THIRD TIME ELECTED GOVERNOR.
_The Senatorship declined--Army Banquet Speech--Third Time
nominated for Congress--Glendale Speech--Declines a Federal
Office--Making a Home--Nomination for Governor--Platform--Serenade
Speech--Democratic Convention and Platform--Marion Speech of
Hayes--Woodford--Grosvenor--Schurz--Inflation Drivel--Interest in
the Contest--Honest Money Triumphant--Third Inaugural._
Just as Governor Hayes was vacating the office of chief executive of
Ohio, to which he had positively refused to be re-elected, he was
offered and declined the Senatorship from that State. The proofs of this
fact are before us. The circumstances were these: A Senator in Congress
was to be elected by the State Legislature, in January, 1872, to succeed
John Sherman. Mr. Sherman had secured the nomination and election of a
majority of Republicans who were favorable to his own re-election; but
the Republican majority on joint ballot was small. Before the meeting of
the Republican caucus, a sufficient number of members to control the
result, with the aid of the Democrats, proposed to Governor Hayes to
stay out of the caucus, and, uniting the entire opposition to Sherman,
secure his defeat.
Hayes had authoritative assurances that the Democratic members would
support him, with a view of defeating Sherman; while the Independent or
anti-Sherman Republicans, who held the balance of power, were
importunate that he should allow himself to be their compromise
candidate. But he firmly rejected all these overtures, and forbid the
use of his name in connection with the matter in any manner whatever. A
leading State Senator declared it "was most extraordinary to see the
Senatorship refused, with the Presidency in prospect."
On the 7th of April, General Hayes delivered a speech in Cincinnati in
response to the toast "Our Country," which contains thoughts worthy of
reproduction. It was upon the occasion of the fifth annual banquet of
the Army of the Tennessee. After some general introductory remarks, the
orator said:
"Consider the history of our country. It is the youngest of the
nations. We are just beginning to look forward to the celebrations,
five years hence, of the completion of the first century of its
existence. This brief period, so crowded with interesting events,
with great achievements in peace and war, and adorned with
illustrious names in every honorable walk of life, has witnessed a
progress in our country without a parallel in the annals of the
race.
"Add to these considerations the visions of greatness and
prosperity which the future opens to America, and we shall begin to
see by what titles our country claims from all of her children
admiration, gratitude, and loyal love.
"Those who are accustomed to take gloomy views of every event and
every prospect, will perhaps remind us that all the parts of this
picture have their dark side; that this extended and magnificent
territory of ours must needs have rival interests hostile and
dangerous to unity; that people differing in race, nationality,
religion, language, and traditions will, with difficulty, be fused
into one harmonious Nation; that written constitutions do not make
a government unless their provisions are obeyed or enforced. As to
our boasted history, they will point to pages darkened with grave
crimes against the weaker races; and as to our future, they will
tell us of the colossal fortunes which, under the sanction of law,
are already consolidating in the hands of a few men--not always the
best men--powers which threaten alike good government and our
liberties.
"In reply to these views, it can not be denied that in a wide
domain like ours, inhabited by people not always harmonious,
something more than written constitutions are required. A mere
paper government is not enough. The law, if not voluntarily obeyed,
must be firmly enforced. To accomplish this there must be wisdom,
moderation, firmness, not only in those who administer the
government, but in the people, who, at last, are the government.
"The great task is to educate a whole people in these high virtues,
to the end that they may be equal to their opportunities and to the
dangers that surround them. The chief instrumentalities in this
education are the home, the school, the platform, the pulpit, and
the press, and all good men and women are the educators.
"Doubt and difficulty and danger lend to every human enterprise its
chief interest and charm. Every man who fought in the Army of the
Tennessee at Shiloh knows that the gloom and despondency in which
the first day's battle closed, gave an added glory to the victory
of the second day; that the victory is always most highly prized
which, after a long and desperate struggle, is snatched at last
from the very jaws of disaster and defeat.
