CHAPTER IV

NEW SALEM

During the latter part of "the winter of the deep snow," Lincoln

became acquainted with one Denton Offutt, an adventurous and

discursive sort of merchant, with more irons in the fire than he could

well manage. He wanted to take a flat-boat and cargo to New Orleans,

and having heard that Hanks and Lincoln had some experience of the

river, he insisted on their joining him. John Johnston was afterwards

added to the party, probably at the request of his foster-brother, to

share in the golden profits of the enterprise; for fifty cents a day,

and a contingent dividend of twenty dollars apiece, seemed like a

promise of immediate opulence to the boys. In the spring, when the

rivers broke up and the melting snows began to pour in torrents down

every ravine and gully, the three young men paddled down the Sangamon

in a canoe to the point where Jamestown now stands; whence they walked

five miles to Springfield, where Offutt had given them rendezvous.

They met him at Elliott's tavern and far from happy. Amid the

multiplicity of his engagements he had failed to procure a flat-boat,

and the first work his new hands must do was to build one. They cut

the timber, with frontier innocence, from "Congress land," and soon

had a serviceable craft afloat, with which they descended the current

of the Sangamon to New Salem, a little village which seems to have

been born for the occasion, as it came into existence just before the

arrival of Lincoln, nourished for seven years while he remained one of

its citizens, and died soon after he went away. His introduction to

his fellow-citizens was effected in a peculiar and somewhat striking

manner. Offutt's boat had come to serious embarrassment on Rutledge's

mill-dam, and the unwonted incident brought the entire population to

the water's edge. They spent a good part of the day watching the

hapless flat-boat, resting midships on the dam, the forward end in the

air and the stern taking in the turbid Sangamon water. Nobody knew

what to do with the disaster except "the bow-oar," who is described as

a gigantic youth "with his trousers rolled up some five feet," who was

wading about the boat and rigging up some undescribed contrivance by

which the cargo was unloaded, the boat tilted and the water let out by

boring a hole through the bottom, and everything brought safely to

moorings below the dam. This exploit gained for young Lincoln the

enthusiastic admiration of his employer, and turned his own mind in

the direction of an invention which he afterwards patented "for

lifting vessels over shoals." The model on which he obtained this

patent--a little boat whittled by his own hand in 1849, after he had

become prominent as a lawyer and politician--is still shown to

visitors at the Department of the Interior. We have never learned that

it has served any other purpose.

[Illustration: MODEL OF LINCOLN'S INVENTION, IN THE PATENT OFFICE,

WASHINGTON.]

[Illustration: REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF DRAWINGS IN THE PATENT OFFICE.]

[Sidenote: Lamon, p. 83.]

They made a quick trip down the Sangamon, the Illinois, and the

Mississippi rivers. Although it was but a repetition in great part of

the trip young Lincoln had made with Gentry, it evidently created a

far deeper impression on his mind than the former one. The simple and

honest words of John Hanks leave no doubt of this. At New Orleans, he

said, they saw for the first time "negroes chained, maltreated,

whipped, and scourged. Lincoln saw it; his heart bled; said nothing

much, was silent, looked bad. I can say, knowing it, that it was on

this trip that he formed his opinion of slavery. It run its iron in

him then and there, May, 1831. I have heard him say so often." The

sight of men in chains was intolerable to him. Ten years after this he

made another journey by water with his friend Joshua Speed, of

Kentucky. Writing to Speed about it after the lapse of fourteen years,

he says: "In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low-water trip on a

steamboat from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I well

do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio there were on board

ten or a dozen slaves shackled together with irons. That sight was a

continual torment to me, and I see something like it every time I

touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It is not fair for you to

assume that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually

exercises, the power of making me miserable."

There have been several ingenious attempts to show the origin and

occasion of Mr. Lincoln's antislavery convictions. They seem to us an

idle waste of labor. These sentiments came with the first awakening of

his mind and conscience, and were roused into active life and energy

by the sight of fellow-creatures in chains on an Ohio River steamboat,

and on the wharf at New Orleans.

