CHAPTER VI.

When the rest of the household were in deep sleep, Randal stood long at

his open window, looking over the dreary, comfortless scene--the moon

gleaming from skies half-autumnal, half-wintry, upon squalid decay,

through the ragged fissures of the firs; and when he lay down to rest,

his sleep was feverish, and troubled by turbulent dreams.

However, he was up early, and with an unwonted color in his cheeks,

which his sister ascribed to the country air. After breakfast, he took

his way toward Hazeldean, mounted upon a tolerable horse, which he hired

of a neighboring farmer who occasionally hunted. Before noon, the garden

and terrace of the Casino came in sight. He reined in his horse, and by

the little fountain at which Leonard had been wont to eat his radishes

and con his book, he saw Riccabocca seated under the shade of the red

umbrella. And by the Italian's side stood a form that a Greek of old

might have deemed the Naiad of the Fount; for in its youthful beauty

there was something so full of poetry--something at once so sweet and so

stately--that it spoke to the imagination while it charmed the sense.

Randal dismounted, tied his horse to the gate, and, walking down a

trellised alley, came suddenly to the spot. His dark shadow fell over

the clear mirror of the fountain just as Riccabocca had said, "All here

is so secure from evil!--the waves of the fountain are never troubled

like those of the river!" and Violante had answered in her soft native

tongue, and lifting her dark, spiritual eyes--"But the fountain would be

but a lifeless pool, oh, my father, if the spray did not mount toward

the skies!"

(TO BE CONTINUED.)

YOU'RE ANOTHER!

"You're another!" It's a vulgar retort, but a common one--though not

much in use among well-bred people. But there are many ways of saying

it--various modes of conveying the same meaning. "_Et tu Brute_,"

observed some one, on reading a debate in the House of Commons; "I often

see these words quoted; what can they mean?" "I should say," was the

answer, "they mean, 'Oh, you brute!'" "Well, I rather think they mean

'_You're another!_'" Let the classicist determine which interpretation

is the right one.

"You're another!" may be conveyed in a mild tone and manner. For

instance:--"The right honorable gentleman seems not to apprehend the

points of the argument: he says he does not understand how so and so is

so and so. We can only supply him with arguments level to the meanest

capacity, not with brains. Nature having been sparing in her endowments

to the honorable gentleman, must be matter of deep regret to those who

are under the painful necessity of listening to the oft-times-refuted

assertions and so-called arguments which he has advanced upon this very

question."

The honorable gentleman, thus delicately alluded to, replies, "My

honorable and learned friend (if he will permit me to call him so)

complains that his arguments are not understood; the simple reason being

that they are unintelligible. He calls them arguments level to the

meanest capacity, and let me assure him they are level to the meanest

capacity only, for they are his own. Let me hasten to relieve his

anxiety as to the remarks which I have felt it my duty to make upon the

question under discussion, by assuring him that they have been

understood by those who have intelligence to appreciate them, though I

am not prepared to vouch as much for my honorable and learned friend on

the other side of the House." Thus,

Each lolls the tongue out at the other,

And shakes his empty noddle at his brother.

One honorable member accuses another of stating that which is the

"reverse of true"--the other responds by a charge of "gross

misrepresentation of the facts of the case." Coalheavers would use a

shorter and more emphatic word to express the same thing, though it

would neither be classical nor conformable to the rules of the House.

The Frenchman delicately defined a white lie to be "valking round about

de trooth." We know what honorable members mean when they talk in the

above guise. It is, "You're another!"

Dr. Whiston accuses the Chapter of Rochester with applying for their own

purposes the funds bequeathed by pious men of former times for the

education of the poor. The reply of the Chapter is--"You Atheist!" and

they deprive the doctor of his living. Sir Samuel Romilly once proposed

to alter the law of bankruptcy, and to make freehold estates assets

appropriable for debts, like personal property. The existing law he held

to be pregnant with dishonesty and fraud against creditors. Mr. Canning

immediately was down upon him with the "You're another" argument.

"Dishonesty!" he said, "why, this proposal is neither more nor less than

a dangerous and most dishonest attack upon the aristocracy, and the

beginning of something which may end, if carried, like the French

Revolution."

Worthy men are often found differing about some speculative point,

respecting which neither can have any more certain knowledge than the

other, and they wax fierce and bitter, each devoting the other to a fate

which we dare not venture to describe. One calls the other "bigot," who

retorts by calling out "idolater," or perhaps "fanatic;" and the phrases

are bandied about with the gusto and fervor of Billingsgate--the meaning

of the whole is, "You're another!"

Literary men have frequently ventured into this bandying about of

strange talk. Rival country editors have sometimes been great adepts in

it; though the fashion is gradually going out of date. There is nothing

like the bitterness of criticism now, which used to prevail some fifty

years ago. Godwin mildly assailed Southey as a renegade, in return for

which Southey abused Godwin's abominably ugly nose. Moore spoke

slightingly of Leigh Hunt's Cockney poetry, and Leigh Hunt in reply

ridiculed Moore's diminutive figure. Southey cut up Byron in the

Reviews, and Byron cut up Southey in the Vision of Judgment. Scott did

not appreciate Coleridge, and Coleridge spoke of Ivanhoe and The Bride

of Lammermoor as "those wretched abortions."

You often hear of talkers who are "good at a retort." It means they can

say "You're another!" in a biting, clever way. The wit of many men is of

this kind--cutting and sarcastic. Nicknames grow out of it--the

Christian calls the Turk an Infidel--as the Turk calls the Christian a

Dog of an Unbeliever. Whig and Tory retort on each other the charge of

oppressor. "The priest calls the lawyer a cheat, the lawyer beknaves the

divine." It all means "You're another!" Phrenologists say the propensity

arises in the organ of combativeness. However that may be, there is need

of an abatement. Retort, even the most delicately put, is indignation,

and indignation is the handsome brother of hatred. It breeds bitterness

between man and man, and produces nothing but evil. The practice is only

a modification of Billingsgate, cover it with what elegant device we

may. In any guise the "You're another" style of speech ought to be

deprecated and discountenanced.

THY WILL BE DONE.

BY GEN. GEORGE P. MORRIS.

I.

Searcher of Hearts!--from mine erase

All thoughts that should not be,

And in its deep recesses trace

My gratitude to Thee!

II.

Hearer of Prayer!--oh guide aright

Each word and deed of mine;

Life's battle teach me how to fight,

And be the victory Thine.

III.

Giver of All!--for every good

In the Redeemer came:--

For raiment, shelter, and for food,

I thank Thee in His name.

IV.

Father and Son and Holy Ghost!

Thou glorious Three in One!

Thou knowest best what I need most,

And let Thy will be done.

Monthly Record of Current Events.

UNITED STATES.

The political events of the month just closed have been of considerable

interest. November is the month for elections in several of the most

important States: the interest which usually belongs to these events is

enhanced in this instance by the fact that they precede a Presidential

contest, which occurs next year, and they are scanned, therefore, with

the more care as indicative of its results. In several of the States,

however, the elections of this year do not afford any substantial ground

for predicting their votes in the Presidential election, as questions

were at issue now which may not greatly influence them then. In GEORGIA,

for example the old political parties were wholly broken up, and the

divisions which they occasion did not prevail. Both the candidates for

Governor were prominent members of the Democratic party; but Hon. HOWELL

COBB, Speaker of the last House of Representatives in Congress, was put

forward as the Union candidate, while Mr. MCDONALD, his opponent, was

the candidate of those who were in favor of seceding from the Union, on

account of the Compromise measures of 1850. The same division prevailed

in the Congressional contest, the nominees being Unionists and

Secessionists, without regard to other distinctions. The general result

was announced in our November Record. The Union party elected _six_ out

of the _eight_ members of Congress, and Mr. COBB was elected Governor by

a very large majority. The following is a statement of the vote in each

of the Congressional districts, upon both tickets; and gives an accurate

view of the sentiments of the people of the State upon that subject:

GOVERNOR. CONGRESS.

_Cong. Districts._ _Cobb._ _McDonald._ _Union._ _Secession._

First district 4,268 3,986 4,011 4,297

Second ditto 8,213 7,050 8,107 6,985

Third ditto 6,114 6,123 5,853 6,011

Fourth ditto 7,568 5,391 7,750 5,601

Fifth ditto 13,676 7,082 13,882 7,481

Sixth ditto 6,952 3,037 6,937 2,819

Seventh ditto 4,726 2,134 4,744 1,955

Eighth ditto 4,744 2,669 4,704 2,538

------- ------- ------ ------

Total 56,261 37,472 55,988 37,699

Cobb's majority 18,789 Union Cong. ditto 18,319

This shows a popular majority of over eighteen thousand in favor of the

Union. The election of Members of the Legislature took place at the same

time, and resulted in the choice to the Senate of _thirty-nine_ Union

and _eight_ Secession Senators, and to the House of _one hundred and

one_ Union, and _twenty-six_ Southern-rights men. Upon the Legislature

thus chosen will devolve the duty of electing a Senator in the Congress

of the United States, in place of Mr. BERRIEN, whose term expires next

spring.