"If, in the future of our country, trials and conflicts and
calamities await her, it is but the common allotment of Providence
to men. The brave and the good will (here always) find noble work
and a worthy career, and will rejoice that they are permitted to
live and to act in such a country as the American republic."
In July, 1872, Ex-Governor Hayes received a petition, signed by the most
influential men in the second Congressional district in Cincinnati,
asking him to accept a nomination for Congress. Scores of letters and
telegrams were sent to him at Fremont, where he was detained by illness
in his family, urging upon him the duty of sacrificing personal to
public interests and consent to become a candidate. He refused
absolutely. The nominating convention met August 6th, and the following
telegram tells the story:
"In spite of your protests, you were nominated on first ballot.
Great enthusiasm, and whole party lifted up. We assured Republicans
that Governor Hayes never retreated when ordered to advance. Things
are looking bright.
"RICHARD SMITH."
Two days after, a petition was forwarded, signed by two hundred
influential Republican and non-partisan voters of the second district,
containing the words, we "most urgently solicit you to accept the
nomination given you."
His acceptance being demanded on the ground of duty, he returned to
Cincinnati and made the canvass. At Glendale, on September 4, he
delivered a lengthy speech, from which we take these extracts:
_Fellow-citizens:_
My purpose in addressing you this evening is to spread before the
people of the second district my views on the questions of National
policy which now engage the public attention.
In the present condition of the country, two things are of vital
importance--peace and a sound financial policy. We want
peace--honorable peace--with all nations; peace with the Indians,
and peace between all of the citizens of all of the States. We want
a financial policy so honest that there can be no stain on the
National honor and no taint on the National credit; so stable that
labor and capital and legitimate business of every sort can
confidently count upon what it will be the next week, the next
month, and the next year. We want the burdens of taxation so justly
distributed that they will bear equally upon all classes of
citizens in proportion to their ability to sustain them.
We want our currency gradually to appreciate, until, without
financial shock or any sudden shrinkage of values, but in the
natural course of trade, it shall reach the uniform and permanent
value of gold. With lasting peace assured, and a sound financial
condition established, the United States and all of her citizens
may reasonably expect to enjoy a measure of prosperity without a
parallel in the world's history.
When the debates of the last presidential election were in
progress, four years ago, there were troubles with other nations
threatening the public peace, and, in particular, there was a most
difficult, irritating, and dangerous controversy with Great
Britain, which it seemed almost impossible peaceably to settle. Now
we are at peace with all nations; the American government is
everywhere abroad held in the highest honor; and an example of
submitting National disputes to the decision of a court of
arbitration has been set, which is of incalculable value to the
world.
* * * * *
Four years ago, and for a considerable period since, the public
peace has been broken or threatened in a majority of the late slave
States, by bands of lawless men, oath bound, disguised, and armed,
who, by terror, by scourging, and by assassination, undertook to
deprive unoffending citizens, both white and colored, of their most
cherished rights, for no reason except a difference of political
sentiment. Now these organizations have, it is claimed by their
political associates, disbanded. Large numbers of citizens in those
States, heretofore hostile to the recent amendments to the
constitution, and to the equal rights of colored people, declare
themselves satisfied with those amendments, and ready to maintain
the constitutional rights of colored citizens. Notwithstanding the
predictions of our adversaries, that to confer political rights
upon colored people would lead to a war of races, white people and
colored people are now voting side by side in all of the old slave
States, and their elections are quite as free from violence and
disorder as they were when whites alone were the voters. In a word,
peace prevails in the South to an extent which, under the
circumstances, the ablest statesmen among our adversaries three
years ago pronounced impossible. The watchword of the Republican
party four years ago was "Let us have peace." A survey of every
field where the public peace was then imperiled, of our affairs
with foreign nations, with the Indians, and in the South, shows
that the pledge implied in that famous watchword has been
substantially made good, and that, if the people continue to stand
by the government, the peace we now enjoy will be continued and
enduring.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
There are several questions relating to the present and the future
which merit the attention of the people. Among the most interesting
of these is the question of civil service reform.
