It took the stenographer twenty minutes to prepare the transcript.

After Pelser signed it Moore slapped him on the back again, gave him

a couple of cigars, and Lyons offered to take him and his girl to the

Westminster Winter Garden. Pelser refused. Afterward, when he thought

of what he had signed, he felt sick. Two days later, at his parents’

flat, he wrote to the district attorney:

_287 Centre St.

Jamiaca Plaine

Feb. 6, 1922._

_Mr. Katzmann_,

_Dear Sir:—Saturday afternoon a man called for me in regards the

Sacco Case. He did not say which side he represented._

_He asked me if I could give a little information on the case._

_I was drinking pretty heavy that day. He said I want to show a

couple of pictures and got me on the way in town gave me some money

bought a dinner cigars & cigarettes we went into some office in

Pemberton Sq. he introduced me to Mr. Moore then he sat me down and

locked the door Moore said to me you look like a white man._

_He patted me on the back & gave me a Cigar & said give me a little

dope on the Sacco Case he handed me a couple of pictures & asked me

if I ever saw them. I said “no”, he showed me some more. One word

led to another, he got around me some way & I didn’t know what I was

up against. He had 3 or 4 men in his office & a girl stenographer.

He asked me one question & other and finally had my whole story

contradicted what I had said at the Dedham Court. I am worried at the

way they have framed me & got me in to trouble. When it was over one

of the men asked me if I would not have a drink & invited me to a big

dinner & dance at the West Minster Hotel. Some how I refused to go

because I felt it was another trap to get me to say more._

_When I came to my Senses the next day & had a little talk with my

folks they told me to get in touch with you as soon as I could I

tried to get you on the phone and then decided I had better write

you._

_Hoping you will give this your immediate attention and favor me with

an early reply._

_Respectfully,

Louis Pelser_

_P.S. I forgot to mention that I also signed two papers of some kind._

As soon as Assistant District Attorney Williams read the letter,

forwarded to him by Katzmann, he had Pelser up on the courthouse

carpet. Williams asked him if he did not remember looking at Sacco’s

picture and saying “That looks like the man,” of seeing Sacco and

exclaiming “By George! If he isn’t the man he is a dead image for

him.” Pelser now maintained that what he had said on the stand was

the truth as he believed it, and that nothing had since happened to

change his mind. The fact was that when he had talked to Moore in

Boston he was in no condition to know what he was saying.

However spineless Pelser seemed in other respects, the “dead image”

term still troubled him. When Williams asked him again if he had

meant those words, he insisted “I didn’t mean them in that way. I

don’t know how I happened to use that word ‘dead image.’”

In his new motion Moore claimed that the affidavit Pelser had signed

in his office was “tantamount and equivalent to a repudiation of the

testimony given by the said Louis Pelser on the trial of this case”

and that his testimony was “not entitled to be considered by the jury

as trustworthy and reliable.”

* * * * *

Eleven weeks later Moore filed the third supplementary motion, based

on what he had learned about Carlos Goodridge, the pool-playing

Victrola salesman who had so unhesitantly picked out Sacco as the

gunman he had seen in the getaway car. During the trial the defense

had discovered nothing more about Goodridge than that he was married

and lived in Cambridge and that in September 1920 he had pleaded

guilty to a charge of grand larceny in the Dedham court and had been

placed on probation. What Moore had since learned about Goodridge was

enough to destroy him.

Goodridge turned out to be Erastus Corning Whitney, a shiftless

bigamist from upper New York State, an arsonist, a passer of bad

checks who had served two terms in jail for petty larceny, a man who

had passed most of his adult life escaping from old misdemeanors and

importunate females. Tommy Doyle spent three months and more than

ten thousand dollars collecting documents, pictures, letters, and

affidavits that made all this plain.

