months I could act the Effendi not only

in outward appearance, manners, and gesticulations, but I could hold a

conversation in Turkish with all the necessary elegance, and was well on

the way to becoming a perfect Effendi.

The Turks of the upper classes are very pleasant people, especially when

one humours their peculiarities, and takes the trouble to learn their

language, one of the most difficult in the world. No wonder, therefore,

that my circle of acquaintances perceptibly increased, and that I had

constantly fresh applications and fresh invitations as teacher of

languages. Thus far I had made Pera my headquarters, but when, through

the intervention of my countryman, Ismail Pasha (General Kmetty), I was

offered the position of private tutor in the Konak of the Hussain Daim

Pasha, in the town-quarter of Kabatash, I accepted at once, adjourned to

the Turkish quarter, and henceforth became a regular Turk. Only the name

was wanting now, and this was given me by my principal, a worthy

Cherkess, who had been educated at the court of Sultan Mahmud; he

ordered his household henceforth to address me as _Reshid_, _i.e._, the

valiant, the honest one; and on the strength of my linguistic skill to

give me the title of Effendi. So Reshid Effendi was my official name,

but neither the Pasha nor myself had ever thought of a regular

Islamising. The former, a Mohammedan of the purest water, who

afterwards became involved in an anti-reform conspiracy, thought no

doubt that my conversion would follow as a matter of course, and that,

when fully convinced of the material advantages to be derived from

joining the ruling class altogether, I should give up all idea of

returning to the West. As for myself, the very idea of conversion was

far from me. I had long been a confirmed freethinker, and Islam seemed

to open a religious world which, because of its sound foundation and

rational dogmas, was all the more dangerous to the free soaring upward

of the spirit; but with my declared animosity against positive religions

in general, it was altogether beyond me to embrace it. At the same time

I must admit that the forbearance of the upper classes in the Turkish

metropolis was most praiseworthy; for most of them saw perfectly well

through the hypocritical nature not only of my Moslemism but of that of

other European renegades, and did not pin the slightest faith to the

conversion of Europeans; they never in any way, however, disapproved of

this incognito, or resented the mere external acknowledgment of the

newly adopted faith. In this the better classes of Turkey have always

advantageously distinguished themselves from the _soi-disant_ cultured

classes of European society; for while these latter high-born gentlemen,

brought up in the trammels of prejudice, short-sightedness, and

hypocrisy, presuppose in their converts the same lack of inner

persuasion, and consider conversion to their views quite a possible

thing, the cultured Turk, be he ever so religious, recognises in Islam a

world of thought, born and bred in the blood, dependent upon education

and mental development, and absolutely impossible of adoption by a man

of Western training. They called me Reshid Effendi, they permitted me to

be present at and to join in their religious ceremonies, they discussed

in my presence frankly and unreservedly the most abstruse religious

questions, they even brought me in contact with the friars, and laughed

when I joined in the recitation of hymns, or took part in their

disputes; but the question whether I really intended to become a

Mohammedan, to marry, and to live the life of a regular Moslem, nobody

ever thought of asking; that question has been put to me only by the

uneducated.

In this manner I was enabled to move in Turkish society as Reshid

Effendi without in any way binding myself. The more I became familiar

with their social customs, and steeped in the Oriental ways of living

and thinking, the larger grew my circle of acquaintances, and the more

unreservedly all doors were opened to me, not merely of lower officials

but of the higher and even the very highest dignitaries. Turkey knows no

aristocracy of birth; the man of obscure origin can suddenly become

Marshal and Grand-Vizier; and since most of them, as self-made men,

have no genealogical scruples, so also in the foreigner they do not so

much consider his antecedents as his personal capabilities; and as my

fame as professor of the Turkish language spread, I found the doors of

the highest society open to me, and in a year's time, I was, with the

exception of Murad Effendi (Werner), who lived in the house of Kibrisli

Pasha, the only European who, without formally going over to Islam, had

become an Effendi and a _protégé_ of the Porte circle. Easy as this

transformation had been, because of the tolerance of the better classes

of Stambul, so much the greater had been the sacrifices which the lower

classes demanded from me. Servants play an important part in Turkish

households; they are looked upon as members of the family, and in the

patriarchal organisation of the house they have a considerable influence

upon the Effendi and Pasha, and especially upon the children. These

servants, transported from the interior of European and Asiatic Turkey

to the banks of the Bosporus, are generally in the very lowest stage of

education; they are extremely fanatical and suspicious as regards

Europeans, and the higher I rose in the favour of the master of the

house the higher rose their jealousy and animosity. They could not

understand that, notwithstanding my literary and religious knowledge, I

did not become a pious Moslem, and why the Pasha, Bey, or Effendi should

show me, the disguised Giaour, so much attention. In spite of all that

both religion and national custom prescribe as to the kind treatment of

guests, for the Koran says, "Ekremu ed dhaifun ve lau kana kafirun,"

_i.e._, "Honour the guest, even if he be an unbeliever," I had much

unkindness to bear, and had to put up with many a humiliation. What

amused me most was the conduct of the older house-servants; they even

played the Mentor towards the governor, his wife, and his children, and

often instructed me in rules of etiquette and general views of life. In

the eyes of these people infidel Europe was a barbarian wilderness,

rejecting the civilising influences of Islam, and it was an act of

condescension on the part of the old-stock Turk, brought up within the

small Stambul circle, to put me right, and to instruct me in the correct

way of sitting, walking, eating, talking, and general comportment.

Others, again, were malevolent and fanatical, made me the butt of their

ill-chosen jokes, worried me, and once it even happened that a

scoundrel, who had risen to be the tyrant of the house, threw his boot

at my head because I had not polished it enough to his liking. I had to

take all this into the bargain; it was a new school--the school of

Oriental life--which I had to pass through, and the fee had to be paid.