The party went up the river in the early summer and separated in St.

Louis. Abraham walked in company with John Johnston from St. Louis to

Coles County, and spent a few weeks there with his father, who had

made another migration the year before. His final move was to Goose

Nest Prairie, where he died in 1851, [Footnote: His grave, a mile and

a half west of the town of Farmington, Illinois, is surmounted by an

appropriate monument erected by his grandson, the Hon. Robert T.

Lincoln.] at the age of seventy-three years, after a life which,

though not successful in any material or worldly point of view, was

probably far happier than that of his illustrious son, being unvexed

by enterprise or ambition. Abraham never lost sight of his parents. He

continued to aid and befriend them in every way, even when he could

ill afford it, and when his benefactions were imprudently used. He not

only comforted their declining years with every aid his affection

could suggest, but he did everything in his power to assist his

stepbrother Johnston--a hopeless task enough. The following rigidly

truthful and yet kindly letters will show how mentor-like and

masterful, as well as generous, were the relations that Mr. Lincoln

held to these friends and companions of his childhood:

DEAR JOHNSTON: Your request for eighty dollars I do not think it best

to comply with now. At the various times when I have helped you a

little, you have said to me, "We can get along very well now," but in

a very short time I find you in the same difficulty again. Now this

can only happen by some defect in your conduct.

What that defect is I think I know. You are not _lazy_, and still

you are an _idler_. I doubt whether, since I saw you, you have

done a good whole day's work in any one day. You do not very much

dislike to work, and still you do not work much, merely because it

does not seem to you that you could get much for it. This habit of

uselessly wasting time is the whole difficulty, and it is vastly

important to you, and still more so to your children, that you should

break the habit. It is more important to them because they have longer

to live, and can keep out of an idle habit before they are in it

easier than they can get out after they are in.

You are now in need of some money; and what I propose is that you

shall go to work "tooth and nail" for somebody who will give you money

for it. Let father and your boys take charge of things at home,

prepare for a crop, and make the crop; and you go to work for the best

money wages, or in discharge of any debt you owe, that you can get;

and to secure you a fair reward for your labor, I now promise you that

for every dollar you will, between this and the first of next May, get

for your own labor, either in money or as discharging your own

indebtedness, I will then give you one other dollar. By this, if you

hire yourself at ten dollars a month, from me you will get ten more,

making twenty dollars a month for your work. In this I do not mean you

should go off to St. Louis, or the lead mines, or the gold mines in

California; but I mean for you to go at it for the best wages you can

get close to home, in Coles County. Now, if you will do this you will

soon be out of debt, and, what is better, you will have a habit that

will keep you from getting in debt again. But if I should now clear

you out of debt, next year you would be just as deep in as ever. You

say you would almost give your place in heaven for seventy or eighty

dollars. Then you value your place in heaven very cheap, for I am sure

you can with the offer I make get the seventy or eighty dollars for

four or five months' work. You say if I will furnish you the money you

will deed me the land, and if you don't pay the money back you will

deliver possession. Nonsense. If you can't now live with the land, how

will you then live without it? You have always been kind to me, and I

do not mean to be unkind to you. On the contrary, if you will but

follow my advice, you will find it worth more than eighty times eighty

dollars to you.

Here is a later epistle, still more graphic and terse in statement,

which has the unusual merit of painting both confessor and penitent to

the life:

SHELBYVILLE, Nov. 4, 1851.