Armed with the evidence, Moore started off for Vassalboro, Maine,

where Goodridge was now living. Stopping in Augusta, he picked up

Ethel Lee, a deputy sheriff, and her sister-in-law, Marjorie, a

stenographer. It was twilight by the time they reached Goodridge’s

Vassalboro farm. His third wife, Margaret Rose, said her husband

was down the road at a church meeting. Moore found him in the white

clapboard building, called him out in the middle of a hymn, and

asked him to get into the car. There he displayed Doyle’s documents

and asked Goodridge if he was not Erastus Corning Whitney, under

indictment for larceny in Livingston County, New York. Goodridge

admitted that he was. He did not dispute any of the facts that Doyle

had dredged up. “Well, the game is up,” he said wearily, “and I

suppose I will have to go back to New York.” He was not aware of the

woman in the back seat taking shorthand notes, nor did he recognize

his questioner until he said “My name is Moore.”

“Glad to meet you,” Goodridge said, trying to cover up his fear with

cordiality. “I’ve heard of you from San Francisco to Maine.”

Moore said flatly that he was not interested in what Goodridge had

or had not done in New York. All he wanted was the full story of how

he had come to testify in the Dedham court, and what influence the

district attorney’s office had brought to bear on him. Of course if

Goodridge did not want to talk, there was the deputy sheriff in the

back seat and an indictment waiting in New York.

Goodridge agreed to tell his tale. He had first recognized Sacco’s

picture, he said, in a newspaper. He had then shown it to a girl

he knew, Lottie Packard, who worked at Rice & Hutchins. “I says to

Lottie, ‘Whose picture is that?’ and she called him by name. I had

the paper folded so that she couldn’t see nothing but the picture. ‘I

used to work with him in a factory.’ I says, ‘That’s the fellow that

was in the gang down here.’ I told Lottie never to say anything about

it. I never told anyone but my wife.”

Williams and Brouillard and Stewart had been after him in the autumn

of 1920 to come to the Dedham jail with them, Goodridge continued,

but he had always refused, telling them it was no use to take him

there, that he had seen nothing and “didn’t know anything about the

deal.” When he himself was arraigned in Dedham he had recognized

Sacco as soon as the latter was brought into the courtroom, but he

never told anyone about this. He had lied to the district attorney’s

people and to the police because he did not want to get mixed up in

the case.

Moore came back again and again to his central question: Why had

Goodridge refused to talk from September to July, and then suddenly

gone on the stand and identified Sacco? Goodridge did not have any

explanation.

“I think I testified to the truth to the best of my ability,” he

complained, “and it’s a pretty hard proposition.”

The lawyer asked him sharply if he thought a man should die on his

statement. No, Goodridge did not think so. But when he had testified

he thought he had been right. No one had forced him, no inducements

had been offered. It was just that Sacco was the man he thought he

had seen. “But afterwards a good many times since I have thought that

I am not positive,” he went on. “I am not positive that if I would

have to swear that that man was the one, I could positively identify

him as the man.” As Moore continued to batter him with questions,

Goodridge began to cry.

Moore insisted that the assistant district attorney had badgered

Goodridge into taking the stand. Goodridge no longer denied it.

“You know just how those things is yourself,” he told the lawyer

pleadingly. “He talked to me so much I was just about dead, I guess.”

The stenographer now interrupted to say she had run out of paper. The

four drove back to the farm. On the way Moore urged Goodridge to

sign an affidavit. He refused. Finally Moore turned to the sheriff.

“I think, Mrs. Lee,” he said sternly, “that it is your duty to take

this man back to Augusta and notify the New York authorities.”

While Goodridge changed his clothes, Moore spent twenty minutes

talking, with his wife, reducing her, too, to tears. Goodridge then

quietly got in the car and they headed for Augusta. Just before they

reached the city Moore made a final effort: “Whitney, what I would

like to know is what inducement was held out to you to testify at

this trial. You did not testify at this trial willingly unless you

benefited by it some way or another; that is what I want to know and

if you will tell me you will save yourself the trouble of going back

to New York.” Goodridge still would not say.

Moore took him first to the county jail. There the warden refused to

admit him without a warrant. With the help of Deputy Sheriff Lee,

Moore managed to have him locked up in police headquarters as a

fugitive. “I will come back later,” Moore told the police chief, “as

I want this fellow to come clean and he is holding back things that

he ought to tell us.” Mrs. Lee then telegraphed the district attorney

of Livingston County that they were holding Erastus Corning Whitney

for him. Moore telephoned the clerk of courts in Genesee and asked

if Whitney was still wanted. The clerk said he did not think so, but

he would ask the sheriff. The sheriff expressed no interest in the

eleven-year-old indictment.