After the servants it was the harem, _i.e._, the Turkish female world,

which caused me a good deal of trouble. Turkish women, the fair sex in

general, are distinctly conservative, and they could not understand how

the Pasha or Effendi could tolerate the presence of a Giaour in the

Selamlik, _i.e._, in close proximity to the harem, and above all, how he

could have come upon the idea of entrusting the education of his

children to an infidel. Even now Turkish ladies are much more fanatical

than the men; but at that time, the beginning of the reform period, they

evinced an ungovernable hatred and aversion against everything

Christian. They showed me their dislike in all sorts of teasing ways.

Communication between the harem and the outer world is carried on by

means of the Dolab, a round, revolving sort of cupboard. Everything

intended for the Selamlik is placed in this Dolab, and when the women

want to speak with any one outside they do so through the Dolab. When I

heard the sound of a woman's voice, and shouted the customary "Buyurun"

("At your service") into the Dolab, I either received no answer at all

or else some rude rejoinder; and it was not till later, when I had

trained myself to make exquisitely polite speeches and poetic

compliments, that they vouchsafed to give me a short answer. After

months of effort I succeeded at last in breaking the ice. My youthful

fire could not fail to take effect, and the ladies, most of them very

beautiful Circassians, who were much neglected by the old invalid master

of the house, gradually began to praise my willingness to oblige them

and my linguistic proficiency, and proofs of their favour were also

forthcoming. In six months' time the Böyük Hanim (chief wife) entrusted

me with the charge of one of the Odalisks, long past the spring of life,

who suffered from severe toothache, and had to be taken to a dentist at

Pera. The long and difficult road up the steep incline to Pera

necessitated a rest midway, and with the afflicted lady I stopped at the

house of a Hungarian countryman of mine. The kind hospitality she met

with seemed to have pleased the Turkish woman extremely, for soon

afterwards more ladies of the harem, some of them quite young, were

suddenly seized with toothache, and I had to take them in turns to Pera

for dental operations. My intercourse with the inmates of the harem was

very strained; it was so difficult to keep to the strict rules of

etiquette. I could not accustom myself to cast down my eyes when in the

presence of a lady, as Turkish custom demands. It is no small matter at

twenty-four to tear one's gaze away from the fiery orbs of a beautiful

Circassian. There were other difficulties which it cost me much trouble

to overcome.

But, true to my principle to persevere and to bear all things, and

hardened by early sufferings, I found strength to pursue the end I had

in view. Rising, step by step, I first came into the house of the Chief

Chancellor of the Imperial Divan, Afif Bey, whose son-in-law, Kiamil

Bey, I taught for about twelve months, and where I had daily intercourse

with the _élite_ of Porte society. Our house, opposite the mausoleum of

Sultan Mahmud II., not far from the High Porte, was the rendezvous of

men of wit and genius, celebrated authors, and high society generally.

Here I made the acquaintance of Midhat Pasha, afterwards celebrated in

Europe as the father of the Turkish constitution. He was then Midhat

Effendi, and occupied the position of secretary to my Pasha. Midhat was

a lively young man of a restless and fanciful turn of mind; he was

studying French at that time, and as he had not the patience, while

reading, to look up words in the dictionary, he began to read with me

for a few hours every day, in return for which he helped me to decipher

difficult Turkish texts, as, for instance, in the historical works of

Saaddesdin of Kemalpashazade, or he corrected my compositions and

introduced me into the Medrissa (college) for Osmanlis, where I was

allowed to attend the lectures of celebrated exegetists, grammarians,

and lawyers of the time, in company with the Softas (students of

divinity). Here, crouching before the Rahle (Koran-desk) at the feet of

the thickly turbaned Khodjas (teachers), I was introduced into the

practical knowledge of Islam, and the instruction which my

fellow-students accepted with religious enthusiasm was to me all the

more interesting as, rising higher and higher in the estimation of the

Turks in general, I gained possession of the talisman which has been my

guide in all my subsequent journeys and wanderings. Amongst the many

Europeans who have formally gone over to Islam, I was the first to be

educated at a Medresse (university), and the study seemed the easier to

me as the ruling spirit here strongly reminded me of the Orthodox Jewish

schools. Here, as there, discussions and disputations are carried on

with great religious zeal; they go carefully into the minutest details

of ritualistic ordinances, they criticise and speak for and against; and

whoever can hold out longest with his arguments is reckoned to be the

best scholar. As Muhtedi, _i.e._, One brought to the truth, or properly,

converted, they were particularly obliging to me, and all my remarks

were applauded.

In the year 1859 I could take part in single disputes, and as my name

was often mentioned in society, I soon received an appointment at the

house of Rifaat Pasha, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, as

teacher of history, geography, and French. This house not only ranked as

the richest in the Turkish capital at that time, but it was also the

rendezvous of Turkish _literati_, who, as fanatical adherents to old

Asiatic culture, always gave the preference to Turkish compositions and

literature; and when the young master of the house, Reouf Bey, gathered

round him in the evening the celebrated Kiatibs (writers) and led the

conversation to selections of Turkish authors, I literally revelled in

the enjoyment of the marvellous metaphors and gems of oratory in the

Osmanli language. History, philosophy, and similar themes were not

introduced into this circle, and as for politics the conversation was

limited to the discussion of some elevation to a higher rank, or some

official grant, on which occasions the high dignitaries then in office

were always sharply criticised, for every one endeavoured to show up

their faults by witty epigrams, or to prove their unfitness, corruption,

and injustice in elaborate flowery language. So far the decorous evening

assemblies. As for the merry gatherings, the so-called pot-evenings, of

which I have spoken at large in my _Sketches of the East_, under the

title of "Drinking Bouts," they were always objectionable and abominable

to me, for I have never had a liking for spirituous drinks, and I have

often had to sit for hours with an empty stomach, waiting until the

grand gentlemen had finished intoxicating themselves with their Mastika

(a kind of brandy) before the evening meal was served. The conversation

on these occasions was coarse and vile in the extreme, and things were

discussed freely and openly before young people which would have brought

a flush of shame to the cheek in the most degraded of European society.