DEAR BROTHER: When I came into Charleston, day before yesterday, I

learned that you were anxious to sell the land where you live and move

to Missouri. I have been thinking of this ever since, and cannot but

think such a notion is utterly foolish. What can you do in Missouri

better than here? Is the land any richer? Can you there, any more than

here, raise corn and wheat and oats without work? Will anybody there,

any more than here, do your work for you? If you intend to go to work,

there is no better place than right where you are; if you do not

intend to go to work, you cannot get along anywhere. Squirming and

crawling about from place to place can do no good. You have raised no

crop this year, and what you really want is to sell the land, get the

money, and spend it. Part with the land you have, and, my life upon

it, you will never after own a spot big enough to bury you in. Half

you will get for the land you will spend in moving to Missouri, and

the other half you will eat and drink and wear out, and no foot of

land will be bought. Now, I feel it is my duty to have no hand in such

a piece of foolery. I feel that it is so even on your own account, and

particularly on mother's account. The eastern forty acres I intend to

keep for mother while she lives; if you will not cultivate it, it will

rent for enough to support her; at least, it will rent for something.

Her dower in the other two forties she can let you have, and no thanks

to me. Now do not misunderstand this letter. I do not write it in any

unkindness. I write it in order, if possible, to get you to face the

truth, which truth is, you are destitute because you have idled away

all your time. Your thousand pretenses deceive nobody but yourself. Go

to work is the only cure for your case.

A volume of disquisition could not put more clearly before the reader

the difference between Abraham Lincoln and the common run of Southern

and Western rural laborers. He had the same disadvantages that they

had. He grew up in the midst of poverty and ignorance; he was poisoned

with the enervating malaria of the Western woods, as all his fellows

were, and the consequences of it were seen in his character and

conduct to the close of his life. But he had, what very few of them

possessed any glimmering notion of, a fixed and inflexible will to

succeed. He did not love work, probably, any better than John

Johnston; but he had an innate self-respect, and a consciousness that

his self was worthy of respect, that kept him from idleness as it kept

him from all other vices, and made him a better man every year that he

lived.

We have anticipated a score of years in speaking of Mr. Lincoln's

relations to his family. It was in August of the year 1831 that he

finally left his father's roof, and swung out for himself into the

current of the world to make his fortune in his own way. He went down

to New Salem again to assist Offutt in the business that lively

speculator thought of establishing there. He was more punctual than

either his employer or the merchandise, and met with the usual reward

of punctuality in being forced to waste his time in waiting for the

tardy ones. He seemed to the New Salem people to be "loafing"; several

of them have given that description of him. He did one day's work

acting as clerk of a local election, a lettered loafer being pretty

sure of employment on such an occasion. [Footnote: Mrs. Lizzie H. Bell

writes of this incident: "My father, Menton Graham, was on that day,

as usual, appointed to be a clerk, and Mr. McNamee, who was to be the

other, was sick and failed to come. They were looking around for a man

to fill his place when my father noticed Mr. Lincoln and asked if he

could write. He answered that 'he could make a few rabbit tracks.'"]

He also piloted a boat down the Sangamon for one Dr. Nelson, who had

had enough of New Salem and wanted to go to Texas. This was probably a

task not requiring much pilot-craft, as the river was much swollen,

and navigators had in most places two or three miles of channel to

count upon. But Offutt and his goods arrived at last, and Lincoln and

he got them immediately into position, and opened their doors to what

commerce could be found in New Salem. There was clearly not enough to

satisfy the volatile mind of Mr. Offutt, for he soon bought Cameron's

mill at the historic dam, and made Abraham superintendent also of that

branch of the business.

It is to be surmised that Offutt never inspired his neighbors and

customers with any deep regard for his solidity of character. One of

them says of him with injurious pleonasm, that he "talked too much

with his mouth." A natural consequence of his excessive fluency was

soon to be made disagreeably evident to his clerk. He admired Abraham

beyond measure, and praised him beyond prudence. He said that Abe knew

more than any man in the United States; and he was certainly not

warranted in making such an assertion, as his own knowledge of the

actual state of science in America could not have been exhaustive. He

also said that Abe could beat any man in the county running, jumping,

or "wrastling." This proposition, being less abstract in its nature,

was more readily grasped by the local mind, and was not likely to pass

unchallenged.

