CHAPTER IX

THE DETERMINANTS OF VOCATIONAL APTITUDE

Without attempting to distinguish between the different detailed

occupations, either on the basis of materials dealt with, the social or

individual purposes realized, or the special qualifications demanded, we

can still divide vocations broadly into five general types, depending on

the degree to which they are likely to call for complete and normal

psychological equipment. Such a classification is of little service in the

concrete guidance of individuals, since the general types include work of

the most diverse sorts; but it may be useful in suggesting the various

types of qualities that are of vital importance in determining aptitude for

any work at all, and may in this way aid in outlining the work of further

investigation.

1. In the first place there are many useful and remunerative types of labor

which can be performed by a domesticated animal or an imbecile, when

working under constant or close supervision. Hauling loads, mowing grass,

felling timber, sawing wood, digging holes, breaking stone, weaving

doormats, and the simple types of work commonly performed in institutions

for the mentally deficient are instances. The detection of individuals thus

poorly equipped, their congregation and segregation under supervision, and

their useful employment, are at once psychologically easy and economically

desirable, as has already been indicated in detail in Chapter III.

2. Somewhat more abundant and diversified are those forms of employment for

the unspecialized mental competent. This requires only a sufficient degree

of intelligence to enable the individual to escape classification as a

mental incompetent. One who is capable of earning a living under favorable

circumstances, in the absence of aggressive competition and without close

supervision, can find his or her level in the "blind alley" occupations.

These offer no prospects of promotion to positions of responsibility and

skill, and by definition, this group of individuals afford suitable workers

for these occupations. They fill the gap between the feeble-minded and that

degree of intelligence which the most moderately endowed _average_

individual typifies. Rough clerking and attending, simple personal and

domestic service, delivering goods of small value, laundry work of the

mechanical sort, supervised manual and agricultural labor, waiting on

domesticated animals, standardized and mechanical factory operations,

wrapping, cleaning, polishing, petty shop-keeping, running errands and

freight elevators, street cleaning, janitorial assistance, etc., are forms

of work about equally difficult and satisfying. They do not involve the

acquisition of special skill or technical knowledge and they are capable of

performance, in the main, by almost any physically able person above the

status of feeble-mindedness. We may expect that in the very near future

there will be provided standardized scales for the determination of general

intelligence of this degree. Even now it is fairly easy to select from a

group of children those who, while not positively mentally defective, are

nevertheless slow of comprehension, stupid, unable to acquire new knowledge

and skill with facility, and perhaps disinclined or unable to form the

moral and social habits of honesty, cleanliness, promptness, truthfulness

and economy. Since these can fill the "blind alley" occupations with fair

satisfaction they should be "guided" into the first available positions of

this kind.

Thorndike has advocated a series of tests, experience with which leads him

to say:

"Suppose that the general intellectual ability of the dullest men who are

able to support and look after themselves (men who though temperate and

strong earn say $400 a year in good times in New York City) be represented

by a and that of Aristotle or Goethe by _a_+_b_, the difference, _b_, being

100. Then the amount of such ability assigned by the tests alone would not,

on the average, vary from the individual's true amount by more than 5; and

would not vary therefrom by more than 14 in one case out of a hundred. The

5 and 14 are very cautious estimates, 4 and 11 being probably nearer what

such an experiment would in fact reveal."

He further remarks, "There is excellent reason to believe that it is

literally true that the result of two hours' tests properly chosen from

those already tested gives a better diagnosis of an educated adult's

general intellectual ability than the result of the judgments of two

teachers or friends who have observed him in the ordinary course of life

each for a thousand hours."[14] Interesting applications of tests of this

general character have been reported by Scott. Workers of various kinds,

such as salesmen and clerks, were graded by their employers or supervisors

on the basis of their actual ability at their task. It was possible in

some cases to get very accurate objective measures of ability to sell

goods, etc., by keeping records of achievement over a considerable period

of time. These objective measures have been compared with the results of

psychological tests administered at the time the men were employed.

Positive correlations ranging in several instances as high as .80 to .90

were secured. This means that ability in the performance of the particular

mental tests used was a very reliable sign of ability in the field. Various

instances similar to these have already been described in Chapter 5.

3. If, as seems quite likely, it be ultimately demonstrated that there are

some characteristics, aptitudes and capacities that depend directly on

congenital endowment, special nervous and sensory characteristics of a

valuable kind, we may mark off another group of occupations for which

particular individuals are well adapted, though not exclusively so, by

original nature. Among the traits which have been said to occur in some

such direct hereditary way, or as the result of unexplained mutation or

deviation from type, are: mathematical aptitude, ability in drawing,

musical composition, singing, poetic reaction, military strategy, chess

playing. Maternity, as a vocation, is of course strictly sex limited.