In this it becomes apparent to the stranger of Western lands how

beneficial is the influence of women on society in general, and that

social amenity is incompatible with the rigorous separation of the

sexes, as it is in the East, and must ultimately lead to moral

corruption. To be nailed to one's chair for hours together, without

daring to move--for to show any restlessness is a breach of good

manners--and to be obliged to listen to all sorts of disgusting stories,

generally bearing upon sexual intercourse, and to trivial, childish, and

absurd conversations, is of all things about the most terrible penance

which can be inflicted upon a young, enthusiastic European striving

after higher ideals. As long as the language still offered fresh charms,

this torture was bearable, but afterwards these gatherings became a

veritable infernal pain to me, and I was glad indeed when the winter was

over and we adjourned to the summer residence on the banks of the

Bosphorus, in the villa of Kanlidjia, where, at any rate, I was able to

escape from the smoke-filled room and enjoy to my heart's content the

fresh summer evening air on the Bosphorus, the loveliest spot on all the

earth.

A prominent feature of the Oriental character is an extraordinary

serenity and an easy-going, contemplative turn of mind. This same

feature also evinces itself in family life. Being a stranger, I had

access only to the Selamlik, _i.e._, the men's part of the house, and I

often felt very lonely in the daytime, and had plenty of time and

leisure for my studies. The four years I spent in Turkish households

were in many respects like life in a monastery, and it was not till

later, when I had become acquainted with many prominent members of high

society, that I could break the monotony by making frequent calls, and

bring some variety into my studies. Always welcome in one house as

teacher, in another as friend and guest, I often used to spend two or

three days a week outside the family where I really belonged. I had in

these various houses my own Gedjelik, or night requisites; also a bed at

my disposal, consisting of a cover and bolster and the use of a divan;

and when I arrived anywhere at night it was taken for granted that I

stayed the night and shared the evening meal. The hospitality of the

Orientals, and especially of the Turks, is unbounded, and it is to them

not only a pleasure but also a means of fulfilling one of the most

sacred duties of their religion. Whether one or two more people sit down

at his table makes very little difference to him, for there is always

plenty to satisfy a few unexpected guests, and whether he be rich or

poor, the Turk is always supremely happy when he has plenty of company

at his table. But what struck me especially was the total absence of

aristocratic pride and class distinction in social life. Vizier,

marshal, minister, or son-in-law of the Sultan, all gave me an equally

hearty reception, nobody asked after my antecedents, nobody inquired as

to my circumstances, and I, who at home in the mother country had been

an obscure Jewish teacher, living in absolute retirement, became now in

the very short time of two years the confidential friend of the most

distinguished and wealthiest dignitaries. As friend and guest initiated

into all the mysteries of private and official concerns, I soon became

as learned and knowing as any Effendi born in Stambul and brought up

under the Porte. Of necessity this privileged position in Turkish

society brought me often in contact with European intelligence and the

diplomatic circle at Pera. Besides the Austrian internunciature, where

Baron Schlechta, whom I knew at Vienna, introduced me, I came into

contact with the Prussian, Italian, and English Embassies. At the

Prussian legation I taught Turkish to Count Kayserling, and at the hotel

of the English Embassy I was introduced by Count Pisani, the first

interpreter, to the then powerful Lord Stratford Canning, and I often

acted as interpreter to him when he paid private calls at the house of

Mahmud Nedim Pasha at Bebek. This man of the iron mien was not a little

astonished when he heard me, the supposed Effendi, talk English

fluently. My Turkish appearance, and the fame I enjoyed among the Turks

of a thorough knowledge of their language, soon became the talk of the

diplomatic circles at Pera. I was invited to _soirées_ and public

dinners, and thus received the first impressions of the social life of

the West, the rigorous etiquette and stiffness of which was, honestly

speaking, very objectionable to me at first.

The free access I had to all circles of Turkish society, where even

native Armenians and Greeks comported themselves with a certain amount

of restraint, gave me a deeper insight into the political and social

condition of Turkey in the fifties than perhaps any other European. And

this was the more interesting as it revealed the first stage of the

transformation from Eastern to Western civilisation. In the house, in

the school, in the harem, in religion, and in government, everywhere a

partly spontaneous, partly forced change became apparent, and, alas! it

was this very first phase of the transformation which gave the

thoughtful spectator but little hope as to the ultimate result of the

metamorphosis, the assimilation of the East of Western ways. There was

no sound basis to work upon, and the introduction of modern civilisation

was forced on far too hastily, for the evident purpose of satisfying the

craving impatience of the West. Wherever one looked, the eye met the

deceptive, forced, and unreal evidences of the reform movement; it was

merely obedience to the word spoken from high places; and even there,

where the necessity of assimilation was acknowledged, a transition from

East to West would eventually have failed. In my constant intercourse

with the leading men of this movement I have often touched upon this

theme, and, pointing out the tremendous difference between Asiatic and

European civilisation, I have always advocated the necessity of a

gradual progress, based on historical, religious and social

developments.

But I was always met with the answer, "We are forcibly pushed on; they

despise our centuries of old Oriental culture, they want to change us,

like a _Deus ex machinâ_, into Europeans; if they would only give us

time, our transformation would be slower, but more effectual in the

end."