Goodridge remained the night at police headquarters. When next day he

was brought before Judge Robert Cony and the judge learned that the

indictment was dated November 24, 1911, he announced angrily from the

bench: “They will never bother you on it, and unless I hear from them

tonight I will let you go in the morning, and I do not intend to have

his office used by any lawyer to build up any cases for the State of

Massachusetts or any other state, and the best thing you can do is

not to see Mr. Moore again.”

Goodridge was released next morning. There was nothing more Moore

could do about him.

* * * * *

On September 11 Moore presented a fourth supplementary motion,

requesting a new trial because of additional facts discovered about

the witness Lola Andrews, “a person whose testimony should not

constitute the basis of a verdict of guilty on a charge of murder.”

Six months before the trial, when Moore had interviewed her in

the Alhambra Block in Quincy and shown her pictures of Sacco and

Vanzetti, she had been unable to identify them and had made a

statement exonerating the defendants. On the witness stand she had

claimed that this statement had been untruthfully reported. Now

Moore, as he wrote to Upton Sinclair, had “wilted” her. She had

signed an affidavit for him repudiating her court testimony and

admitting that she had lied because the district attorney knew “many

chapters of her private life that she could ill afford to have

revealed.”

Her affidavit stated that some time before the trial Stewart and

Brouillard had taken her to the Dedham jail, shown her Sacco, and

asked if he was the man she had seen on April 15. She said she did

not know. Later Assistant District Attorney Williams put the same

question to her. She said she could not be positive. Williams then

shook his finger in her face and told her, “You can put it stronger

than that. I know you can.”

Her testimony in court had been “false and untrue.... She had never

... at any time or place or under any conditions and specifically on

April 15, 1920, at South Braintree, seen said Nicola Sacco until she

saw him in the Dedham County Jail.” Her false statements “were made

under the intimidating influences of Michael E. Stewart, Albert L.

Brouillard, Harold Williams and Frederick G. Katzmann.”

Like Pelser, Lola Andrews found herself overborne by any determined

person who talked with her. In addition she had much to conceal.

Her life in Quincy was in part known to the police. Recently there

had been some business about a naval officer named Landers in her

room, hushed up for the time but still rumor-heavy. When Moore found

out that she had originally come from Gardiner, Maine, he sent Bert

Carpenter there to see what he could learn. What Carpenter learned

would have ruined her in any court.

She had been born Rachel Andrews, the by-product of an encounter

between a Yankee farmer’s daughter and an itinerant Italian. A

tow-path child brought up in a shanty settlement on the outskirts of

the trim Kennebec town, she had scarcely passed adolescence when she

married an ex-soldier returned from the Philippines, Mayhew Hassam,

an alcoholic who used her cruelly. She had borne him one son. After

the marriage ended she had stayed on in Gardiner across the street

from the Soldiers’ Home, available and accommodating. In Augusta

she had been convicted of lewd and lascivious conduct. Moving on to

Massachusetts, she had left her son behind, sending money back for

his board. At the time she testified in Dedham he was eighteen years

old. What her life had been she did not ever want him to know. The

boy was her weak spot—a spot Moore did not hesitate to exploit. He

had been hard on Pelser, hard on Goodridge, he would be hard on her.

A lawyer, to his mind, could not be delicate when men’s lives were at

stake.

Lola Darroch brought young Hassam from Maine, hired a room for him

in the seedy Hotel Essex opposite the South Station, and sent for

the mother. The boy, though an unkempt rustic, had proved tractable

and intelligent, accepting Moore’s version of the case and agreeing

to try to persuade his mother to repudiate her courtroom testimony.