Pitch discrimination seems to depend on structural factors which are not

susceptible of improvement by practice. The same may be said of various

forms of professional athletic achievement. Color blindness seems to be an

instance of the conspicuous absence of such a unit characteristic. "Poets,"

it is said, "are born, not made." Many of these apparent unit

characteristics are so relatively independent that they often occur in

quite surprising degree in individuals who are otherwise imbecilic.

Mathematical, musical, graphic and decorative aptitudes, mechanical memory,

and certain types of manual dexterity and mechanical cunning are frequently

exhibited by the _idiot savant_. By the _idiot savant_ is meant an

individual who is in most respects mentally defective, who perhaps cannot

dress himself, cannot adequately learn to speak or write, but who possesses

some particular ability to a surprising degree. Such individuals may be

able to perform on various musical instruments, to compose music, to sketch

designs and objects in an imitative manner, to remember long lists of

disconnected names or numbers, to weave acceptably such articles as rugs

and scarfs, or to construct complicated mechanical objects such as

furniture, pumps, and sailing vessels.

Cases of rare possession of unit characters constitute the "genius" of

ordinary conversation. These seem to present no problem for vocational

psychology. Their marked unusualness renders them sufficiently obvious,

even to the individual who does not systematically analyze himself. Such a

prodigy requires a generous friend and an opportunity rather than a

vocational expert.

4. There remain two further types of work, in which vocational psychology

really finds its true task. There are on the one hand a large number of

occupations that require neither unusual intelligence, special aptitude,

nor technical training, such as those of the small tradesmen, responsible

clerks, collectors, watchmen, agents, solicitors, motormen, conductors,

soldiers, cashiers, cooks, nursemaids, etc. Above all, these types of work

require the moral and social virtues, such as honesty, courtesy,

truthfulness, patience, promptness, cleanliness, etc. Their lack of need of

special technical knowledge is indicated by the apprenticeship method by

which most of them are commonly begun. Also, the absence of simple and

direct tests of the presence of these moral and social virtues and habits

requires that for a long time to come this method of trial, combined with

the judgments of associates in the form of testimonial, personal

recommendation, etc., must be continued. If psychology, in the immediate or

remote future, shall ever discover or invent expedient tests for the

measurements of these moral characteristics, it will have done a work that

is at present equaled only by the formation of the various graded scales

for measuring more strictly intellectual capacities. At present no such

tests are vouched for by even the most enthusiastic of prophets.

5. Finally, and closely related to these occupations calling mainly for

moral habits and social reactions, come the bulk of the world's

occupations, those adequately performed by and constituting the permanent

task of the man or woman of average intelligence. By average intelligence

we do not of course imply any uniform or standardized homogeneous

equipment. We mean those varying degrees of intellectual proficiency,

educative docility, social cooperativeness and instinctive adequacy which

fill the major section of the curve of distribution, that between the

feeble-minded and obviously stupid, on the one hand, and on the other the

genius, with special and distinguished traits or capacities.

In these occupations the degree of intelligence is by no means the sole

determinant of either successful or satisfactory performance.

Temperamental characteristics, such as those enumerated by Schneider and

by Thorndike, the local and wandering inclinations, active and sedentary

dispositions, tendencies to competitiveness, imitation, suggestibility,

sympathy, curiosity, and the entire series of instinctive propensities,

dominant original or acquired types of satisfaction and annoyance,

attitudinal, volitional and emotional differences, and the moral and social

traits, such as persistence, frankness, piety, loyalty, zeal, all these may

be expected to combine in varying relations of compensation and

reenforcement, substitution and facilitation. What one lacks in quickness

it is often possible to make up in persistence; what another lacks in

ambition and competitiveness he may supply in the form of loyalty and zeal;

relative intellectual inferiority is often and easily balanced by the

display of social charm; persistent, well-directed and enthusiastic effort

or even a good vocabulary may enable one to compete successfully with the

exceptional genius who does not display these incentives or advantages.

In the proposals to direct individuals into their proper life careers, the

advocates have quite commonly failed to make sufficient allowance for the

overwhelming importance of incentive, motive, attitude and purpose, and the

large role they play in determining the possible achievements of a nervous

system. It is well enough to test the memory span, attention type, and

reaction time of an applicant for a job as motorman on a street car. It is

still more important to learn the strength of his instinctive competitive

reactions, to measure the degree of his belief in hell or in socialism, or

the firmness of his intention to effect the higher education of his

children. By "more important" I mean better calculated to reveal his

fitness for the work. I would rather trust my life and limb to a motorman

whose feeble memory span is reenforced by a loyal devotion to the comfort

of his grandmother than to a mnemonic prodigy whose chief actuating motive

in life is to be a "good fellow."