And now, in view of recent events in Japan, these words are explained as

a mere pretext for the laziness and the spirit of procrastination of the

Moslem East. The fact is lost sight of that the Shinto faith of the

Japanese, never at any time prudish like Islam, has never resisted the

influences of European civilisation in the same degree as the triumphant

doctrine of Mohammed has done. And what is more, one cannot or will not

see that the intensely autocratic government of Moslem sovereigns

hinders the work of modernisation as much as the liberal institutions of

Japan further it.

When I think of those nightly assemblies at the house of my Pasha, where

the most varied arguments were brought forward, for and against the new

movement, I am particularly struck with the struggle which was going on

between self-abnegation and the forcible ignoring of all the glorious

past, which was inevitably connected with an acknowledgment of the

advantages of Western civilisation. No nation likes to acknowledge of

itself, "All that we have is bad, and all that others have is good." The

number of Turks familiar with our languages and sciences was far too

small to turn the scale in favour of a more correct view of the matter,

and among the few who, on account of their modern culture, were capable

of a better opinion, personal ambition and rivalry frustrated many a

good proposal. Reshid Pasha, who stood at the head, was a thoroughly

well-bred, fair, and patriotic man; a statesman full of energy and

perseverance, not hindered or hampered by any prejudices or

prepossessions, honoured with the full confidence of his sovereign, and

one who could have accomplished great things if his own pupils and

assistants had not secretly opposed him, and thus frustrated many of his

plans. The very able Ali Pasha, of whom Mr. Thouvenel, the ambassador of

Napoleon III., said that he wrote better French than many a French

diplomatist, was the paragon of Oriental intriguers and dissimulators.

He was a small, weakly-looking man, with a disproportionately large

head: hence his stooping posture; and in slow, hardly audible words he

used to fling out the hardest criticisms against the politics of his

master and patron, without being able to improve matters. When I was of

the company, either at table or in the drawing-room, he used to steal

furtive glances at me, and only after he had made quite sure of my

discretion and considered me harmless, used he to speak somewhat louder

to those immediately around him; but not until I had borrowed some

Tchagataic books from his well-stocked library did he express himself

without any restraint in my presence, in the full conviction that I, the

philologist, took no interest whatever in politics. Yes, the hours

spent in the villa of Kanlidjia, with the more than once Grand-Vizier

and Minister of the Exterior, were most instructive to me; they gave me

the first insight into the reform movement and the life and aspirations

of the officials of the higher Porte in those days.

After Ali Pasha the personality of Fuad Pasha interested me especially.

This tall, stately man, with refined, thoroughly European manners, who,

with his sparkling wit and humorous _aperçus_, was more like a Frenchman

than a Turk, and, as was generally known, had risen from being a simple

military doctor to the highest State dignity, was now one of the three

first reformers. Although fair and patriotic, he does not appear to have

taken his position very much in earnest. He was complacency itself, but

his sarcasm did not even spare the sacred person of his sovereign; and

once, on the occasion of an illumination, when I happened to be in his

suite, I heard him say, "Yes, it is light everywhere; darkness only

reigns in our State cassa."

Many of his _bon-mots_ are still in circulation; as, for instance, his

remark to an inquisitive diplomatist, who, in going through the house,

wanted to open the door of the harem: "Monsieur, vous n'êtes accredité

qu'à a Porte--au delà vous n'avez pas de droit." It is told of him that

when he was Ambassador Extraordinary at Madrid, and sat at table next to

the Queen, who drew his attention to the emblem of friendship displayed

on the Spanish-Turkish flag on the ham, he said, "Madame! je reconnais

volontièrement l'emblème de l'amitié--mais comme Musulman, je ne peux

pas reconnaître la neutralité du terrain." In those days I managed to

make quite a collection of his Turkish and French _aperçus_ and poems,

for he had inherited the poetic vein from his father, the celebrated

Tzzet-Molla, who had had the audacity to write a satire against Sultan

Mahmud, and for punishment had been banished to Köchük Tchekmedje. There

he wrote his beautiful poem, "Mihnetkeshan" ("The Sorrowful"), in which

the affectionate father recommends his two sons with rhyming names, Fuad

and Reshad, to God's special protection. Fuad also gave his sons names

that rhyme, for they were called Nazim and Kiazim. Fuad remained the

lifelong, faithful friend of Ali, whose intellectual superiority he

gladly acknowledged, without, however, altogether sparing him the darts

of his sarcasm. Towards me Fuad Pasha was always most gracious, only he

thought that my thirst for knowledge, without showing any practical

results, rather resembled the craving of a hungry man for a glass of

water, and he often quoted to me the Persian lines:

"Kushishi bi faide, vesme ber abrui kur,"

(_I.e._, "It is vain labour to adorn the eye of the blind.")