In SOUTH CAROLINA an election has taken place for members of Congress

and delegates to a State Convention, in which the same issue superseded

all others. One party avowed itself in favor of the immediate and

separate secession of the State from the Union, while the other was in

favor of awaiting the co-operation of other Southern States. Both held

that the action of the Federal Government had been hostile to Southern

interests and rights, and both professed to be in favor of taking

measures of redress. They differed, however, as to the means and time of

action, and the following table shows the relative strength of each

party in the State--those in favor of the Union as it is, of course,

voting with the Co-operationists:

_Cong. Districts._ _Secession._ _Co-operation._

First district 3,392 4,085

Second ditto 1,816 5,010

Third ditto 2,523 3,467

Fourth ditto 2,698 4,377

Fifth ditto 2,475 3,369

Sixth ditto 1,454 2,827

Seventh ditto 3,352 1,910

------ ------

Total 17,710 25,045

Co-operation majority 7,335

Elections in MISSISSIPPI and in ALABAMA, involving the same issue, have

been already noticed. The results of the canvass in these four Southern

States are of interest as showing the relative strength of the two

parties in that section of the Union. The following table shows the vote

upon each side, in each State, in round numbers:

_Total vote._ _Union._ _Secession._ _Maj._

Mississippi 50,100 28,700 21,400 7,300

Alabama 74,800 40,500 34,300 6,200

Georgia 93,733 56,261 37,472 18,789

S. Carolina 42,755 25,045 17,710 7,335

------- ------- ------- ------

Total 261,388 150,506 110,882 39,524

In VIRGINIA the election was for members of Congress, and upon the

adoption of the new Constitution. The result has been that the

Congressional delegation stands as before, and the new Constitution was

adopted by a very large majority. Among the Whig members defeated was

Hon. John Minor Botts, who has since written a letter attributing his

defeat to the stand which he took in Convention in favor of a mixed

basis of representation. The new Constitution adopts the principle of

universal suffrage in all elections, limited, however, to white male

citizens who are twenty-one years of age, and who have resided two years

in the State and one year in the county in which they vote. Persons in

the naval or military service of the United States are not to be deemed

residents in the State by reason of being stationed therein. No person

will have the right to vote who is of unsound mind, or a pauper, or a

non-commissioned officer, soldier, seaman, or marine in the service of

the United States, or who has been convicted of bribery in an election,

or of any infamous offense. In all elections votes are required to be

given openly _viva voce_, and not by ballot, except that dumb persons

entitled to suffrage may vote by ballot. Under the new Constitution, the

Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Attorney General are to be elected by

the people. These officers for the ensuing term, as well as members of

the Senate and House of Representatives, are to be chosen on the 8th day

of December next. The seats of all members of the General Assembly

already elected will be from that date vacated by the effect of the new

Constitution.

In PENNSYLVANIA the election for Governor, Canal Commissioner, and five

Judges of the Supreme Court, occurred on the last Monday in October, and

resulted as follows:

_Governor._ BIGLER (Dem.) 186,499 8,465 _Maj._

JOHNSTON (Whig) 178,034

_Canal Com._ CLOVER (Dem.) 184,014 8,660 _Maj._

STROHM (Whig) 175,354

_Judges._ CAMPBELL (Dem.) 175,975

LOWRIE " 185,353 Elected.

LEWIS " 183,975 "

BLACK " 185,868 "

GIBSON " 184,371 "

COULTER (Whig) 179,999 "

COMLEY " 174,336

CHAMBERS " 174,350

MEREDITH " 173,491

JESSUP " 172,273

In the Legislature there are, Senators 16 Democrats, 16 Whigs, and one

Native American; in the House of Representatives, 54 Democrats and 46

Whigs.

Elections have also been held in Ohio, New York, Wisconsin, Maryland,

and Massachusetts; but up to the time of closing this record, official

returns have not been received.

We have already mentioned the return of the expedition sent out by Mr.

Henry Grinnell in search of the great English navigator, Sir John

Franklin, and the general result of their Arctic explorations. Surgeon

E. K. KANE, who accompanied the expedition, has since published a

letter, in which he expresses the opinion that Sir John, while wintering

in the cove near Beechy's Island, where unmistakable signs of his

presence were discovered, found a path-way made by the opening of the

ice, toward the north, and that he passed northward by Wellington

Channel and did not return. The American expedition was caught in an ice

drift nearly opposite the spot of Franklin's first sojourn, and borne

northward in the ice for fifteen days. Into the region north and west of

Cornwallis Island, which is open sometimes and may be always, a

continuance of the drift a few days longer would have borne the American

Squadron: and in that region Mr. Kane thinks Sir John Franklin must now

be sought. The chances of his destruction by ice, or by want of food, he

thinks, are not great. The British residents of New York gave Mr.

Grinnell a public dinner on the 4th of November at the Astor House, at

which a large company sat down, Mr. Anthony Barclay presiding. Great

interest continues to be felt in the search for Sir John Franklin, and

it is probable that it will be renewed in the early spring. In the

preceding pages of this Number will be found an exceedingly interesting

history of the Expedition, from the journal of one of its

members--accompanied by numerous illustrations of the scenes and

incidents encountered during the voyage.

The case of Mr. John S. Thrasher, an American gentleman resident at

Havana, has excited a good deal of public interest. Mr. T. has resided

there for a number of years. He was the editor and proprietor of the

_Faro Industrial_, a paper devoted entirely to commercial matters, and

which he had conducted with energy, ability, and success. While the

American prisoners were in Havana, Mr. Thrasher took a marked interest

in them, and did all in his power to alleviate the discomforts of their

position. For some reason, which has never yet been assigned, he

incurred the distrust of the authorities, and on the 1st of September he

was prohibited from issuing his paper which was seized. Feeling

confident that his property would soon be restored, he devoted himself

to procure comforts for his countrymen who had been condemned to

transportation. The police, however, were ordered strictly to watch his

movements. His letters were stopped, seized, and examined; but they

contained nothing to warrant proceedings against him. On the arrival of

the steamer _Georgia_ from the United States, two policemen followed him

and saw him receive letters from the clerk. They arrested him on landing

and searched his papers, but found nothing but a business letter. For

two or three days he continued under arrest, when a letter was brought

to him sealed, directed to him, and said to have been found upon his

desk. It proved to be written in cipher, but Mr. Thrasher declared

himself ignorant alike of its contents and its author. This, however,

was of no avail. He was immediately committed to prison, and on the 25th

of September was thrust into a damp, dark dungeon, cut from the rock and

level with the sea, with a bare board for furniture, and where death

will be the inevitable consequence of a few weeks' confinement. At the

latest dates no charges had been publicly made against him, his trial

had not taken place, and no one was admitted to see him. The result of

the affair is looked for with great anxiety.

The late President TYLER has written a letter to the Spanish Minister in

the United States, appealing for the pardon and release of the Americans

taken prisoners in Cuba. He ventures to make the application in view of

the friendly relations which existed between him and M. Calderon de la

Barca during his administration, and ventures to hope that his request

will be laid before the Queen of Spain. He concedes the flagrancy of

their offense, but urges that sufficient punishment has already been

inflicted, and that their pardon will do much toward softening the

feelings of the people of this country toward the Spanish government,

and preventing future attempts upon the peace of its colonies.

Gen. WM. B. CAMPBELL was inaugurated Governor of Tennessee on the 16th

of October. His inaugural address referred briefly to national affairs.

He spoke in the highest terms of commendation of those who secured the

passage of the Compromise bills, in the Congress of 1850, and of the

firm manner in which they have been maintained by the President. The

disastrous results of secession were strongly depicted. He urged that it

must inevitably lead to bloody civil wars, alike melancholy and

deplorable for the victors and the vanquished. He pledged himself to

maintain the Compromise measures, because he believed their continuance

on the statute book will promote prosperity and happiness, while an

interference with them will inevitably produce agitation, mischief, and

misery.

A Convention of cotton planters was held at Macon, Georgia, on the 28th

of October. About three hundred delegates were in attendance, of whom

two hundred came from half the counties in Georgia, sixty-eight from one

quarter of those of Alabama, nineteen from five counties of Florida, and

one or two from each of several other Southern states. Ex-Governor

MOSELEY, of Florida, was chosen President. The object of the Convention

was to render the planters of cotton more independent of the ordinary

vicissitudes of trade, and to enable them to obtain more uniformly high

prices for their great staple. A great variety of opinions prevailed

upon the subject. Various modes were suggested, but as none seemed

acceptable, the whole subject was referred to a Committee of twenty-one,

but even this Committee could not agree. A proposition was then

_rejected_, by a vote of 48 to 43, which provided that planters should

make returns to a Central Committee to be established of the cotton

housed by the middle of January; and further, that not more than

two-thirds of the crop should be sold before the 1st of May, and for not

less than eight cents a pound; and that the remaining third should be

sold at a time to be recommended by the Central Committee. A minority

report was presented in favor of the Florida scheme for a Cotton

Planters' Association, with a capital of twenty millions of dollars, and

a warehouse for the storage of cotton, whereby prices might be

contracted. This met the violent opposition of the Convention.

Resolutions were finally adopted recommending Central, State, and County

Associations to collect statistical and general information respecting

the production and consumption of cotton. A committee was also appointed

to procure such legislative acts as may be for the interest of planters.