Lola Andrews, brought in from Quincy, confronted her son while Moore

told her that she had lied in Dedham and that it was now up to her

to tell the truth. She wilted at once and began to cry. Moore spent

the evening drafting an affidavit. When it was handed to her, her

son begged her to sign. Moore showed her certain affidavits that

Carpenter had collected in Gardiner, without, however, allowing her

to read them. She signed.

Moore could indeed browbeat such witnesses as Pelser, Goodridge, and

Lola Andrews. The difficulty was that when they were alone again they

had second thoughts that generally took the form of a disclaiming

letter to the district attorney. On January 9, 1923, Lola signed

a counteraffidavit for District Attorney Katzmann and Assistant

District Attorney Williams in which she claimed that Moore had used

her boy to trap her and that she had not read the nine pages of the

affidavit. She had not wanted to sign it.

_I told them that if I put my name to that paper that they had

already drawn up for me ... I could see it meant a terrible disgrace

for me. They told me no, that I was doing the grandest thing a woman

could do, and that by doing what they wanted me to do I would gain

the respect and friendship of everyone, and that my boy would not

be ashamed to look upon me as his mother, and the evidence they had

brought with them from Maine would not be submitted to the court

or to the eyes of anyone, not even to my son.... Mr. Moore took me

over to a small desk and laid the paper in front of me and told me

to sign it. I told him I would not, for I did not realize what I was

doing.... They dipped the pen in the ink and tried to pass it into my

hand.... All the time I was crying and asking them not to force me to

sign it. My son then said, “Mother, I want you to sign that paper,

for it means a whole lot to me.” I do not seem to remember much what

happened after that, only that someone put the pen in my hand and

told me to sign it, and asked my boy to come over to me and help me.

My boy came over and put his arm around me and said, “Mother, sign

this paper and have an end to all this trouble, for you did not

recognize these men”—meaning Sacco and Vanzetti—“and you will only be

doing a terrible wrong if you send those men to the chair.”_

“I was like I was in a trance,” she later told Katzmann.

* * * * *

Perhaps the most crucial testimony offered in the trial, the deciding

factor—if John Dever is to be believed—was the evidence of the guns

and the bullets. If, as Moore was well aware, it could be proved

beyond a doubt that the mortal bullet found in Berardelli’s body

had not been fired from Sacco’s automatic, the keystone of the

Commonwealth’s case would be demolished. In February 1923, with this

in mind, he engaged Dr. Albert Hamilton, a New York expert who had

testified in 165 homicide cases, to prepare the fifth supplementary

motion, the Hamilton-Proctor motion.

Hamilton came into the case through Frank Sibley, who happened to

meet him while riding on the train from Portland, Maine, to Boston.

Hamilton, an authoritative little man with a convincing air, told

Sibley that if he had been a witness at Dedham he could have proved

quickly and conclusively whether or not Sacco’s pistol had fired

the mortal bullet. Once back in Boston Sibley recommended Hamilton

enthusiastically to Moore. The lawyer immediately wrote Hamilton to

ask what he would charge for coming to Boston. Without bothering

to reply, Hamilton confidently took the next train. In their first

interview Moore told Hamilton he was vitally concerned in learning

the answers to four fundamental questions: Had the hammer of the

Vanzetti revolver been replaced by a new hammer? Were one or more of

the shells that Fraher had picked up fired in the Sacco pistol? Had

Bullet III been fired from the Sacco pistol? Was the mortal bullet

discharged from a cartridge of the same date of manufacture as any of

the cartridges found on Sacco when he was arrested? Hamilton agreed

to make the investigation and determine the four answers.

Hamilton was an unlucky choice. Moore did not suspect that

his doctorate was self-awarded. By trade a druggist and

concocter of patent medicines in Auburn, New York, Hamilton had

developed expertness as a second career, advertising himself

as a “micro-chemical investigator.” His avocation became his

calling. In 1908, in a publicity pamphlet entitled “That Man from

Auburn,” he described himself as a qualified expert in chemistry,

microscopy, handwriting, ink analysis, typewriting, photography,

fingerprints, toxicology, gunshot wounds, guns and cartridges,

bullet identification, gunpowder, nitroglycerine, dynamite, high

explosives, blood and other stains, causes of death, embalming, and

anatomy. Unknown to Moore, he had earlier written to Judge Thayer

claiming that he knew a method of examining the Sacco-Vanzetti

ballistics exhibit that would reveal the truth. He had received no

reply. Men who had worked with Hamilton in the past did not recommend

him. The Auburn coroner said that his reputation for truth was bad.