Besides this trio of reformers--Reshid, Ali, Fuad--only very few have

distinguished themselves since that time in the field of home and

foreign politics. The only exceptions are Mehemmed Kibrizli Pasha and

Mehemmed Rushdi Pasha. The former, a Cypriote by birth, who had long

been ambassador in London, was as enthusiastic about England as the

latter was about France. Kibrizli's wife was an Englishwoman, and it

would seem that he concluded this marriage anticipating the future

annexation of his native island by the British Empire. In his politics

he has given many proofs of independence, and was not nearly so amenable

at court as his successor in the Grand-Vizierate. Rushdi Pasha,

generally called Müterdjim (the interpreter), showed himself a Liberal

even in my days, and afterwards, in concert with Midhat Pasha, took a

prominent part in the dethronement of Sultan Aziz. I had access to the

Konak of both, but because of my frequent attendance at the houses of

Fuad and Ali they observed a certain degree of reserve with regard to

me, without, however, being able to hide the tendency of the ruling

spirit there. Of some importance were, even at that time, Aarifi

Effendi, Safvet Effendi, and Server Effendi, who properly belonged to

Ali's clique, and afterwards attained to the highest dignities. They

were all zealous adherents of the reform party, fairly well advanced in

Western civilisation, but none of them made of the stuff of which

political leaders are formed. To the political amphibia belonged the

then Minister of Finance, Hassib Pasha--a blind tool of the court

faction who allowed Sultan Abdul Medjid large sums of money far beyond

the fixed Civil List; and when Fuad Pasha called him to book about this

he replied, "The bank-note press was just in operation, and I thought a

few millions more or less would make no difference." Then there was the

War Minister, Riza Pasha, I might say, next to Fethi Pasha, the Grand

Master of Artillery, the most powerful and influential man of his time,

as he was related to the court, and moreover extremely rich, for he is

said to have purloined enormous sums of money. Last, but not least,

there was Mahmud Nedim Pasha, afterwards called Nedimoff because of his

Russian sympathies. In his house I occupied for two years the position

of French master to his son-in-law, slept there three nights a week, and

even in those days took a dislike to this man who afterwards caused such

harm to Turkey. He was a genuine specimen of the true Oriental, minus

the goodly qualities which characterise the Turks. During his

drinking-bouts, which lasted till long after midnight, he practised

composing Sharkis (love-songs), and while he wrote down his verses under

the inspiration of the Castalian Raki, his Mewlewi-Dervish had to play a

suitable accompaniment on the flute. These songs were afterwards much

liked by the ladies of the Imperial harem, and have probably contributed

to his later influential position. As a politician he was nowhere, for

his ignorance of Western affairs was boundless; and when once I had to

be interpreter on the occasion of a visit from Lord Stratford Canning to

the villa at Bebek, where he was acting as substitute for the Minister

of Foreign Affairs, I positively blushed when I had to translate his

ignorant geographical remarks about the Suez Canal--the point under

discussion. No wonder that Ignatieff could afterwards so easily gain

this monster over to assist Russia in the overthrow of Modern Turkey.

Besides the above, I enjoyed the confidence and hospitality of Damad

Kiamil Pasha, a worthy Turk of the old stamp, immensely rich, who,

notwithstanding his hesitation between West and East, applied himself in

his advanced age to the study of French, and was fond of me because in

his attempts to translate Fénelon's _Télémaque_ I had served him instead

of a dictionary. He led a contemplative life in his villa on the bay of

Bebek, and took great delight in my recitations of Turkish poems.

It would lead me too far to mention all the Turkish statesmen with whom

I had personal intercourse and whose friendship I enjoyed. I had also

made the acquaintance of the _literati_ of the day--the historians

Shinassi Effendi, Djevdet Effendi, and Khairullah Effendi, who very

kindly assisted me, perhaps not so much on my own account as because of

the high repute which the house of Rifat Pasha, and, later, of his son

Reouf Bey, of which I was then a member, enjoyed with the Porte. I love

to think of those days. In spite of the threatening clouds of State

bankruptcy and the general impoverishment, chiefly caused by the last

Turko-Russian war, the Turkey of the fifties enjoyed a certain

reputation in Europe; and as in our financial world the youngest member

in the European Concert had received loan upon loan, Turkish society was

rich, and on the strength of foreign money luxury grew apace. It was a

period of childish carelessness and abandonment, in which both nation

and ruler were plunged. Sultan Abdul Medjid, the true prototype of those

days, was a kindly monarch, who gladly relinquished the cares of the

State to his dignitaries, while he himself enjoyed all the pleasures of

court life, and was a willing tool in the hands of the reform trio

already mentioned, honestly trying, in outward form at any rate, to copy

the European sovereigns. When at diplomatic dinners he handed his

Havannah cigars to the European ambassadors, or offered his arm to a

European princess who happened to be his guest, or when at solemn

audiences he shook hands with the foreign representatives, he did so

with all the grace of a perfect gentleman, and one could scarcely credit

that only two generations ago the European ambassadors entered the

audience chamber clad in a long kaftan, with a servant walking at each

side of them holding their hands. His father, Sultan Mahmud, still wore

on State occasions a richly braided coat of Hungarian make, such as may

still be seen among the costumes in the treasure-house. But Sultan Abdul

Medjid dressed in a simple black suit made by Dusetoy in Paris, and when

he appeared on horseback in the streets of the city, graciously

acknowledging the greetings of the multitude with his white-gloved hand,

no one would have recognised in him the earthly representative of

Mohammed, the Khalif of all true believers, and the mighty autocrat of

an empire still extending over three continents. In spite of all his

refined manners, however, he remained the Oriental despot and autocrat.

Whenever he showed himself in this light before Fuad or Ali Pasha the

two statesmen made private comments about it in their own intimate

circle. The Sultan's angry outbursts were faithfully reported, and once

Fuad Pasha told how, when he had gently remonstrated with him in regard

to advances from the public exchequer, the Sultan had accosted him with,

"Am I not the true Osmanli ruler of this land, and owner of all its

possessions?" Of course foreigners had not to fear such

outbursts--towards strangers Abdul Medjid was always most courteous, and

I like to remember the audience I once attended when, by order of the

Grand-Vizier, Kibrizli Pasha, I acted as interpreter to an Englishman

and an Italian, who came to offer for sale a supposed autograph letter

of the Prophet, which had been found in Upper Egypt, and for which

questionable relic they received a large sum of money. The Sultan was

seated at about five feet distance; he spoke in a low voice, and asked

me whether all Hungarians could speak Turkish so easily. Most touching

was his intercourse with Lord Stratford. He called him Baba (father),

and was always willing to follow his advice.