Resolutions were also passed to encourage Southern manufacturers to

employ slave labor in their factories. Having urged another Cotton

Planters' Convention, and exhorted delegates to arouse the public on the

subject, by lectures and otherwise, the assembly adjourned _sine die_,

after a session of several days, in which it will be observed that very

little business was transacted.

The magnetic telegraph has become so common an agent of transmitting

intelligence in this country, as to render all news of its progress

interesting and important. Prof. MORSE has been for some time

prosecuting other persons for infringing his patent. A rival line, using

the machinery of Mr. BAIN, has been for some years in operation between

New York and Philadelphia. A suit was commenced against the Company and

has been for some years pending in the United States Circuit Court. It

has just been decided by Judge KANE, in favor of the claimants under

Prof. Morse's patents. The several points ruled by the Court in this

case, are: 1. That an _art_ is the subject of a patent, as well as an

implement or a machine. 2. That an inventor may surrender and obtain a

re-issue of his patent more than once if necessary. 3. That Prof. Morse

was the first inventor of the art of recording signs at a distance by

means of electro-magnetism, or the magnetic telegraph. 4. That the

several parts or elements of the Morse Telegraph are covered and

protected by his patent, as new inventions, and are really new, either

as single, independent inventions, or as parts of a new combination for

the purpose specified. 5. That the patent granted to Prof. Morse for his

"Local Circuit" is valid, and that the "Branch Circuit" of the Bain line

is an infringement of it. 6. That the subject and principles of the

chemical telegraph are clearly embraced in Morse's patents. These are

the chief questions in dispute. The counsel for the complainants were

directed to draw up a decree to be made by the Court, in accordance with

the prayer of the bill and the decision just given. The case will of

course now be carried to the Supreme Court of the United States.

In the New Monthly Magazine for July last (No. 14, Vol. III. p. 274) we

gave a detailed statement of the legal controversy between the Methodist

Episcopal Church South and the Methodist Episcopal Church, brought by

the former to recover a portion of the "Book Fund." The suit came on May

19, in the United States Circuit Court, and was elaborately argued by

distinguished counsel. The decision, which was then deferred, was given

by Judge NELSON on the 10th of November. It was long and elaborate,

going over the whole ground involved, sketching the history of the case,

and stating the legal principles applicable to it. He decided that the

separation was legal, and that the Methodist Episcopal Church South is

entitled to a portion of the Fund. This must end the controversy unless

an appeal should be taken to the Supreme Court of the United States.

A large number of the citizens of New York recently addressed a letter

to Hon. HENRY CLAY, requesting him to address a meeting in that city in

favor of the Compromise measures of 1850, expressing a belief that

additional exertions were needed to prevent propositions for the repeal

or modification of some of the laws. Mr. Clay's reply, dated Oct. 3, is

long and elaborate. Declining the invitation, he expresses great

interest in the subject, and says he believes that the great majority of

the people in every section of the Union, are satisfied with, or

acquiesce in, the compromise. The only law which encounters any

hostility, is that relating to the surrender of fugitive slaves; and

this is now almost universally obeyed. Mr. Clay proceeds to urge the

necessity of such a law and its rigid execution; and he then examines

the principle of secession from the Union, as it is presented and

advocated in some of the Southern States.

Rev. ARCHIBALD ALEXANDER, D. D., distinguished as one of the oldest and

ablest theologians in the country, died at Princeton, N. J. on the 22d

of October, aged 81. He was a native of Virginia, and became a minister

in the Presbyterian Church at the age of 21. He was early appointed

President of Hampton Sidney College. He afterward was called to the

Third Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia, and was stationed, there,

when in 1812, the Theological Seminary was established at Princeton. He

was appointed the first Professor in that Seminary.

Dr. J. KEARNEY RODGERS, distinguished in New York as a surgeon, and of

eminently useful and estimable character, died on the 9th of November.

Dr. GRANVILLE SHARP PATTISON, also celebrated in this country as well as

in England for medical science and practical skill, died on the 13th. He

was distinguished as an anatomist, and was the author of several works

upon medical subjects which enjoyed a wide celebrity and are still used

as standard treatises.--GARDNER G. HOWLAND, well-known as one of the

oldest, most enterprising, and wealthiest merchants of New York, and one

of the most beneficent and public spirited inhabitants of that city,

died suddenly on the 13th.

From CALIFORNIA our intelligence is to the 1st of October. The State

election had resulted in a Democratic victory. Mr. BIGLER, the

Democratic candidate, was elected Governor by about 1500 majority;

Messrs. MARSHALL and MCCORKLE, Democrats, are elected to Congress; and

the Legislature, upon which will devolve the duty of electing a U. S.

Senator, is strongly Democratic also.----The Capital of the State has

been removed back from Vallejo to San Jose.----The intelligence from the

mines is highly encouraging; new veins of gold are constantly

discovered, and the old placers have never been known to yield more

plentifully.----The Indians in all the northern sections of the country

are represented as being highly troublesome, and traveling there has

become dangerous.----A large party of Mormons have purchased the rancho

of San Bernardino, near Los Angelos; they gave $60,000 for it, and are

to take possession of it very soon.----A railroad from San Francisco to

San Jose, the first in California, has been commenced.----The Vigilance

Committee at San Francisco, has come to an end. Order and quiet are

completely restored, and a feeling of security is rapidly gaining

ground. The city is increasing very fast both in population and in

extent.----Disastrous news has been received from the American whaling

fleet in the North Pacific. Ten or twelve of the ships have been lost:

the season has been very unprofitable for all.

From OREGON, we learn that emigrants were coming in rapidly, though a

late heavy snow-storm had seriously retarded the progress of emigrants

through the mountains. The suffering from cold, and in some instances

from lack of provisions, has been very severe.----The Snake Indians are

becoming hostile and troublesome. Mr. Hudson Clark, from Illinois, with

his family, having got ahead of the train with which he was traveling,

was attacked by about thirty Indians, near Raft River, and his mother

and brother were killed. Others had been killed a few days previously.

Outrages in different sections led to the belief that the Indians were

about to assume their former attitude of hostility toward the

inhabitants.----Steps have been taken by a Convention of Delegates

from the country north of the Columbia River, to form a new territorial

government, or failing in that, to organize a new State, and ask

admission into the Union. The reasons for this step are the great extent

of country, its distance from the Capital, and the total absence of all

municipal law and civil officers.

In the SANDWICH ISLANDS, the volcanic Mountain Maunaloa, had given

tokens of an eruption early in August. A letter in the _Polynesian_ of

the 12th says: "The great crater of Maunaloa, that was generally thought

to be quite extinct, is now in action. For a few days a heavy cloud,

having the appearance of smoke, has been observed to hover over the

summit of the mountain. Last night the mountain stood out in bold

relief, unobstructed by clouds or mist, and presented a sublime and

awfully grand appearance, belching forth flames and cinders that again

fell in showers at a distance. The heavy bank of smoke that lowered over

its top, presented the appearance of the mountain itself poised upon its

apex. It is possible that another eruption may take place like that of

1843, and liquid lava be seen flowing down its sides."

From NEW MEXICO we have intelligence to the last of October. Serious

difficulties had occurred, which excited deep hostility between the

American and Mexican portions of the population, and threatened to

inflict lasting injury upon the country. The election for a Delegate to

Congress, was held on the 1st of September. A number of Americans went

to the polls at Los Ranchos, for the purpose of voting, but were refused

by the Mexican authorities. Insisting upon their right a general quarrel

ensued. The county judge, a Mexican named Ambrosio Armijo, ordered out a

number of armed men, who killed an American named Edward Burtnett,

stripping and mangling his body. An investigation was held, but without

any important result. On the 23d, Mr. W. C. Skinner, who had taken an

active part in the effort to bring the authors of this outrage to

punishment, was at Los Ranchos, and became involved in a dispute with a

Mexican, named Juan C. Armijo. As he left him a number of Armijo's peons

fell upon him with clubs, and killed him on the spot. Mr. Skinner was

from Connecticut, and an active opponent of the Governor in the

Legislature of which he was a member. Meetings of the Americans were

held, at which the conduct of the Mexicans was denounced, and the

attention of the General Government at Washington, called to the

condition of the territory.----Major Weightman has been elected Delegate

to Congress: loud complaints are made of frauds at the election.----The

new military post in the Navajo country, is at Canon Bonito: Col. Summer

and his command were in pursuit of the Indians. Two soldiers who had

left Santa Fe with the mail, for the Navajo country, had not been heard

from, and were supposed to have been killed.----Business was dull, and

the season very wet.

SOUTH AMERICA.

From CHILI, we have news of another insurrection. The term of office of

the late President, Gen. BULNES, expired on the 16th of September. In

August the new election had taken place, and resulted in the choice of

Don MANUEL MONTT over his opponent, Gen. CRUZ. Montt was a successful

lawyer of Santiago, and had held a post in the cabinet of the former

administration. He was brought forward as the candidate of the

government, which rendered him exceedingly obnoxious to the people. His

opponent, Gen. Cruz, had been one of the heroes of the revolution and

enjoyed great popularity with the army and a large portion of the

people, especially of the province of Conception, of which he was the

chief officer. Fearing his influence then upon the election, the

government removed him, and this created great disaffection among the

people. Loud threats were heard, that Montt, who had received a very

large majority, should not be inaugurated: the government, nevertheless,

steadily went on with their preparations for that event. The revolt

first broke out at Coquimbo, on the 8th of September, where the

disaffected party deposed and banished the government officers, seized

the custom-house with about $70,000, and levied forced loans from many

of the wealthy inhabitants. They then seized the steamer "Fire-fly,"

belonging to an English gentleman, and sent her to Conception, the

stronghold of Gen. Cruz, to arouse his friends to a similar movement

there. An outbreak had already taken place in that department; the

insurgents had been very successful--banished all the old officers, and

appointed new ones, and seized the Chilian mail steamer, with $30,000

belonging to the government. Up to this time, Gen. Cruz had kept himself

aloof from the movement, and had counseled his friends against it.