The assistant district attorney of Monroe County considered him “a

professional expert ... whose testimony should not be accepted in any

court of record, and should receive no credence at the hands of a

judge or jury.”

Much of Hamilton’s clouded reputation in New York stemmed from the

murder trial of Charles Stielow who, in 1915, was accused of shooting

Charles Phelps and his housekeeper in West Shelby. Hamilton had

appeared for the prosecution. After tests and a minute examination

of Stielow’s revolver and of the three bullets taken from Phelps’

body and the one from that of his housekeeper, he testified that only

Stielow’s revolver could have fired the bullets. Principally because

of this testimony Stielow was found guilty and sentenced to death.

Later he was proved to be innocent and pardoned. In a post-trial

review of the evidence Max Poser, an expert in applied optics with

the Bausch & Lomb Optical Company, demonstrated that the bullets

taken from the bodies had not come from the Stielow revolver. “The

opinion expressed by the expert Hamilton in his evidence at the

trial,” Poser concluded, “was worthless.” The setback, however, did

not seem to hamper Hamilton’s career.

It did not take Hamilton long, after inspecting the Sacco-Vanzetti

exhibits, to come to his conclusions. In the motion, filed on

April 30, 1923, he claimed that by using a Bausch & Lomb compound

microscope he was able to ascertain discrepancies between the

markings on the test bullets from Sacco’s pistol and the markings on

Bullet III. According to his measurements the land and groove widths

in the barrel of Sacco’s Colt agreed with the land and groove widths

on the test bullets but not with the mortal bullet. He also found

that a microscopic examination of the Fraher shells eliminated the

possibility of any one of them having been fired in the Colt. Because

of a difference in the cannelures, he contended that Bullet III was

not manufactured at the same time as the six Winchester cartridges

found on Sacco. Augustus Gill, Professor of Technical Chemical

Analysis at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, had been

engaged to assist Hamilton. His tabulations, made under different

conditions, varied somewhat from Hamilton’s. Nevertheless, he was

convinced from his own measurements “that the so-called mortal bullet

never passed through the Sacco gun.” As for Vanzetti’s revolver,

Hamilton maintained that it had not been fitted with a new hammer,

because an essential screw did not show marks of having been removed.

Captain Van Amburgh, in an affidavit for the Commonwealth, became

much more positive than he had been at the trial. He now used a

more powerful microscope and in addition he had had comparative

photographs taken of Bullet III and one of the test bullets. He

offered twelve pictures of each bullet in which the lands and

grooves were separately photographed so that the enlarged pictures

could be compared. “The facts which I have found from my entire

investigation,” he asserted, “are so clear that, in my opinion, they

amount to proof. I am absolutely certain that the Fraher Shell W

was fired in the Sacco pistol. I am also positive that the mortal

bullet was fired in the Sacco pistol.” His findings were confirmed

by Merton Robinson, a ballistics engineer for the Winchester Arms

Company. Robinson not only maintained that Bullet III had been fired

from Sacco’s pistol, but rejected Hamilton’s argument that the

mortal bullet and those found on Sacco were of a different date of

manufacture. As for Hamilton’s photographic evidence to prove that

the hammer in Vanzetti’s revolver had not been replaced, it would

have been quite possible, Robinson asserted, for an expert repairman

to have inserted a new screw, or to have removed and replaced the old

one, without leaving marks on the screw head.

* * * * *

On March 8, 1923, after much persuasion on the part of the McAnarney

brothers, William Thompson agreed to enter the case for the limited

purpose of arguing the motions for a new trial. He had been hesitant

about becoming involved, but, ironically enough, it was Katzmann’s

attack on the integrity and qualifications of Dr. Hamilton that

finally persuaded him.

Tragedy in Dedham · 第 23 / 48 段