About forty years ago a system of making appointments to office
grew up, based on the maxim, "to the victors belong the spoils."
The old rule--the true rule--that honesty, capacity, and fidelity
constitute the highest claim to office, gave place to the idea that
partisan services were to be chiefly considered. All parties in
practice have adopted this system. Since its first introduction it
has been materially modified. At first, the president, either
directly or through the heads of departments, made all
appointments. Gradually, by usage, the appointing power in many
cases was transferred to members of Congress--to senators and
representatives. The offices in these cases have become not so much
rewards for party services as rewards for personal services in
nominating and electing senators and representatives. What
patronage the president and his cabinet retain, and what offices
congressmen are by usage entitled to fill is not definitely
settled. A congressman who maintains good relations with the
executive usually receives a larger share of patronage than one who
is independent. The system is a bad one. It destroys the
independence of the separate departments of the government, and it
degrades the civil service. It ought to be abolished. General Grant
has again and again explicitly recommended reform. A majority of
Congress has been unable to agree upon any important measure.
Doubtless the bills which have been introduced contain
objectionable features. But the work should be begun. Let the best
obtainable bill be passed, and experience will show what amendments
are required. I would support either Senator Trumbull's bill or Mr.
Jenckes' bill, if nothing better were proposed. The admirable
speeches on this subject by the representative of the first
district, the Hon. Aaron F. Perry, contain the best exposition I
have seen of sound doctrine on this question, and I trust the day
is not distant when the principles which he advocates will be
embodied in practical measures of legislation. We ought to have a
reform of the system of appointments to the civil service,
thorough, radical, and complete.
The people of the United States will be agreeably surprised to learn
that, four years ago, not only the sentiments, but almost the identical
language of the recent letter of acceptance upon the subject of this
great reform was publicly proclaimed by the Republican candidate for the
presidency.
In 1872, when the Presidency was not in his thoughts, he advocated with
great force the doctrines which Independent Republicans especially
commend him for maintaining to-day. These opinions it would then be
foolishly needless to say are honest; they are deep-rooted convictions
of long growth.
The elections went heavily against the Republicans in Hamilton county,
in 1872. Mr. Eggleston, the sitting member of Congress from the First
District, was beaten three thousand five hundred and sixty-nine votes;
and General Hayes was defeated by General H. B. Banning, whose majority
was one thousand five hundred and two. Compared with the result in the
First District, Hayes ran a thousand votes ahead of his ticket. He had
performed his duty and was satisfied.
A few months later he was offered, by the President, the office of
Assistant Treasurer of the United States, at Cincinnati, which
appointment he respectfully declined.
The years 1873 and 1874 were employed by General Hayes in making and
adorning a future home for himself and his family, near Fremont. He
planted over a thousand trees, and filled his grounds with vines,
shrubs, and flowers.
In January, 1874, his patron uncle and life-long friend Sardis Birchard
died, leaving his favorite nephew heir to a considerable estate. It
elevates our estimate of human nature to find that this heir-apparent,
or rather heir inevitable to a handsome fortune, diminished the amount
he would naturally inherit by persuading his uncle to make bequests,
amounting to seventy-five thousand dollars, to the citizens of Fremont
for a Public Park and a Free Public Library. It is not necessary to add,
that this unselfish course of action makes known character, nor to say
what kind of a character it makes known.
The Republican State Convention, which assembled at Columbus, June 2,
1875, nominated General Hayes a third time for the office of Governor.
He received the news of the nomination while playing base ball with his
children at their home in Fremont. The circumstances of this nomination
were extraordinary, and the honor it implied exceptional. The facts, in
brief, were these: The Hon. William Allen having been put in nomination
by the Democrats, for the office of Governor, in 1873, mainly through
the influence of his nephew, Senator Thurman, was elected by a small
majority in October of that year. Mr. Allen, as Governor, made himself
active in the direction of economy and the reduction of taxation, and
seemed to increase his popularity because of the high reputation he
enjoyed for personal integrity. Early in 1875 it became apparent that he
would secure, without opposition, a re-nomination. It became equally
apparent, also, that the Republicans would encounter no slight
difficulty in defeating him. He was in possession, he had the _prestige_
of victory, and was immensely popular with his party. It was the
plainest dictate of policy and duty for the Republicans to proceed with
extremest caution and put in nomination their very strongest man.