These comments should not be construed as an underestimation of the

usefulness of the simple intellectual test as a preliminary precaution in

engaging employees or in detecting extreme departures from the mode or

average. The use of such tests in discovering such departures and variants

as idiocy, imbecility and general stupidity has been amply justified by

experience with them. But we are primarily concerned here with the

determination of individual differences and qualifications within the large

middle range of the curve of distribution. My conviction is that, in the

case of the average individual, we must either:

1. Demonstrate that these important non-rational determinants of vocational

aptitude and satisfaction correlate very, very closely with more strictly

intellectual capacity;

2. Postpone the entire work of vocational guidance in these cases, on the

basis of psychological examination, until that distant day when these

characteristics can be approached by means of scales and norms; or

3. Otherwise guidance must rest, as it now largely does in democratic

communities, on the broad knowledge of opportunity afforded by industrial

and pre-vocational training, the encouragement of thorough and systematic

self-scrutiny, and the method of repeated trials.

The first of these alternatives has scarcely been attempted; the second

will probably not occur in our immediate generation; the third we have had

always with us.

It is important to note that the employments here referred to are not

"blind alley" occupations. They all offer possibilities of promotion and

advancement which in the main are so open to competition that the

individual inevitably tends to reach that level of responsibility,

independence, opportunity and remuneration which his total equipment

merits. It is also important that promotion or advancement by no means

implies the continued use of the particular traits which distinguished the

individual from his fellows on the lower levels of achievement. Thus the

boy who enters business as a responsible clerk may often move on through

the work of sales management, buying, general promotion, superintendency,

and ultimate partnership. The capable artisan or mechanic may proceed from

the work of general helper to that of special expert workman, foreman,

superintendent, inspector, contractor, and commissioner of public works or

postmaster general. Marked boyhood propensities for wood-work indicate

neither that the lad is capable of moving through these very diverse steps

of promotion, nor, on the other hand, that he must forever remain a

journeyman or an expert workman.

Progress in these vocations does not then imply, in fact almost never does

imply, merely increasing the quantity or quality of the work at which one

starts. The promotion of a teacher is often from teaching and disciplining

classes satisfactorily, to clerical assistance in the principal's office,

the principalship, general school superintendence, administrative

counselling and public lecturing, or the college or national presidency.

The case of the teacher of biology who becomes the principal of a

commercial high school is not at all unprecedented. For occupations of this

character and for this main group of average individuals it is indeed

hopeless to seek for vocational psychographs. It is here if anywhere that

the general principle holds that one who does anything well could have done

almost anything else well if he had cared to try. But the degree to which

one _cares_ is not measured by reaction time or cancellation tests. The

question of the degree to which ability of one sort implies ability of

other sorts is one of the several matters to be considered in a later

chapter.

This fivefold division of the vocations is based on the degree to which the

tasks involved require complete and normal psychological equipment. The

foregoing consideration of these five main occupational groups may be said

to constitute a brief summary of the present outstanding results of

vocational psychology. The mentally incompetent can easily be discovered at

an early age by the use of the graded intelligence scales. Their subsequent

direction into forms of useful work appropriate to their degree of defect

is not a psychological enterprise, but, rather, a civic obligation and

industrial economy. The apparently small group of individuals who are by

original nature fitted for the pursuit of work involving special or unit

characters will, whether otherwise incompetent or generally capable,

commonly demonstrate their unique abilities without the application of

psychological technique. The much larger group of unspecialized workers,

requiring rather higher degrees of mental competence, may be chosen without

difficulty with the aid of the standard mental scales and norms, their

academic records, and the judgments of their associates. These may be

guided into such tasks as involve mainly a moderate degree of intellectual

capacity and make no notable demand for the exercise of the social and

moral virtues. The vocational psychology of the future will find its chief

problems in dealing with the numerous and permanent tasks requiring workers

who, in addition to their varying degrees of strictly intellectual

proficiency, possess particular or complete instinctive, emotional and

volitional equipment, and who are amenable to those social and educational

agencies which seek to impress upon them the moral virtues of their

community and age.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] The series of tests proposed, and an especially clear discussion of

the problems, methods and characteristic results of these tests, is to be

found in Science, Jan. 24, 1913, pp. 133-142, in Thorndike's article on

"Educational Diagnosis."

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