Feeling satisfied with their success, they determined to await the

action of the other provinces. Meanwhile, the government having heard of

the revolt, and seeing that it was confined to these two departments,

took active measures for its suppression. A detachment of infantry,

consisting of 300 or 400 men, was sent to Valparaiso, but was induced to

march to join the insurgents in Coquimbo. Intelligence of this defection

created the most intense excitement at the Capital, and the city was at

once put under martial-law, and a company of artillery was sent against

the deserters, who were all brought back without bloodshed, within

forty-eight hours. Their leaders were thrown into prison, and would

probably be shot. Other troops were sent to the disaffected region, and

the few ships belonging to the Chilian navy were sent to blockade the

ports of Coquimbo and Talcahuano. Meantime, the inauguration of

President Montt took place on the 18th of September, the anniversary of

Chilian independence, and that day as well as the 17th, and 19th, were

devoted to magnificent festivities at Santiago. Gen. Bulnes had left for

Conception, to raise troops for the government on the road, and put

himself at their head. There were rumors that he had been compelled to

fall back, and that Gen. Cruz had put himself at the head of the

movement in Conception. He had issued a proclamation to the army, and

authorized a steamer to cruise in his service. At Coquimbo, Gen. Correa

was in command of the insurgent forces, and it was reported that he had

forced the government troops under Gen. Guzman, to fall back. The

British admiral, on hearing of the seizure of the "Fire-fly" steamer,

had sent two steam-frigates to recover her and demand indemnity. One of

them, the _Gorgon_, captured her at Coquimbo, and the commander had

entered into a convention with the party in power there, agreeing to

raise the blockade of that port, on their agreeing to pay $30,000

indemnity to Mr. Lambert, and $10,000 as ransom for the steamer, which

he had seized as a pirate, "provided the British admiral should decide

that he had a right to seize her." Great dissatisfaction has been felt

among the foreign residents at the terms of this convention. Both the

British and American squadrons were watchfully protecting the commerce

of their respective countries. The issue of the contest between the

government and the insurgents has not yet reached us, but the latest

advices state that the government felt confident in its ability to

repress the insurrection; its strength and resources are shown by the

fact that it had remitted $80,000 to England, to meet dividends and

canal bonds.

We have further news of interest from Buenos Ayres. Our intelligence of

last month left Oribe, with a large force, on the 30th of July, in daily

expectation of having a battle with the Brazilian troops under Urquiza

and Garzon--each contending for dominion over Uruguay. The contest seems

to have been ended without a fight. As Oribe advanced against the allied

troops, he lost his men by desertion in great numbers, and by the end of

August six thousand of his cavalry had joined the standard of Urquiza,

whose strength was rapidly increased. Finding the force against him to

be such as to forbid all hope of a successful battle, Oribe seems to

have abandoned all hope. He had made up his mind to evacuate the

Oriental territory, and for that purpose had requested the French

admiral to convey him, with the Argentine troops, to Buenos Ayres. This

request had been refused: and this refusal led to new desertions from

Oribe's force. Rosas was still in the field, but would be compelled to

surrender.

MEXICO.

We have intelligence from Mexico to the 15th of October. The political

condition of the country was one of great embarrassment and peril.

Dangers seem to threaten the country from every quarter. On the southern

border is the danger growing out of the grant to the United States of

right of way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. If the railroad is built

there, it is feared that the energy and business enterprise which the

Americans will infuse into that section of the country, will gradually

Americanize it, and thus lead inevitably to its separation from Mexico.

On the other hand, if the grant is revoked, there is great danger of war

with the United States, which could end only in renewed loss of

territory. Upon the northwest again, there is a prospect of invasion

from California. Thousands of the adventurous inhabitants of that State

are settling in the western section of Mexico and preparing the way for

its separation from the central government.

A still more serious danger menaces them from the Northern departments,

in which, as was mentioned in our last Number, a revolution has broken

out which promises to be entirely successful. Later advices confirm this

prospect. After taking Reynosa, Gen. Caravajal, the leader of the

revolution, marched to Matamoras, which he reached on the 20th of

October, and forthwith attacked the place, which had been prepared for

an obstinate defense, under Gen. Avalos. Several engagements between the

opposing forces had taken place, and the besieged army is said to have

lost two hundred men. The inhabitants of Matamoras had been forced to

leave, part of the town had been twice on fire, and a great amount of

property was destroyed. But the city still held out.

The general government had addressed a note, through the Minister of

War, under date of September 25, to the Governors of the Northern

States, expressing confidence in their fidelity and urging them to spare

no effort to crush the revolt. The Governors had replied to the

requisitions upon them for troops, that their departments were not

injured by the revolution and that they would not aid its suppression.

This fact shows that the movement has decided strength among the

Mexicans themselves.

The Legislature of the State of Vera Cruz has passed a resolution

requesting Congress to charter a railroad from Vera Cruz to Acapulco, by

way of Mexico. A good deal of hostility is evinced to a reported design

of the Pope to send a nuncio to the capital.--The British Minister has

demanded from Mexico a judicial decree in favor of British creditors,

and has menaced the government with a blockade of their ports as the

alternative.--There had been a military revolt of part of the troops in

Yucatan, which had been suppressed, and six of the soldiers shot.

GREAT BRITAIN.

The arrival of KOSSUTH and the closing of the Great Exhibition, are the

two events by which the month in England has been distinguished. The

great Hungarian received a very cordial welcome. He came to Gibraltar

from Constantinople by the United States steam frigate Mississippi,

which had been sent out by the American government to convey him to the

United States. On reaching Marseilles he proposed to go through France

to England, for the purpose of leaving his children there; and then to

meet the Mississippi again at Gibraltar. The French government refused

him permission to pass through France. The receipt of this refusal

excited a good deal of feeling among the people of Marseilles, who

gathered in immense numbers to testify their regard for the illustrious

exile, and their regret at the action of their government. In reply to

their manifestations, Kossuth addressed them a letter of thanks, which

was published in _Le Peuple_ at Marseilles. In this he merely alluded to

the action of the government and assured them that he did not hold the

French people responsible for it. He then proceeded in the frigate to

Gibraltar, where, after staying two or three days, and receiving the

utmost civilities of the British officers there, he embarked on board

the British steamer Madrid, in which he reached Southampton on the 23d

of October. A large concourse of people met him on the wharf and

escorted him, with great enthusiasm and hearty cheering, to the

residence of the mayor. In answer to the loud cheers with which he was

greeted, he came out upon the balcony and briefly addressed the crowd,

warmly thanking them for their welcome and expressing the profoundest

gratitude to England for the aid she had given to his deliverance from

prison.--The same day an address from the people of Southampton was

presented to him in the Town Hall, to which he replied at some length.

He spoke of the feeling with which he had always studied the character

and institutions of England, and said that it was her municipal

institutions which had preserved to Hungary some spirit of public life

and constitutional liberty, against the hostile acts of Austria. The

doctrine of centralization had been fatal to France and other European

nations. It was the foe of liberty--the sure agent of absolute power. He

attributed much of England's freedom to her municipal institutions. For

himself, he regarded these demonstrations of respect as paid to the

political principles he represented, rather than his person. He believed

that England would not allow Russia to control the destinies of

Europe--that her people would not assist the ambition of a few families,

but the moral welfare and dignity of humanity. He hoped to see some of

those powerful associations of English people, by which so much is done

for political rights, directing their attention, and extending their

powerful aid to Hungary. For himself life was of no value, except as he

could make use of it for the liberty of his own country and the benefit

of humanity. He took the expression of respect by which he had been met,

as an encouragement to go on in that way which he had taken for the aim

of his life, and which he hoped the blessings of the Almighty, and the

sympathy of the people of England and of generous hearts all over the

world, might help to carry to a happy issue. It was a much greater merit

to acknowledge a principle in adversity than to pay a tribute to its

success. He thanked them for their sympathy and assured them of the

profound admiration he had always entertained for the free institutions

of England.