Personal ambitions and interests must be put aside in every great
emergency, when the success of a cause is at stake. What every great
emergency needs is a MAN. The eyes of the Republicans of Ohio were at
the same period of time turned toward Hayes as that leader--that man. He
was written to, from every portion of the State, to consent to become
again a candidate. His uniform reply was, that he had retired finally
and absolutely from public life, and that his tastes and interests would
keep him at home. Some, receiving these responses in the spirit in which
they were given, looked around for other candidates. In Cincinnati there
was a strong local influence favoring Judge Taft, the able and most
estimable gentleman who is now Attorney-General of the United States.
Governor Hayes repeatedly announced that he would, under no
circumstances, be a candidate against his friend, Judge Taft, and urged
the delegates from his county to support Taft, which they did.
Notwithstanding these facts, when the Convention met, the delegates,
according to the public statement of General Grosvenor, were four to one
in favor of Hayes' nomination. On the first ballot, two hundred and
seventy-four being necessary to a choice, Hayes received four votes less
than four hundred, and Taft one hundred fifty-one. The nomination was
made unanimous on motion of Judge Taft's son.
Finding himself once more an involuntary candidate for office, Governor
Hayes lost no time in getting ready for the supreme struggle, thus far,
of his life. Visiting, three weeks later, the home of his relative,
General Mitchell, in Columbus, he was serenaded by the Hayes Club of the
capital city, and, in response to their calls, foreshadowed the great
issues of the approaching campaign. Without circumlocution, he said:
"If it shall turn out that the party in power are opposed to a
sound, safe, stable currency, I have no doubt that in October the
people will make a change. If it shall turn out that the party in
power were guilty of gross corruption in the legislative
department, and that when that corruption was exposed the majority
shielded those who were implicated, I have no doubt the people will
make a change. If it shall turn out that the party in power yielded
to the dictation of an ecclesiastical sect, and through fear of a
threatened loss of votes and power has suffered itself to be
domineered over in its exercise of the law-making power, there
ought to be, as I doubt not there will be, a great change. If it
shall turn out that the party in power is dangerously allied to any
body of men who are opposed to our free schools, and have
proclaimed undying hostility to our educational system, then I
doubt not the people will make a change in the administration."
The convention which nominated Hayes had adopted some sensible
resolutions. It declared, first, that:
"The United States are one as a Nation, and all citizens are equal
under the laws, and entitled to their fullest protection.
"_Third._ We are in favor of a tariff for revenue with incidental
protection to American industry.
"_Fourth._ We stand by free education, our public school system,
the taxation of all for its support, and no division of the school
fund.
"_Eleventh._ The observance of Washington's example in retiring at
the close of a second presidential term will be in the future, as
it has been in the past, regarded as a fundamental rule in the
unwritten law of the Republic."
The Democratic State Convention met on the 17th of June, and was
presided over by Judge Rufus P. Ranney. It renominated Governor Allen by
acclamation and a rising vote amidst great cheering.
The governor delivered an intemperate speech upon the occasion, in which
his denunciation was about equally divided between the old alien and
sedition laws and Grant's administration. Samuel F. Cary, nominated for
lieutenant-governor, made a loud speech. Pendleton, Ewing, Thurman,
Allen, and Cary spoke at the ratification meeting in the evening.
The platform contained the sound proposition that the president's
services should be limited to one term, thereby endorsing a material
part of Governor Hayes' letter of acceptance in advance. It also
contained what some have called the rascally, others the asinine
propositions that the volume of currency should be made and kept equal
to the wants of trade; that all National Bank circulation should be
promptly and permanently retired, and legal tenders be issued in their
stead, and that the payment of at least one-half of the customs should
be in legal tenders.