[Illustration: MAP OF NEW SALEM AND VICINITY]

Public opinion at New Salem was formed by a crowd of ruffianly young

fellows who were called the "Clary's Grove Boys." Once or twice a week

they descended upon the village and passed the day in drinking,

fighting, and brutal horse-play. If a stranger appeared in the place,

he was likely to suffer a rude initiation into the social life of New

Salem at the hands of these jovial savages. Sometimes he was nailed up

in a hogshead and rolled down hill; sometimes he was insulted into a

fight and then mauled black and blue; for despite their pretensions to

chivalry they had no scruples about fair play or any such

superstitions of civilization. At first they did not seem inclined to

molest young Lincoln. His appearance did not invite insolence; his

reputation for strength and activity was a greater protection to him

than his inoffensive good-nature. But the loud admiration of Offutt

gave them umbrage. It led to dispute, contradictions, and finally to a

formal banter to a wrestling-match. Lincoln was greatly averse to all

this "wooling and pulling," as he called it. But Offutt's indiscretion

had made it necessary for him to show his mettle. Jack Armstrong, the

leading bully of the gang, was selected to throw him, and expected an

easy victory. But he soon found himself in different hands from any he

had heretofore engaged with. Seeing he could not manage the tall

stranger, his friends swarmed in, and by kicking and tripping nearly

succeeded in getting Lincoln down. At this, as has been said of

another hero, "the spirit of Odin entered into him," and putting forth

his whole strength, he held the pride of Clary's Grove in his arms

like a child, and almost choked the exuberant life out of him. For a

moment a general fight seemed inevitable; but Lincoln, standing

undismayed with his back to the wall, looked so formidable in his

defiance that an, honest admiration took the place of momentary fury,

and his initiation was over. As to Armstrong, he was Lincoln's friend

and sworn brother as soon as he recovered the use of his larynx, and

the bond thus strangely created lasted through life. Lincoln had no

further occasion to fight his own battles while Armstrong was there to

act as his champion. The two friends, although so widely different,

were helpful to each other afterwards in many ways, and Lincoln made

ample amends for the liberty his hands had taken with Jack's throat,

by saving, in a memorable trial, his son's neck from the halter.

This incident, trivial and vulgar as it may seem, was of great

importance in Lincoln's life. His behavior in this ignoble scuffle did

the work of years for him, in giving him the position he required in

the community where his lot was cast. He became from that moment, in a

certain sense, a personage, with a name and standing of his own. The

verdict of Clary's Grove was unanimous that he was "the cleverest

fellow that had ever broke into the settlement." He did not have to be

constantly scuffling to guard his self-respect, and at the same time

he gained the good-will of the better sort by his evident

peaceableness and integrity.

[Illustration: LEAF FROM ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S EXERCISE BOOK. The page

here shown in reduced fac-simile is from the Exercise Book presented

by William H. Herndon to the Keyes-Lincoln Memorial Collection. When

the book was written Lincoln was about seventeen.]

He made on the whole a satisfactory clerk for Mr. Offutt, though his

downright honesty must have seemed occasionally as eccentric in that

position as afterwards it did to his associates at the bar. Dr.

Holland has preserved one or two incidents of this kind, which have

their value. Once, after he had sold a woman a little bill of goods

and received the money, he found on looking over the account again

that she had given him six and a quarter cents too much. The money

burned in his hands until he locked the shop and started on a walk of

several miles in the night to make restitution before he slept. On

another occasion, after weighing and delivering a pound of tea, he

found a small weight on the scales. He immediately weighed out the

quantity of tea of which he had innocently defrauded his customer and

went in search of her, his sensitive conscience not permitting any

delay. To show that the young merchant was not too good for this

world, the same writer gives an incident of his shop-keeping

experience of a different character. A rural bully having made himself

especially offensive one day, when women were present, by loud

profanity, Lincoln requested him to be silent. This was of course a

cause of war, and the young clerk was forced to follow the incensed

ruffian into the street, where the combat was of short duration.

Lincoln threw him at once to the ground, and gathering a handful of

the dog fennel with which the roadside was plentifully bordered, he

rubbed the ruffian's face and eyes with it until he howled for mercy.