On the 24th, KOSSUTH went to the country house of the mayor, and on the

25th attended a _dejeuner_ at Winchester, where he made a long speech,

being mainly an historical outline of the Hungarian revolution. He

explained the original character of Hungary, as a constitutional

monarchy, and its position between Russia, Austria, and Turkey. Its

constitution was aristocratic, but its aristocracy was not rich, nor was

it opposed to the constitutional rights of the people. Hungary had a

parliament and county municipal institutions, and to the latter he

attributed the preservation of the people's rights. All the orders of

the government to any municipal magistrate, must be forwarded through

county meetings, where they were discussed, and sometimes withheld. They

thus formed a strong barrier against the encroachments of the

government; and no county needed such a barrier more, for during more

than three centuries, the House of Hapsburg had not at its head a man

who was a friend to political freedom. The House of Hapsburg ruled

Hungary, but only according to treaties--one of the conditions of which

was, that they were to rule the people of Hungary only through Hungarian

institutions, and according to its own laws. Austria had succeeded in

absorbing all the other provinces connected with her--but her attempts

upon Hungary had proved unsuccessful. Her constant efforts to subdue

Hungary had convinced her rulers that to the nobles alone her defense

ought not to be intrusted, but that all the people should have an equal

interest in their constitutional rights. This was the direction of

public opinion in Hungary in 1825. The first effort of the patriotic

party, therefore, was to emancipate the people--to relieve the peasantry

from their obligation to give 104 days out of every year to their

landlords, one-ninth of their produce to their seigneur, and one-tenth

to the bishop. This was only effected by slow degrees. In the long

parliament, from 1832 to 1836, a measure was carried giving the peasant

the right to purchase exemption from the duties with the consent of his

landlord. This, however, was vetoed by the Regent. The government then

set itself to work to corrupt the county constituencies, by which

members of the Commons were chosen. They appointed officers to be

present at every meeting, and to control every act. This system the

liberal party resisted, because they wished the county meetings to be

free. And this struggle went on until 1847, just before the breaking out

of the French Revolution. The revolution in Vienna followed that event,

and this threw all power into the hands of Kossuth and his party. He at

once proposed to emancipate the peasantry, and to indemnify the

landlords from the land. The measure was carried at once, through both

Houses; and Kossuth and his friends then went on, to give to every

inhabitant a right to vote, and to establish representative

institutions, including a responsible ministry. The Emperor gave his

sanction to all these laws. Yet very soon after a rebellion was incited

by Austria among the Serbs, who resisted the new Hungarian government,

and declared their independence. The Palatine, representing the King,

called for an army to put down the rebellion, and Jellachich, who was

its leader, was proclaimed a traitor. But soon successes in Italy

enabled the Emperor to act more openly, and he recognized Jellachich as

his friend, and commissioned him to march with an army against Hungary.

He did so, but was driven back. The Emperor then appointed him governor;

but the Hungarians would not receive him. Then came an open war with

Austria, in which the Hungarians were successful. Reliable information

was then received that Russia was about to join Austria in the war, and

that Hungary had nowhere to look for aid. It was then proposed that, if

Hungary was forced to contend against two mighty nations, the reward of

success should be its independence. What followed, all know. He declared

his belief that, but for the treason of Goergey, the Hungarians could

have defeated the united armies of their foes. But the House of

Hapsburg, as a dynasty, exists no more. It merely vegetates at the whim

of the mighty Czar, to whom it has become the obedient servant. But if

England would only say that Russia should not thus set her foot on the

neck of Hungary, all might yet be well. Hungary would have knowledge,

patriotism, loyalty, and courage enough to dispose of its own domestic

matters, as it is the sovereign right of every nation to do. This was

the cause for which he asked the generous sympathy of the English

people; and he thanked them cordially for the attention they had given

to his remarks.

On the same occasion Mr. COBDEN spoke in favor of the intervention of

England to prevent Russia from crushing Hungary, and obtaining control

of Europe, and Mr. J. R. CROSKEY, the American Consul at Southampton,

expressed the opinion that the time would come, if it had not already

come, when the United States would be forced into taking more than an

interest in European politics.

KOSSUTH again addressed the company, thanking them for the interest

taken in the welfare of his unhappy country, and expressing the hope

that, supported by this sympathy, the hopes expressed might be realized

at no distant day. He spoke also of the different ways in which nations

may promote the happiness and welfare of their people. England, he said,

wants no change, because she is governed by a constitutional monarchy,

under which all classes in the country enjoy the full benefits of free

institutions. The consequence is, the people of England are masters of

their own fates--defenders of her institutions--obedient to the laws,

and vigilant in their behavior--and the country has become, and must

forever continue, under such institutions, to be great, glorious, and

free. Then the United States is a republic--and though governed in a

different way from England, the people of the United States have no

motive for desiring a change--they have got liberty, freedom, and every

means for the full development of their social condition and position.

Under their government, the people of the United States have, in sixty

years, arrived at a position of which they may well be proud--and the

English people, too, have good reason to be proud of their descendants

and the share which she has had in the planting of so great a nation on

the other side of the Atlantic. It was most gratifying to see so great

and glorious a nation thriving under a Constitution but little more than

sixty years old. It is not every republic in which freedom is found to

exist, and he said he could cite examples in proof of his assertion--and

he deeply lamented that there is among them one great and glorious

nation where the people do not yet enjoy that liberty which their noble

minds so well fit them for. It is not every monarchy that is good

because under it you enjoy full liberty and freedom. Therefore he felt

that it is not the living under a government called a republic, that

will secure the liberties of the people, but that quite as just and

honest laws may exist under a monarchy as under a republic. If he wanted

an illustration, he need only examine the institutions of England and

the United States, to show that under different forms of government

equal liberty can and does exist. It was to increase the liberties of

the people that they had endeavored to widen the basis on which their

Constitution rested, so as to include the whole population, and thus

give them an interest in the maintenance of social order.

M. KOSSUTH had visited London privately, mainly to consult a physician

concerning his health, which is delicate. He intended to remain in

England until the 14th of November, and then sail for New York in one of

the American steamers.

The Great Exhibition was closed Oct. 15 with public ceremonies. The

building was densely filled with spectators, and there was a general

attendance of all who had been officially connected with the Exhibition

in any way. Viscount Canning read the report of the Council of the

Chairmen of Juries, rehearsing the manner in which they had endeavored

to discharge the duties devolved upon them. There had been thirty-four

acting juries, composed equally of British subjects and foreigners. The

chairmen of these juries were formed into a Council, to determine the

conditions upon which prizes should be awarded, and to secure, so far as

possible, uniformity in the action of the juries. It was ultimately

decided that only two kinds of medals should be awarded, one the _prize_

medal, to be conferred wherever a certain standard of excellence in

production or workmanship had been attained, and to be awarded by the

juries: the other the _council_ medal, to be awarded by the council,

upon the recommendation of a jury, for some important novelty of

invention or application, either in material or processes of

manufacture, or originality combined with great beauty of design. The

number of prize medals awarded was 2918: of council medals 170.

Honorable mention was made of other exhibitors whose works did not

entitle them to medals. The whole number of exhibitors was about 17,000.

Prince ALBERT responded to this report, on behalf of the Royal

Commissioners, thanking the jurors and others for the care and assiduity

with which they had performed their duties, and closing with the

expression of the hope that the Exhibition might prove to be a happy

means of promoting unity among nations, and peace and good will among

the various races of mankind. The honor of knighthood has been conferred

upon Mr. Paxton, the designer of the building, Mr. Cubitt, the engineer,

and Mr. Fox, the contractor. The total number of visits to the

Exhibition has been 6,201,856: 466 schools and twenty-three parties of

agricultural laborers have visited it. The entire sum received from the

Exhibition has been L505,107 5_s._ 7_d._ of which L356,808 1_s._ was

taken at the doors. About L90 of bad silver was taken--nearly all on the

half-crown and five shilling days. Of the 170 council medals distributed

76 went to the United Kingdom, 57 to France, 7 to Prussia, 5 to the

United States, 4 to Austria, 3 to Bavaria, 2 each to Belgium,

Switzerland, and Tuscany, 1 each to Holland, Russia, Rome, Egypt, the

East India Company, Spain, Tunis, and Turkey, and one each to Prince

Albert, Mr. Paxton, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Cubitt.

The sum of L758,196 from the British revenue for the quarter ending

October 11, is available toward the payment of the national debt. The

sum of L3,004,048 has been appropriated to that object during the year.

The Queen returned on the 12th of October from a protracted tour in

Scotland. She visited Liverpool and Manchester on her return, and in

both cities was received with great enthusiasm.

Serious difficulties have arisen in Ireland out of the loans made by

government to the various unions for the relief. As the time for

repaying these advances comes round, the country is found to be unable

to pay the taxes levied for that purpose. These rates run from five to

ten shillings in the pound. In some of the unions a disposition to

repudiate the debt has been shown--but this has generally proved to be

only a desire to postpone it until it can be done without oppressively

taxing the property. The question has excited a great deal of feeling,

and the difficulty is not yet surmounted.

The public is anxiously awaiting the details of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S

promised reform bill. It is of course understood that its leading object

will be to extend the elective franchise, and the bare thought of this

has stimulated the organs of Toryism to prophetic lamentations over the

ruin which so radical a movement will certainly bring upon the British

Empire.

English colonial affairs engage a good deal of attention. At the Cape of

Good Hope the government is engaged in a war with the native Kaffirs,

which does not make satisfactory progress. At the latest accounts,

coming down to September 12th, the hostile natives continued to vex the

frontiers, and Sir Harry Smith, the military commandant, had found it

necessary to lead new forces against them. A severe battle was fought on

the 1st of September, and repeated engagements had been had

subsequently, in all which great injury had been inflicted upon the

English troops. It was supposed that ten thousand men would be required,

in addition to the force already there, to restore peace to the

disaffected district. The construction of a railway through Egypt, by

English capitalists, has met with serious obstacles in the refusal of

the Turkish Sultan to allow his subject, the Pacha of Egypt, to treat

with foreigners for the purpose of allowing the work to go on. He has,

however, given the English to understand, that he is not hostile to the

railway, but is only unwilling that it should become a pretext for

making the Pacha independent of him. Lord Palmerston acquiesces in the

justice of this view; and there will probably be no difficulty in

arranging the whole matter.