Senator Thurman, much to the surprise of his eastern friends, acquiesced
in, or at least failed to denounce this inflation platform. He forgot
the proverb that it is the bold man who wins. Had he made a ringing,
thirty-minutes, hard-money speech on the occasion, no power on the
continent could probably have kept him out of the White House. This was
the day of his destiny, but the day of his destiny is over.
The public and non-partisan estimate of this Democratic platform is
fairly reflected in the editorial utterances of the Cincinnati
_Commercial_ of June 18th, to the effect that:
"This platform is a declaration of war upon the National credit.
The programme of repudiation is made particularly clear.... The
contest in Ohio this summer in an extraordinary degree concerns the
Nation."
The Chicago _Times_ said:
"If Allen be elected, the immediate effect is very sure to be a
prodigious rise in the threatening and dangerous tidal wave of
inflation and repudiation. The political tradition which goes by
the name of the Democratic party, will be forthwith pervaded in
every part by an active and aggressive repudiation sentiment."
The inflation Democracy were not only hopeful but boastful. Governor
Allen made and repeated the prediction that he would be re-elected by
from 60,000 to 70,000 majority. He said that he would not compromise
with Hayes on 20,000. It was represented that the hard times were caused
by the Republicans, and that the people wanted "more money," which
interpreted meant more debts or due bills. Much was said on the stump
about what "the people think," forgetting that the material question is
not what they think, but what they ought to think.
Governor Hayes was not unmindful of the national and international
importance of the contest. Knowing that the Democrats had carried the
State the year before by a majority of 17,000 on their State ticket and
24,000 on their Congressional ticket, he did not underrate the
difficulties to be contended with in the struggle. Several Republican
members of Congress had taken the inflation shute, and were continually
writing him not to be too decided; that a little more currency would be
a good thing. But he buckled on his hard-money armor, and going into the
contest early, delivered at Marion, Lawrence county, the sound and solid
speech which closes this volume. Thus, in the midst of the miners and
furnace men who were suffering most from hard times and clamoring most
loudly for more money, Hayes boldly proclaimed his sound currency creed,
and opposed inflation to the extent of a dollar.
Strong men came from other States to aid him in this battle against
odds. The strongest in this kind of battle were Stewart L. Woodford, of
New York, and Schurz and Grosvenor, of Missouri. General Woodford, in
the dozen debates he conducted with General Ewing, the ablest of the
inflationists, developed debating abilities of the first order, and
exhibited a complete mastery of the science of finance.
Colonel Wm. M. Grosvenor showed the same powers on the stump he had
shown as a writer, and presented arguments which will probably remain
unanswered for some centuries to come.
Carl Schurz appeared late in the field, upon the call of two hundred
merchants of Cincinnati, who assured him that the cause of "National
honor and common honesty" was involved, and delivered a half dozen
superb speeches. Senator Morton, Senator Oglesby, Senator Windom, and
Senators Sherman, Dawes, and Boutwell took part in the canvass.
Attorney-General Taft, Ex-Governor Noyes, Garfield, Monroe, Foster,
Danford, and Lawrence strengthened the State forces.
We can not waste time upon the dreary drivel on the inflation side of
this campaign. Men who have not learned the elementary principles of the
science of political economy, who have not mastered the definitions, as
we say, in geometry, could say nothing intelligible to the finite
understanding. The speeches were as "incoherent" as the New York _World_
proved the platform to be. They all contained doctrines, however, in
perpendicular antagonism to the financial doctrines of the St. Louis
convention. When the inflationists learn what money is--what its office,
its function is--they may be able to resume the discussion of finance
with their opponents in the Democratic party.
After a campaign which called forth almost daily leaders from the press
of New York and London, and aroused the interest of Europe, General
Hayes was a third time elected governor of Ohio by a majority of 5,544.
The character of the contest lifted him from a State leader to a
national, an international man, and made the presidency a possibility.