He did not howl in vain, for the placable giant, when his discipline

was finished, brought water to bathe the culprit's smarting face, and

doubtless improved the occasion with quaint admonition.

A few passages at arms of this sort gave Abraham a redoubtable

reputation in the neighborhood. But the principal use he made of his

strength and his prestige was in the capacity of peacemaker, an office

which soon devolved upon him by general consent. Whenever old feuds

blossomed into fights by Offutt's door, or the chivalry of Clary's

Grove attempted in its energetic way to take the conceit out of some

stranger, or a canine duel spread contagion of battle among the

masters of the beasts, Lincoln usually appeared upon the scene, and

with a judicious mixture of force and reason and invincible good-

nature restored peace.

While working with Offutt his mind was turned in the direction of

English grammar. From what he had heard of it he thought it a matter

within his grasp, if he could once fall in with the requisite

machinery. Consulting with Menton [Footnote: This name has always been

written in Illinois "Minter," but a letter from Mr. Graham's daughter,

Mrs. Bell, says that her father's name is as given in the text.]

Graham, the schoolmaster, in regard to it, and learning the

whereabouts of a vagrant "Kirkham's Grammar," he set off at once and

soon returned from a walk of a dozen miles with the coveted prize. He

devoted himself to the new study with that peculiar intensity of

application which always remained his most valuable faculty, and soon

knew all that can be known about it from rules. He seemed surprised,

as others have been, at the meager dimensions of the science he had

acquired and the ease with which it yielded all there was of it to the

student. But it seemed no slight achievement to the New Salemites, and

contributed not a little to the prevalent impression of his learning.

His name is prominently connected with an event which just at this

time caused an excitement and interest in Salem and the neighboring

towns entirely out of proportion to its importance. It was one of the

articles of faith of most of the settlers on the banks of the Sangamon

River that it was a navigable stream, and the local politicians found

that they could in no way more easily hit the fancy of their hearers

than by discussing this assumed fact, and the logical corollary

derived from it, that it was the duty of the State or the nation to

clear out the snags and give free course to the commerce which was

waiting for an opportunity to pour along this natural highway. At last

one Captain Vincent Bogue, of Springfield, determined to show that the

thing could be done by doing it. The first promise of the great

enterprise appears in the "Sangsmo Journal" of January 26, 1832, in a

letter from the Captain, at Cincinnati, saying he would ascend the

Sangamon by steam on the breaking up of the ice. He asked that he

might be met at the mouth of the river by ten or twelve men, having

axes with long handles, to cut away the overhanging branches of the

trees on the banks. From this moment there was great excitement,--

public meetings, appointment of committees, appeals for subscriptions,

and a scattering fire of advertisements of goods and freight to be

bargained for,--which sustained the prevailing interest. It was a day

of hope and promise when the advertisement reached Springfield from

Cincinnati that "the splendid upper-cabin steamer Talisman" would

positively start for the Sangamon on a given day. As the paper

containing this joyous intelligence also complained that no mail had

reached Springfield from the east for three weeks, it is easy to

understand the desire for more rapid and regular communications. From

week to week the progress of the _Talisman_, impeded by bad weather

and floating ice, was faithfully recorded, until at last the party

with long-handled axes went down to Beardstown to welcome her. It is

needless to state that Lincoln was one of the party. His standing as a

scientific citizen of New Salem would have been enough to insure his

selection even if he had not been known as a bold navigator. He

piloted the _Talisman_ safely through the windings of the Sangamon,

and Springfield gave itself up to extravagant gayety on the event that

proved she "could no longer be considered an inland town." Captain

Bogue announced "fresh and seasonable goods just received per

steamboat _Talisman_," and the local poets illuminated the columns of

the "Journal" with odes on her advent. The joy was short-lived. The

_Talisman_ met the natural fate of steamboats a few months later,

being burned at the St. Louis wharf. Neither State nor nation has ever

removed the snags from the Sangamon, and no subsequent navigator of

its waters has been found to eclipse the fame of the earliest one.

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