A detailed narrative of all my experiences in Constantinople would fill

several volumes. Suffice it to say that I had the satisfaction of

knowing that in the diplomatic circles of Pera I was recognised as the

only foreigner familiarly acquainted with the Porte and with Turkish

family life. So I might well be satisfied with my lot. My income had

considerably increased, and after the everlasting struggle with poverty,

misery, and loneliness I had a proportionate degree of wealth, comfort,

and fame; but, strange to say, I could not make up my mind as to my

future career, and did not know in which direction I really wanted to

go. For some time it had been my great desire to be an interpreter at

one of the European embassies: to be an interpreter like those whom I

saw honoured and feared at the Porte, riding on a high horse attended by

servitors, and enjoying a certain amount of distinction in the Pera

circles. But I never tried very hard to realise this ambition, for I

knew that such a position could only be obtained through official

connections with the Governments concerned. It would have been far

easier for me to get an appointment with the Porte itself, especially as

I had been employed for some considerable time in the translation bureau

of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and through my connection with the

highest dignitaries might have accomplished something, like, for

instance, my former colleague, Murad Effendi (Werner), who, as is well

known, ended his career as Ottoman ambassador at the Hague. I cannot

tell why, but an official career in Turkey, an appointment in a State

which was merely tolerated in Europe, had no attractions whatever for

me. State officials are irregularly paid there, and absolutely dependent

upon the whims of their superiors; advancement is not in any way

dependent upon personal merit, and altogether such State service had no

charm for me.

Possibly similar motives would have made me object to service in Europe

also, for we too suffer from the same disease which has thrown Turkey on

its deathbed; but because of my origin and lack of means I had never

dared to think of any diplomatic appointment at home; and besides, I

should probably soon have tired of even the greatest success in this

department, for in the first place my unbounded sense of freedom could

not in the long run have brooked any interference or subordination, and

in the second place I was, and ever shall be, an incorrigible enthusiast

and visionary, only delighting in the extraordinary; a man who, running

helter-skelter after empty phantoms, does not come to his senses and

never knows what he really wants or can do. Perhaps some will say that

these are the very people called upon to accomplish extraordinary

things, and that with more reflection I might have shrunk back from many

a mad enterprise. True; but one must not overlook the faults and

mistakes of such ill-weighed, badly arranged steps; and the effects of

these faults and mistakes I have often experienced during my travels and

during my after-life!

The only consolation and refuge in all my complicated ambitions and

aimless endeavours was, and remained always, a steady progress in my

studies and the conviction that, true to my principle, accepted in early

life, "Nulla dies sine linea," I had not one lost day to record. While I

was perfecting myself in the acquisition of certain peculiar linguistic

niceties, which only practice on the spot and constant intercourse can

teach, and thus gradually becoming an accomplished Effendi, I had from

the very commencement of my sojourn in Turkish houses set myself to the

reading of Turkish manuscripts, and I had thus overcome the great

difficulty of deciphering such manuscripts and also made rapid progress

in the knowledge of Ottoman history. I had access to the libraries, and

in the historical works which formerly I knew only by name I found so

much that had reference to the history of Hungary that I intended to

begin my literary career by translating these. Besides this I made a

study of the conversational language, and a Germano-Turkish pocket

dictionary containing about 14,000 words, which was published in Pera,

1858, by Georg Köhler, was the first work with which I appeared before

the public. It was also the first German book printed in Constantinople.

To this purely scientific occupation I soon added public writing, as my

constant and intimate intercourse with the political circles of the high

Porte enabled me to obtain accurate information about the political

questions of the day. Stambul, although only separated from Pera by the

Golden Horn, is quite cut off from this centre of European life on

account of the strong line of demarcation between the Turkish circles

and Pera; and when on my daily visits to the European quarter I came

into contact with politicians and journalists, I was looked upon and

sought after as a source of information for the latest news and

disclosures. I was surprised to see how little the Pera world knew of

what was going on in Stambul; I hastened to enlighten the world by

correct information, and became in this manner, without seeking or

desiring it, reporter and journalist. I gained my first journalistic

spurs with the _Augsburger Algemeine Zeitung_, through its

correspondent, a Prussian officer named Reiner. I sent in a few notes,

which he inserted in his Correspondence. Later on I wrote letters under

my Turkish name, "Reshid," for the _Pesti Naplo_ in Budapest, and

instead of an honorarium I received only patriotic acknowledgments. When

Vienna's attention had been drawn towards the originality of my

Hungarian correspondence the _Wanderer_ appointed me as regular

correspondent. Amongst these many-sided occupations of teacher,

historian, Softa, and linguist my studies regarding the origin of the

Magyars were always uppermost. The mysterious origin of the Magyar

nation and language, which to this day has not yet been explained, was a

subject which ever since I began my linguistic studies had particularly

interested me. It had taken hold of my youthful fancy also, because at

school many tales and legends had been told us in explanation of it. The

campaign of the warlike ancestors of the present Hungarians had at all

times awakened in the hearts of the Magyars a peculiar interest in and

sense of the poetic charm of lands of the interior of Asia, and behind

the curtain which as yet hid the Steppe region of Central Asia (the

supposed cradle of the Ural-Altaians at the time of the great migration

to Europe) from the gaze of Europeans, the most wonderful pictures of

national romance and inspiration were faintly discerned. When I beheld

the grotesque Orientals of the interior of Asia this curiosity became

naturally still more lively. The beautiful colouring of their ample

robes, the stores of ammunition in their girdles, and their proud,

dignified bearing must necessarily increase the desire to claim

relationship with these old-world types; and when I realised that the

similarity between the Magyar and Turkish languages increases as we

advance farther into the interior of Asia I could not help being

convinced in my innermost mind that the _terra incognita_ of Central

Asia held quite unexpected surprises for me.