We now leave the reader to engage in the profitable pleasure of reading
the only Ohio governor's third inaugural:
_Fellow-citizens of the General Assembly:_
Questions of National concern, in the existing condition of public
affairs, may well be left to those officers to whom the people, in
conformity with the constitution of the United States, have
confided the important duties and responsibilities of the various
departments of the general government.
During the term for which you have been elected, the constitution
of the State devolves on you the task of dealing with many subjects
very interesting to the people of Ohio. The duty of communicating
to you the condition of the State, and of recommending measures
deemed expedient, was performed at the opening of your present
session by the distinguished citizen who has preceded me in the
executive office. In complying with the usage which requires me to
appear before you on this occasion, I am, therefore, relieved from
the necessity of entering upon any extensive examination of the
subjects which will claim your attention. There are, however, a few
topics on which brief suggestions may, perhaps, be profitably
submitted.
The attention of the legislature has often been earnestly invoked
to the rapid increase of municipal and other local expenditures,
and the consequent augmentation of local taxation and local
indebtedness. This increase is found mainly in the cities and large
towns. It is certainly a great evil. How to govern cities well,
consistently with the principles and methods of popular government,
is one of the most important and difficult problems of our time.
Profligate expenditure is the fruitful cause of municipal
misgovernment. If a means can be found which will keep municipal
expenses from largely exceeding the public necessities, its
adoption will go far toward securing honesty and efficiency in city
affairs. In cities large debts and bad government go together.
Cities which have the lightest taxes and smallest debts are apt,
also, to have the purest and most satisfactory governments.
The following statement, showing the increase of municipal taxation
and indebtedness in the cities and large towns of Ohio, ought to
arrest attention:
In 1871, in thirty-one of the principal cities and towns of the
State, the average rate of taxation was twenty-three and one-tenth
mills on the dollar. The total amount of taxes levied for all
purposes was $8,988,064. The total indebtedness was $7,187,082.
In 1875, in the same cities and towns, the average rate of taxation
was twenty-eight and three-tenths mills on the dollar. The total
amount of taxes levied for all purposes was $12,361,934. The total
indebtedness was $20,800,491.
The salient points in this statement are, that in four years the
rate of municipal taxation has increased almost 25 per cent; the
total amount of municipal taxes has increased over thirty-seven per
cent, and municipal indebtedness has increased about one hundred
and ninety per cent, or more than thirteen and a half millions of
dollars. If this great increase of burdens affected directly the
whole people of the State, they would give their agents in the
legislative and executive departments of the State government no
peace until effective measures to prevent its continuance were
adopted. But, in fact, the whole people of the State are deeply
interested in this subject. The burdens borne by the cities and
towns must be shared, in part at least, by all who transact
business with them. The town and the neighboring country have a
common interest, and, in many respects must be regarded as one
community.
It has been said that the discretion committed to the local
authorities, however limited and guarded, must be necessarily
large; that in respect to the imposition of the largest proportion
of the burden imposed upon the citizen, they constitute the real
legislature; and that for the prevention of the evils we are
considering, the people must exercise the greatest care in the
choice of citizens to fill the important local offices. Experience
does not seem to justify the expectation that an adequate remedy
can be obtained in this way.
I submit that to the subject of local indebtedness the General
Assembly should apply the principles of the State constitution on
the subject of State indebtedness.
It is not enough to require in every grant of special authority to
incur debt as a condition precedent that the people interested
shall approve it by their votes. It is well known how easily such
elections are carried under the influence of local excitement and
local rivalries. If the rule of the State constitution which
forbids all debts except in certain specified emergencies is deemed
too stringent to be applied to local affairs, the legislature
should at least accompany every authority to contract debt with an
imperative requirement that a tax sufficient to pay off the
indebtedness within a brief period shall be immediately levied, and
thus compel every citizen who votes to increase debts to vote at
the same time for an immediate increase of taxes sufficient to
discharge them.