FRANCE.

Political affairs in France have taken a remarkable turn within the past

month. The President persisted in his determination to be a candidate

for re-election, and finding that he could not receive the support of

the majority as the government was constituted, resolved upon a bold

return to universal suffrage. Having been elected to the Presidency by

universal suffrage, and finding that the restricted suffrage would ruin

him, he determined to repeal the law of May, which disfranchised three

millions of voters, and throw himself again upon the whole people of

France. He accordingly demanded from his Ministers their consent to the

abrogation of that law. They refused, and on the 14th of October all

tendered their resignation. They were at once accepted by the President,

but the Ministry were to retain their places until a new one could be

formed. This proved to be a task of great difficulty. It was officially

announced that the President was preparing his Message for the

approaching session of the Assembly, and that in this document he would,

first, lay down in very distinct terms, the abrogation of the law of

May 31; secondly, that he will express his irrevocable resolution to

maintain the policy of order, of conservation, and authority, and that

he would make no concession to anarchical ideas, under whatever flag or

name they may shelter themselves.

A new Ministry was definitively formed on the 27th of October,

constituted as follows:

_Justice_ M. CORBIN.

_Foreign Affairs_ M. TURGOT.

_Public Instruction_ M. C. GIRAUD.

_Interior_ M. DE THOROGNY.

_Agriculture and Commerce_ M. DE CASIABIAUCA.

_Public Works_ M. LACROSSE.

_War_ Gen. LEROY DE ST. ARNAUD.

_Marine_ M. HIPPOLYTE FOURTOUL.

_Finance_ M. BLONDEL.

_Prefect of Police_ M. DE MAUPAS.

In several instances, within a few weeks past, the Republican

representatives in the various departments of France, have been

subjected to gross insults from the police and other agents of the

government. M. Sartin, the representative for Allier, has submitted a

statement to the Assembly, saying that while dining with a friend at

Montlucon, two brigadiers of gendarmerie entered and told the company

that, as the company exceeded fifteen, it was a political meeting within

the prohibition of the government. M. Sartin produced his medal of

representative of the people, and claimed immunity. He was told that no

such immunity existed, except during the session of the Assembly. Quite

a scuffle ensued, in which one or two persons were wounded. These

proceedings soon collected a crowd, and the people declared that no more

arrests should be made. Several squadrons of cavalry soon arrived, and

as the result, thirteen persons were sent to prison.--In Saucerre also,

the magistrates having arrested three persons, one of whom was the

former mayor, the inhabitants rose and attempted a rescue. The military

in the neighborhood collected and dispersed the crowd, twenty-six of

whom were arrested and committed to prison.

SOUTHERN EUROPE.

There is no news of special interest from Southern Europe. We have

already noticed the letters of Mr. GLADSTONE to Lord ABERDEEN, exposing

the abominations of the Neapolitan government, in its persecution of

state prisoners--together with the official reply which the King of

Naples has caused to be made to it. Lord Palmerston sent a copy of Mr.

Gladstone's letters to the British representatives at each European

Court, with instructions to lay them before the Court to which he was

accredited. The Neapolitan Minister in London sent to Lord Palmerston a

book written in reply to Mr. Gladstone's letters, by an English

gentleman named M'Farlane, and requested him to send this also to those

British representatives who had been furnished with the other. Lord P.

replied to this request in a spirited letter, declaring his object to

have been to arouse the public sentiment of Europe against the cruelties

and outrageous violations of law and justice of which the government of

Naples is constantly guilty, and saying that the King of Naples was very

much mistaken, if he believed public opinion could be controlled or

changed by such a pitiful diatribe as that of Mr. M'Farlane. The only

way of conciliating the sentiment of Europe upon this subject, was by

remedying the evils which had excited its indignation. The Courts of

Germany, Austria, and Russia, to which Mr. Gladstone's letters were

sent, have complained of this act as an unwarrantable interference, on

the part of Lord Palmerston, with the internal administration of Naples.

In the German Diet, at Frankfort, Count Thun protested against the

course pursued by the British Minister, and maintained that to criticise

the criminal justice of other countries is a most flagrant breach of the

rights of nations. If English statesmen could interfere with the conduct

of the King of Naples, for imprisoning men for supporting the

Constitution which he had sworn to maintain, they might also interfere

with the violations of their oaths, as well as of justice, of which the

governments of Austria, Saxony, Baden, and other countries had been

guilty; and then, said he, what was to become of kingly freedom and

independence? The Diet, on his motion, resolved to express to the

British Minister their astonishment at the course the British government

had pursued.

In PRUSSIA vigorous preparations are made for anticipated difficulties

in France in the spring of 1852, after the Presidential election. The

troops of all the German states are to be put on a full war

establishment, and to be ready for immediate action early in the spring.

The western fortresses have received orders to be in readiness for war.

A general Congress has been held of representatives from the several

German states, to make some common arrangement for the management of the

electric telegraph. They have agreed that all messages shall be

forwarded without interruption, that a common scale of charges shall be

adopted, and that the receipts shall go into a common fund, to be

distributed among the several states in proportion to the number of

miles of telegraphic communication running through them.

The German Diet has resolved that the annexation of the Prussian Polish

provinces to the confederation two years ago, was illegal and void. It

has also determined to take into consideration the claims of the Ritter

party in Hanover, to have the abolition of their nobility privileges

revoked. This abolition was effected during the recent revolutions, but

it was done in a perfectly legal manner.

The Emperor of Austria, not long since, wrote a letter to Prince

Schwartzenberg, stating that the Ministry would henceforth be

responsible to him alone, and that he would answer for the government.

This declaration, that the government was hereafter to be absolute,

excited deep feeling throughout the country, and it was supposed that it

might lead to a political crisis. On the 11th of October, however, the

Ministers took the oath of obedience to the Emperor, under this new

definition of their powers and responsibilities. The Emperor recently

visited Lombardy, where he had a very cold reception.

In SPAIN changes have been made in the administration of the island of

Cuba. A Colonial Council has been created, which is to have charge of

all affairs relating to the colonial possessions, except such as are

specially directed by other Ministers. The Captain-general of each

colony is to conduct its affairs under the direction of the Council. It

is said that the Spanish Government intends to relax its customs

regulations in favor of England.

From INDIA and the EAST late intelligence has been received. The Indian

frontier continued undisturbed: the troops suffered greatly from

sickness. There had been an outbreak in Malabar, which caused great loss

of life. The rebellion in China still goes on, but details of its

progress are lacking.

Editor's Table.

Time and Space--what are they? Do they belong to the world without, or

to the world within, or to some mysterious and inseparable union of both

departments of being? We hope the reader will be under no alarm from

such a beginning, or entertain any fear of being treated to a dish of

indigestible metaphysics. The terms we have placed at the head of our

Editor's Table, as suggestive of appropriate thoughts for the closing

month of the year, are, indeed, the deepest in philosophy. In all ages

have they been the watchwords of the schools. Aristotle failed in the

attempt to measure them. Kant acknowledged his inability to fathom the

profundity of their significance. And yet there are none, perhaps, that

enter more into the musings of that common philosophy which is for all

minds, for all ages, and for all conditions in life. Who has not thought

on the enigma of time and space, each baffling every effort the mind may

make for its pure and perfect conception without some aid from the

notion of its inseparable correlative? Where is the man, or child even,

who has not been drawn to some contemplation of that wondrous stream on

whose bosom we are sailing, but of which we can conceive neither origin

nor outlet; that mysterious river ever sweeping us along as by some

irresistible _outward_ force, and yet seeming to be so strangely

affected by the internal condition of each soul that is voyaging upon

its current--at one time the scenery upon its banks gliding by with a

placid swiftness that arrests the attention even of the least

reflective--at another, the mind recalled from a reverie which has

seemingly carried us onward many a league from the last remembered

observation of our mental longitude, but only to discover, with

surprise, that the objects on either shore have hardly receded a

perceptible distance in the perspective of our spiritual panorama. We

have passed the equinoctial line, and are under fair sail for the

enchanted kingdom of Candaya, when, like Don Quixotte and Sancho on the

smooth-flowing Ebro, we start up to find the rocks and trees, and all

the familiar features of the same old "real world" yet full in sight,

and that we have scarcely drifted a stone's throw from the point of our

departure. It is astonishing to what a distance the mental wanderings

may extend in the briefest periods. The idea was never better expressed

than by a pious old deacon, who used most feelingly to lament this sin

of wandering thoughts in the midst of holy services. Between the first

and fourth lines of a hymn, he would say, the soul may rove to the very

ends of the earth. The fixed outward measure arresting the attention by

its marked commencement and its closing cadence, presented the extent of

such subjective excursions in their most startling light. Childhood,

too, furnishes vivid illustrations of the same psychological

phenomena--childhood, that musing introspective period, which, on some

accounts, may be regarded as the most metaphysical portion of human

life. Who has not some reminiscences of this kind belonging to his

boyish existence? How in health the morning has seemed to burst upon him

in apparent simultaneousness with the moment when his head first dropped

upon the pillow, and he has wondered to think how mysteriously he had

leaped the interval which unerring outward indications had compelled him

to assign to the measured continuity of his existence! How has he, on

the other hand, in sickness, marked the unvaried ticking of the clock

through the long dark night, and fancied that the slow-pacing hours

would never flee away. His one sense and thought of pain, had arrested

the current of his being, and even the outer world seemed to stand

still, as though in sympathy with the suspended movement of his own

inner life. In experiences such as these, the mind of the child has been

brought directly upon the deepest problem in psychology. He has been on

the shore of the great mystery, and Kant, and Fichte, and Coleridge

could go no farther, except, it may be, to show how utterly unfathomable

for our present faculties, the mystery is. Philosophy comes back ever to

the same unexplained position. She can not conceive of mind as existing

out of time and space, and she can not well conceive of time and space

as wholly separate from the idea of successive thought, or, in other

words, a perceiving and measuring mind.