The real impulse for inquiring into the ancient history of the Magyar

nation dates back to my boyhood. It was in the year 1849. I was sitting

with my playfellows in a maize-field. It was harvest-time and shortly

after the surrender of Fort Komárom. Some straggling Honvéds, mournful

and of broken-down appearance, were on their way home after the

conclusion of the War of Independence, and stopped their march in the

field where we were, to tell us of their struggles, and their stories

made us all feel very sad. An old peasant, the owner of the field,

comforted us and said, "It will all come right. Whenever our nation is

in trouble the old Magyars from Asia come to our rescue, for we descend

from them; they will not fail us this time, you may be sure." "So there

are old Magyars," I thought to myself, and ever since that time the idea

has stuck to me. Whether it was an old tradition or a later historical

legend is impossible to say, but it is a very remarkable fact that this

old-world story after many centuries still lives in the national mind;

the peasant who told it to us could neither read nor write and could

only speak from hearsay.

It followed as a matter of course that as an outcome of my studies in

comparative philology I hoped to find in Central Asia a few rays of

light to guide me through the dark regions of primitive Hungarian

history. The language of Central Asia, _i.e._, Chagataic or East

Turkish, was in those days known to us in the West only by the works of

the French Orientalist, Quatremère. Judging from the relationship

between the written and the spoken language of the Osmanlis, I hoped and

expected to find among the idioms of the Steppes and of the

town-dwellers on the other side of the Oxus linguistic elements which

would show a pregnant resemblance and relationship with the Magyar

language, and that in consequence I could not fail to make important

discoveries and considerably help the solution of the origin question.

The idea of a journey to Central Asia had been in my mind for many

years; I thought of it incessantly and always tried to get into contact

with the Mecca pilgrims who came to Stambul from the various khanates of

Central Asia. On the other hand, I greedily devoured every scrap of

Chagataic writing; and when I was admitted to the private library of the

celebrated Ali Pasha, which was rich in this subject, my joy knew no

bounds. The Turks themselves looked upon this curiosity of mine as a

kind of literary madness. They could not understand how I, without

position and without means, living from hand to mouth, could be so

enthusiastic about such an abstract, useless, ridiculous thing, and as

the witty Fuad Pasha tried to cool my ardour by the remark already

mentioned, other Turks kept reiterating, "Allah akillar versin," _i.e._,

"God grant wisdom," in order that I who have none may also obtain a

little. The Turks, whose national feeling has only begun quite lately to

show itself, content themselves with a queer mixture of Arabic and

Persian. Real Turkish does not suit them at all; it is even considered

plebeian, and of the relationship between their Turkish mother-tongue

and the sister dialects of inner Asia they have but a very faint notion,

if any at all. Curious as my study of the Turkish language seemed to

them, my desire to travel in these remote and unsafe parts in order to

gain more knowledge was absolutely incomprehensible to them. They simply

thought me a maniac who, instead of soliciting the favour of influential

and great men, so as to lead a pleasant and comfortable life, preferred

to throw myself into the greatest dangers and privations, and who would

certainly not escape them. Many shook their heads and looked

compassionately at me; they even began to fight shy of me, and when my

friends saw me in company with the ragged, half-naked pilgrims from

Central Asia who often came to Stambul they turned away from me and

declared that I was irretrievably lost.

I need hardly say that these deplorable signs of ignorance and absolute

lack of higher ideals did not in the least disturb me. My adopted

Turkdom, my pseudo-Oriental character and nature were, after all

confined to external things; in my inmost being I was filled through and

through with the spirit of the West, and the deeper I penetrated into

the life and thoughts of Asiatic society the more passionately and

warmly did I cling to Western ideas, for there alone did I find the

aspirations worthy of mankind, there alone could I see what was really

noble and exalted. My resolve to tear myself away from the life at

Stambul, which threatened to emasculate me, remained immovably fixed,

and my plans were only somewhat delayed until the necessary travelling

means should have been procured. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences had

at that time, in acknowledgment of my literary work, made me a

corresponding member of the institution; and when, after an absence of

four years, I returned to Pest in 1861 to deliver my entrance address to

the Academy, I told Count E. Dessewffy, the president, of my plans, and

asked him whether the Academy would be able to give me some assistance

for the journey. The Hungarian Academy was at that time not particularly

well off, but fortunately one thousand florins had been put aside for

scientific travels, and Count Dessewffy, an energetic, unprejudiced man,

decided at once that I should have them on condition that I went into

the interior of Asia to investigate the relationships of the Magyar

language. His decision was at first objected to by some of the members

on account of my bodily defects and delicate looks, also perhaps because

of the small sum at my disposal. They opposed in public session, but the

Count remained firm; and when an enthusiastic craniologist wanted to

commission me to bring some Tartar skulls for comparison with Magyar

skulls, the Count replied, "Before all things we would ask our

fellow-member to bring his own skull home again; thereby he will best

fulfil the charge entrusted to him."

Little as was known in Europe of Central Asia in those days, my learned

compatriots had not the remotest conception of these distant parts;

finally, however, the national side of the undertaking carried the

victory, and although most of the members considered it a great risk,

they consented to it. They took leave of me with the warmest

protestations of friendship, and in order to protect me against any

danger they gave me the following letter of safe-conduct written in

Latin:--

"_Magyar Academia._

Academia Scientiarum Hungarica sub Auspiciis Potentissimi et

Inclitissimi Principis Francisci Josephi II. Austriae Imperatoris

et Hungariae Regis vigens.