The wisdom of the policy long since adopted of placing a judicious
limitation on the power of municipal authorities to levy taxes has
been vindicated by experience. It must, however, ultimately fail to
accomplish its object if the increase of municipal indebtedness is
allowed to go on. To authorize a town to contract a debt, whose
expenditures already require taxation up to the limit allowed by
law, is, in its necessary effect, tantamount to a repeal of the
limitation.
Under the provisions of the eighth article of the constitution,
already referred to, the State debt, notwithstanding the
extraordinary expenditures of the war, has been reduced from over
twenty millions, the amount due in 1851, until it is now only about
seven millions. An important part of the constitutional provisions
which have been so successful in State finances is the section
which requires the creation of a sinking fund and the annual
payment of a constantly increasing sum on the principal of the
State debt. Let a requirement analogous to this be enacted in
regard to existing local indebtedness; let a judicious limitation
of the rate of taxation which local authorities may levy be
strictly adhered to, and allow no further indebtedness to be
authorized except in conformity with these principles; and we may,
I believe, confidently expect that within a few years the burdens
of debt now resting upon the cities and towns of the State will
disappear, and that other wholesome and much needed reforms in the
whole administration of our municipal government will of necessity
follow the adoption of what may be called the cash system in local
affairs.
Among the most interesting duties you will have to perform are
those which relate to the guardianship and care of the unfortunate
classes of society and to the punishment and reformation of
criminals. According to the latest official reports the State is
responsible for the support and care of about fifteen thousand of
her dependent citizens. The State is also bound to see that many
thousands more, who are imprisoned for longer or shorter periods on
account of crime, have just and wise treatment. There is annually
expended in the performance of these duties a sum exceeding two and
a half millions of dollars. The people of Ohio feel a profound
interest in what are known as the benevolent, reformatory, and
penal institutions of the State.
In order that the General Assembly might from time to time receive
full and accurate information as to the efficiency of the
management of these institutions, and of the county and city jails,
infirmaries, and work-houses, it was enacted in 1867 that a Board
of State Charities be established. It was intended that this board
should be composed of citizens of intelligence and benevolence, who
would serve without compensation. They were "to investigate the
system of the public charitable and correctional institutions of
the State, and to make such recommendations as they might deem
necessary." They were also required to make annually a full and
complete report of their doings to the legislature. In pursuance of
this law a board was organized, which, at a trifling expense to the
State, did much valuable work. By reason of their investigations
and reports, important improvements were introduced into the
infirmaries and jails of the State, and the general efficiency of
our penal and reformatory system was increased. In 1872 the General
Assembly, without due consideration, it is believed, repealed the
act creating the board. I respectfully recommend that the Board of
State Charities be re-established.
It is believed that an investigation in the interest of economy
will discover that several offices, somewhat expensive to the
State, may, without detriment to the public service, be either
abolished, or so consolidated as to accomplish a material saving to
the treasury.
Agreeing generally with the sentiments of Governor Allen's recent
message, I desire especially to concur in what is said on the
subject of the National Centennial Celebration.
No community in the world has been permitted by Providence to enjoy
more largely the blessings conferred on mankind by the great event
of 1776 than the people of Ohio. Ohio and her interests had no
existence one hundred years ago. They are the growth of less than a
century. The people naturally wish that their State, and her
history, and her advantages should be widely known. No other such
opportunity for their exhibition will probably occur for several
generations.
Let your session be short--avoid all schemes requiring excessive
expenditure, whether State or local, and your constituents will
cheerfully approve the appropriation required to secure to Ohio a
fitting representation in the approaching celebration of the
Nation's birth.
Before taking the oath of office, I desire to make my
acknowledgments to my predecessor, Governor Allen, for the friendly
and considerate way in which he has treated me, both during and
since the recent political contest in Ohio; and to express the
wish, in which I am sure you and all the people whom he has served
will unite with me, that, returning to his beautiful home
overlooking the ancient capital of our State, he may enjoy for many
years to come the best blessings which belong to this stage of
existence.