Such phenomena present themselves in our most ordinary existence. Let a

man be in the habit of tracing back his roving thoughts, until he

connects them with the last remembered link from which the wandering

reverie commenced, and he will be amazed to find how long a time may in

a few moments have passed through the mind. The minute hand has barely

changed its position, and not only images and thoughts, but hopes, and

fears, and moral states have been called out, which, under other

circumstances, might have occupied an outward period extending it in

almost any assignable ratio. Indeed it is impossible to assign any limit

here. As far as our moral life is measured by actual spiritual exercise,

a man may sin as much in a minute as, at another time, in a day. He may

have had, in the same brief interval, a heaven of love and joy, which,

in a different inward condition of the spirit, months and years would

hardly have sufficed to realize.

Such cases are familiar to all reflective minds. Even as they take place

in ordinary health, they may well produce the conviction, that there are

mysteries enough for our study in our most common experience, without

resorting to mesmerism or spiritual rappings. It is, however, in

sickness, that such phenomena assume their most startling aspect, and

furnish subjects of the most serious thought. The apparent decay of the

mind in connection with that of the body--the apparent injuries the one

sustains from the maladies of the other, have furnished arguments for

the infidel, and painful doubts for the unwilling skeptic. But there is

another aspect to facts of this kind. They sometimes show themselves in

a way which must be more startling to the materialist than to the

believer. They furnish evidence that the present body, instead of being

essential to the spirit's highest exercises, is only its temporary

regulator, intended for a period to _limit_ its powers, by keeping them

in enchained harmony with that outer world of nature in which the human

spirit is to receive its first intellectual and moral training. If it

does not originate the _law_ of successive thought, it governs and

measures its _movement_. Through the dark closet to which it confines

the soul, images and ideas are made to pass, one by one, in orderly

march; and while the body is in health, and does not sleep, and holds

steady intercourse with the world around us, it performs this

restraining and regulative office with some good degree of uniformity.

Viewed merely in reference to its own inner machinery, the clock may

have any kind or degree of movement. It may perform the apparent

revolutions of days and years, in seconds and fragments of seconds. But

attach to it a pendulum of a proper length, and its rates are

immediately adjusted to the steady course of external nature. The new

regulative power is determined by the mass and gravity of the earth. It

is what the diurnal rotation causes it to be. The latter, again, is

linked with the annual revolution, and this, again, with some far-off

millennial, or millio-millennial, cycle of the sun, and so on, until the

little time-piece on our Editor's Table, is in harmony with the _magnus

annus_, the great cosmical year, the _one_ all-embracing time of the

universe. The regulative action of the body upon the soul, although far

less uniform, presents a fair analogy. In ordinary health, the measured

flow of thought and feeling will bear some relation to the circulation

of the blood, the course of respiration, and those general cycles of the

body, or human _micro-cosmos_, which have acquired and preserved a

steady rate of movement. It is true that there are times, even in

health, when the thoughts burst from this regulative control, imparting

their own impetus to the nervous fluid, giving a hurried agitation to

the quick-panting breath, and sending the blood in maddened velocity

through the heart and veins. But it is in sickness that such a breaking

away from the ordinary check becomes most striking. The pendulum

removed, or the spring broken, how rapidly spin round the whizzing

wheels by which objective time is measured. And so of our spiritual

state. In that harmony between the inward and the outward, in which

health consists, we are insensible to the presence of the regulative

power. In the slightest sicknesses we feel the dragging chain, and time

moves slow, and sometimes almost stops. It is in this crisis of severe

disease that a deeper change takes place. Some link is snapped; and then

how inconceivably rapid may be, and sometimes is, the course of thought.

Now the long-buried past comes up, and moves before us, not in slow

succession, but in that swift array which would seem to place it

altogether upon the canvas. At other times, the soul goes out into a

self-created future; a dream it may be called, but having, as far as the

spirit is concerned, no less of authentic moral and intellectual

interest on that account. Suppose even the whole physical world to be

all a dream. What then? No article of moral truth would be in the least

changed; joy and suffering, right and wrong, would be no less real.

Might they not be regarded as even the more tremendously real, from the

very fact that they would be, in that case, the only realities in the

universe? Nothing here is really gained by any play upon that most

indefinable of all terms--reality. If that is _real_ which most deeply

affects us, and enters most intimately into our conscious being, then in

a most _real_ sense may it be affirmed, that years sometimes pass in the

crisis of a fever, and that a life-time--an intellectual and a moral

life-time--may be lived in what, to spectators, may have seemed to have

been but a moment of syncope, or of returning sensibility to outward

things. Such facts should startle us. They give us a glimpse of those

fearful energies which even now the spirit possesses, and which may

exhibit themselves with a thousand-fold more power, when all the

balance-wheels and regulating pendulums shall have been taken off, and

the soul left to develop that higher law of its being which now remains,

in a great degree, suspended and inert, like the chemist's latent heat

and light.

In illustration of such a view, we might refer to recorded facts having

every mark of authenticity. They come to as from all ages. There is the

strange story which Plutarch gives us of the trance of Thespesius, and

of the immense series of wonders he witnessed during the short period of

apparent death. Strikingly similar to this is that remarkable account of

Rev. William Tennent which must be familiar to most of our readers.

Something analogous is reported of that strange inner life to which we

lately called attention in the account of Rachel Baker. To the same

effect the story, told by Addison, we think, of the Dervise and his

Magic Water, possessed of such wondrous properties, that the moment

between the plunging and the withdrawing of the head, became,

subjectively, a life-time filled with events of most absorbing interest.

But that may be called an Oriental romance. Another instance we would

relate from our own personal acquaintance with the one who was himself

the subject of a similar supercorporeal and supersensual action of the

spirit. He was a man bearing a high reputation for piety and integrity.

It was at the close of a day devoted to sacred services of an unusually

solemn kind that he related to us what, in the familiar language of

certain denominations of Christians, might be called his religious

experience. It was, indeed, of no ordinary nature, and there was one

part, especially, which made no ordinary impression on our memory. We

can only, in the most rapid manner, touch upon the main facts, as they

bear upon the thoughts we have been presenting. In the crisis of a

violent typhus fever, during a period which could not have occupied, at

the utmost, more than half an hour, a subjective life was lived,

extending not merely to hours and days, but through long years of varied

and most thrilling experience. He had traveled to foreign lands, and

encountered every species of adventure. He had amassed wealth and lost

it. He had formed new social bonds with their natural accompaniments of

joy and grief. He had committed crimes and suffered for them. He had

been in exile, cast out, and homeless. He had been in battle and in

shipwreck. He had been sick and recovered. And, finally, he had died,

and gone to judgment, and received the condemnation of the lost. Ages

had passed in outer darkness, during all which the exercises of the soul

were as active, and as distinct, and as coherently arranged, as at any

period of his existence. At length a fairly perceptible beam of light,

coming seemingly from an immense distance, steals faintly into his

prison-house. Nearer, and nearer still, it comes, although years and

years are occupied with its slow, yet steady approach. But it does

increase. Fuller, and clearer, and higher, grows the light of hope,

until all around him, and above him, is filled with the benign glory of

its presence. He dares once more look upward, and as he does so, he

beholds beaming upon him the countenance of his watching friend, bending

over him with the announcement that the crisis is past, and that

coolness is once more returning to his burning frame. Only a prolonged

dream, it might perhaps be said. But dreams in general run parallel with

the movement of outward time, or if they do go beyond it, it is never by

any such enormously magnified excess. But besides the apparent length of

such a trance, there was also this striking and essential difference.

Dreams may be more or less vivid; but all possess this common character,

that in the waking state we immediately recognize them as dreams; and

this not merely by way of inference from our changed condition, but

because, in themselves, they possess that unmistakably subjective, or

dream-like aspect, we can never separate from their outward

contemplation. They almost immediately put on the dress of dreams. The

air of reality, so fresh on our first awakening, begins straightway to

gather a shade about it. As they grow dimmer and dimmer, the very effort

at recalling only drives them farther off, and renders them more

indistinct, just as certain optical delusions ever melt away from the

gaze that is directed most steadily toward them. Thus the phantoms of

our sleep dissolve rapidly "into thin air." As we strive to hold fast

their features in the memory, they vanish farther and farther from the

view, until we can just discern their pale, ghostly forms receding, in

the distance, through the "gate of horn" into the land of irrecoverable

oblivion. This characteristic of ordinary dreaming has ever furnished

the ground of a favorite comparison both in sacred and classical

poetry--"Like a vision of the night"--"As a dream when one

awaketh"--"Like a morning dream"--

Tenuesque recessit in auras--

Par levibus ventis, volucrique simillima somno.