_Lecturis Salutem._

Socius noster Vir ingenuus honestissimusque Arminius Vambéry

Hungarus eo fine per nos ad oras Asiae Tartaricas mittitur; ut

ibidem studio et disquisitioni linguae et dialectorum

Turcico-Tartaricarum incumbat et sic nova perscrutandae linguae

nostrae popularis Hungaricae, familiae altaicae cognatae adminicula

scientifica procuret.

Omnes igitur Viros Illustres, qui literas has nostras viderint,

quive, vel Rei Publicae administrandae in Imperiis Summorum

Principum Turciae et Persarum praesunt, vel Legationibus Principum

Europaeorum funguntur, aut secus amore literarum tenentur, rogamus

obtestamurque, ut eidem Socio nostro Arminio Vambéry in rebus

quibuscunque, quae ad promovendum eius scopum literarum pertinent,

gratiose opitulari eumque benevola protectione sua fulcire velint.

Datae Pestini in Hungarica, die 1 Augusti anno mdccclxi.

BARO JOSEPHUS EÖTVÖS

(_Acad. Sci. Hung. V. Praeses_).

DR. FRANCISCUS TOLDY,

(_Acad. Sci. Hung. Secretarius perpetuus_)."

_Seal._

The good gentlemen at home hoped that I should find this letter of

commendation useful with the Khans in Turkestan and the Turkoman chiefs.

It would have meant at least the gallows or the executioner's sword if I

had shown this infidel writing either in the Steppe or on the Oxus!

Full of glorious expectations, I left Pest in 1861 to go to

Constantinople for the second time. There I wanted to make the necessary

preparations to enable me to start in the early spring on my wanderings

through Asia Minor and Persia. The rate of exchange being so

preposterously high, the thousand florins in Austrian bank-notes had

dwindled down to seven hundred, and a stay of several more months in

Constantinople further reduced my little stock of ready money. When in

March, 1862, I went on board the Lloyd steamer _Progresso_ to Trebizond,

the girdle which I wore next to my skin contained only enough to take me

as far as Teheran. Truly a risky undertaking, perhaps a mad trick, the

danger of which I hardly realised just then. It was somewhat hard to

part with all my kind Turkish friends in Stambul. These noble people did

all they could to help me, and to postpone my certain destruction, as

they thought, as long as possible. They advised me to go for the present

only to Persia; and as the plenipotentiary and Turkish ambassador at the

court of Teheran was at that time Haidar Effendi, an intimate friend of

my patron, Reouf Bey, I received, besides the official commendation of

Ali Pasha, also a collective letter from several distinguished officials

of the Porte, in which they commended me, the poor demented one, to his

kind care. Of my European descent, of the aim and object of my journey,

not one word. I had to be Reshid Effendi only, and comport myself so as

to tally exactly with my letter of introduction. I durst not do

anything else, for it was imperative that I should pass for a real Turk,

an Effendi from Constantinople.

As for my state of mind when the critical moment of departure arrived, I

was so excited that I hardly knew what I was doing. The dreams of my

childhood, the visions of my youth, the Fata Morgana which had played

before my eyes through all my rambles in the literatures of Eastern and

Western lands--all were now nearing realisation, and my eyes were to

behold all these wonders in bodily form. Anticipation drowned the voice

of reason and common sense within me. What indeed could have made me

afraid? After all, the dangers before me were but of a material

nature--privation, fighting the elements, risk of health, sickness.

Failure and death never entered into my speculations. And what were all

these sufferings to me, who had had my measure full of them in my early

years? Hunger I suffered in Europe till my eighteenth year. Insufficient

clothing had been my portion from earliest youth. And as for sneering

and scoffing, the poor little Jew boy had had to bear plenty of that

with many other insults from his Christian playmates. Where was the

difference between their derisive "Hep! Heps!" and throwing of stones,

and the insults of the fanatical Shiites, or the suspicion of the

Central Asiatics?

Human whims and weaknesses were indeed well known to me, and experience

taught me that, whether in the rough garb of the Asiatic or in the

refined dress of the Westerner, men are much the same everywhere; nay,

more, I have found more compassion and kindness of heart with the former

than with the latter, and the terrible pictures which literature gives

us of barbarian customs and dealings need not have discouraged me too

much. There is only one thing which strikes me as rather remarkable in

my firm decision to carry out my intention, and this is, that having

once emerged from the school of misery and wretchedness, and having

tasted the pleasures of good cheer and comfort, I should voluntarily

return to the former. For in Constantinople, as already mentioned, I was

getting on well the last few years--very well, in fact. I had a

comfortable home, plenty to eat, even a horse at my disposal; and now I

was going to exchange all that, of my own free will, for a beggar's

staff. This perhaps is the only thing that can be counted to my credit.

But to what can not the sting of ambition spur us! And what is our life

worth where this impetus, this source of all energy, does not exist or

has become weakened? Material comforts, distinctions and dignities are

but particoloured toys which fascinate us only for a time. True

satisfaction lies in the consciousness of having rendered if only the

smallest service to mankind in general; and what in all the world is

more glorious than the hope of being able to enrich the book of

intellectual life which lies open before us, if only with one single

letter! Such were my thoughts and feelings, and I found strength therein

to face a thousand times greater dangers, difficulties, and privations

than had hitherto fallen to my lot. I have often asked myself the

question whether, apart from these higher, ideal aims, the thought of

material advantages, _i.e._, my future welfare, never crossed my mind.

There would certainly have been no harm in this, but if material welfare

had been my object its realisation would have been far less difficult

and more certain of success if I had followed an official career at

Constantinople, where I had influential patrons, and where I could have

settled down in quiet pastures. No; my scheme was the outcome of my

heated fancy, a mighty longing for the unknown and an insatiable thirst

for adventure.

My Second Journey to the East

The story of my struggles: the memoirs of Arminius Vambéry, Volume 1 · 第 4 / 6 章