But these visions of the trance, are, in this respect, of a different,

as well as deeper, nature. The subject of our narrative most solemnly

averred that the scenes and feelings of this strange experience were

ever after not only real in appearance, but the most vividly real of any

part of his remembered existence. They never passed away into the place

and form of dreams. He knew they were subjective, but only from outward

testimony, and for some time even this was hardly sufficient to prevent

the deep impression exhibiting itself in his speech and intercourse with

the world to which he had returned. To his deeper consciousness they

ever seemed realities, ever to form a part of his most veritable being.

Our common dreams are more closely connected with the outer world, and

the nearest sphere of sensation. They are generally suggested by

obscurely felt bodily impressions. They belong to a state semi-conscious

of the presence of things around us. But the others come from a deeper

source. They are not

Such stuff as dreams are made of--

But belong to the more interior workings of the spirit, when disease has

released it, either wholly or partially, from the restrictive outward

influence. Still, whatever may be our theory of explanation, the thought

we would set forth remains equally impressive. Such facts as these show

the amazing power of the soul in respect to time. They teach us that in

respect to our spiritual, as well as our material organization, we are

indeed "most fearfully and wonderfully made." They startle us with the

supposition that, in another state of existence, time may be mainly, if

not wholly what the spiritual action causes it to appear. We have heard

of well-attested cases, in which the whole past, even to its most minute

events, has flashed before the soul, in the dying moments, or during

some brief period of imminent danger arousing the spirit to a

preternatural energy. If there be truth in such experiences, then no

former exercise or emotion of the soul is ever lost. They belong to us

still, just as much as our present thought, or our present sensation,

and at some period may start up again to sleep no more, causing us

actually to realize that conception of Boethius which now appears only a

scholastic subtlety--_a whole life ever in one_, carrying with it a

consciousness of its whole abiding presence in every moment of its

existence--_tota simul et interminabilis vitae possessio_. But we may

give the thought a more plain and practical turn. Even now, it may be

said, what we have lived forms still a part of our being. However it may

stand in respect to outward time, _it is never past to us_. We are too

much in the habit of regarding ourselves only in reference to what may

_seem_ our present moral state. We need the corrective power of the

idea that we ARE, not simply what we may now _appear_ to be, but all we

ever have been, and that such we must forever BE, unless in the

psychology and theology of a higher dispensation there is some mode of

separating us from our former selves. Now the soul is broken and

dispersed. Then will it come together, and as in the poetic imagination

of the resurrection of the body, bone meets its fellow-bone, and dust

hastens to join once more in living organization with its kindred dust,

so in the soul's _anastasis_ will all the lost and scattered thoughts

come home again to their spiritual abode, and from the chaos of the past

will stand forth forever one fixed and changeless being, the discordant

and deformed result of a false and evil life, or a glorious organization

in harmony with all that is fair and good in the universe.

* * * * *

Geology has created difficulties in the interpretation of certain parts

of the Scriptures; but these are more than balanced by a most important

aid, which in another respect, it is rendering to the cause of faith.

The former are fast giving way before that sound interpretation of the

primeval record which was maintained by some of the most learned and

pious in the Church, centuries before the new science was ever dreamed

of. The latter is gathering strength from every fresh discovery. We

refer to the proof geology is furnishing of the late origin of the human

race, and of the absolute necessity of ascribing it to a supernatural

cause. While there has been an ascending scale of orders, every new

order has commenced with the most mature specimens. The subsequent

history has been ever one of degeneracy, until a higher power came to

the aid of exhausted nature, and made another step of real progress in

the supernatural organization of a superior type. The largest fishes,

the most powerful reptiles, were first in the periods of their

respective families. And thus it went on until the introduction of the

human species. An attenuating series of physical and hyper-physical

powers forms the only theory which, on the fair Baconian induction, will

account for the phenomena presented. There are scientific as well as

theological bigots, and both are equally puzzled to explain the facts on

either set of principles to the exclusion of the other. It is chiefly,

however, in regard to man that the argument acquires its great

importance; as bearing directly on that first article, and fundamental

support of all faith--the veritable existence of the supernatural. This

is not the same with faith in the Scriptures, and yet is most intimately

connected with it. With the utter rejection of the latter, must soon go

all available belief in a personal deity or a personal future state; and

so, on the contrary, whatever in science shuts up the soul to a clear

belief in the supernatural, even in its most remote aspect, is so much

gained, ultimately, for the cause of the written oracles. And this is

just what geology is now doing. She proves, beyond doubt, the late

introduction of man upon the earth, and thus compels us to admit the

most supernatural of all known events within a period comparatively very

near to our own. The fact that, after a very few thousand years, the

light of history is quenched in total darkness, presenting no farther

trace of man or human things, goes far to prove his prior non-existence.

But it might, perhaps, be maintained, that of former generations, only

the merest fragments had, from time to time, survived the wreck of

physical convulsions, in which all outward memoranda of their older

existence had wholly perished. Such memorials, it is true, might have

departed from the surface, but then geology must have found them. She

has dug up abundant remains of types and orders, which, from their

position in the strata, she is compelled to assign to a period anterior

to that of man. There would have been no lack of zeal on the part of

some of her votaries. More than once, on the supposed discovery of some

old bone in a wrong place (to which it had been carried by some ordinary

disturbance of the deposits), have they rejoiced thereat, "like one who

findeth great spoil." But the evidence is now beyond all impeachment.

Remains of every other type have been discovered. The relative periods

of their different deposits have been ascertained. No stone, we may

literally say it, has been left unturned; and yet, not a single joint or

splinter of a human bone has been found to reward the search. The

argument from this is of immense importance. The essence of all

skepticism will be found, on analysis, to consist in a secret distrust

of the very existence of any thing supernatural--a latent doubt whether,

after all, every thing may not be nature, and nature every thing.

_Unnatural_ as it may seem, there are those who actually take delight in

such a view. It hides from the consciousness a secret, yet real

antipathy to the thought of a personal God, and the moral power of such

an idea. Whatever disturbs this feeling excites alarm, lest all the

foundations of unbelief (if we may use the word of a thing which has no

foundations) should be rendered insecure by the bare possibility of such

_direct_ interference. Hence the moral power of well attested miracles,

although it has been denied, even by religious writers, that there is

any such moral power. It is the felt presence of a near personal Deity.

It is the startling thought of the Great _Life_ of the universe coming

very nigh to us, and revealing the latent skepticism of men's souls.

Although greatly transcending, it is like the effect produced by those

operations of nature that startle us by their instantaneous exhibition

of resistless power, and which no amount of science can prevent our

regarding with reverence, or religious awe. With all our knowledge of

physical laws, no man, we venture to say it, is wholly an atheist, or

even a consistent naturalist, when the earth is heaving, or the

lightning bolts are striking thick and fast around him.

Be it, then, near or remote, one unanswerable evidence of supernatural

intervention gives a foundation for all faith. And this geology does.

Only a few centuries back, on any chronology--a mere yesterday we may

say--she brings us face to face with the most stupendous of personal,

miraculous interventions. No mediate stages--no transitional

developments have been, or can be discovered--no links of half human,

half beastly monsters, such as the old Epicureans loved to imagine, and

some modern savans would have been glad to find. Nothing of this kind,

but all at once, after ages of fishes, and reptiles, and every kind of

lower animation, "a new thing upon the earth"--the wondrous human body

united to that surpassingly wondrous entity, the human soul, and both

new born, in all their maturity, from a previous state of non-existence.

So the rocks tell us; and the rocks, we are assured, on good scientific

authority, "can not deceive us" like the "poetical myths of man's

unreasoning infancy."

Now what difficulties are there for faith after this? What is there in

any of the earlier narrations of the Bible that should stumble us--such

as the account of the flood, or the burning of Sodom, or the

transactions at Sinai? The supernatural once established, and in such an

astounding way as this, what more natural than that the new created race

should receive their earliest moral nurture directly from the source of

their so recent existence? What more credible than such an early

intercourse as the Bible reveals--when God walked with men, and spake to

them from his supernatural abode, and angels came and went on messages

of reproof or mercy. How _irrational_ the skepticism, which, when

compelled to admit the one will still stumble at the other, as being in

itself, and aside from outward testimony, too marvelous for belief.

There are those who are yet disposed to assail with desperation the

doctrine of man's late supernatural origin. But the danger from that

source is past. Geology and the Scriptures speak the same language here.

There is no need of any forced exegesis to bring them into harmony. It

is only of yesterday that the Eternal Deity has been upon the earth. His

footsteps are more recent than many of those natural changes science has

taken such pains to trace. Geology has proved, beyond all doubt, the

fact of man's _creation_; what then is there hard for faith in the

revealed facts of his _redemption_? Is the supernatural origin of a soul

an event more easy to be believed than a series of supernatural

interventions for its deliverance from moral evil, and its exaltation to

a destiny worthy of its heavenly origin?

Editor's Easy Chair.