CHAPTER II.

AN AMERICAN CHRISTIANITY

It will help us, perhaps, to understand still more clearly the religious

revolution which is going on to-day concurrently with the social

revolution if we survey the evolution of Christianity from another

standpoint,--the racial. In the preceding chapter the effort has been to

show that Christianity in its organization and even in its spirit has

been profoundly affected by its social environment and has changed as

that has changed. The most superficial study of the history of

Christianity reveals, moreover, that Christianity has been, also, deeply

affected by the characteristics of each race among which it has made its

home.

1. Jewish Christianity.

The earliest form of Christianity was that which sprang up in Jerusalem

immediately after the Resurrection and the ingathering at Pentecost. It

was the Christianity of the apostles and of the first disciples.

Perhaps it might be called a Christianized Judaism rather than a Jewish

Christianity, for it was the old Judaism unchanged except by the

acceptance of Jesus of Nazareth as the fulfilment of the national hope.

The apostles remained good Jews, even stricter than before in their

discharge of the duties of the old faith, and commanding through their

strictness the respect of the Jews, James the brother of Jesus, in

particular, being held in high esteem for his devoutness.

The chief characteristic of Jewish Christianity, it might almost be

said, was its lack of almost all the features which have since been

counted essential to a Church.

The ancient Jew, as has often been noted, markedly resembled the modern

Englishman in many things, notably in an indifference to theological or

philosophical speculation and in a strong sense of the value of the

ethical and practical. These earliest Jewish Christians, accordingly,

did not seek to analyze and systematize their faith. They did not seek

to draw out its philosophical implications. They were interested in the

construction neither of a creed nor of a theological system. They were

content to hold their faith in Jesus as a vital loyalty and a great

hope. Jesus was to them the long desired Messiah who would redeem

Israel and establish the Kingdom of God upon the earth. That glorious

consummation would take place when He returned, as they confidently

expected He would, in the immediate future. Meanwhile, the door into

the Kingdom of God stood open to all Jews who would accept Jesus as the

Christ, and to such Gentiles as were willing to receive circumcision and

identify themselves with Israel.

Overshadowed with the imminence of the Parousia, this Jewish Church of

the first years had no interest in a reflective interpretation of its

faith or in the elaboration of its organization. The apostles preached;

alms were distributed to those of the disciples who were in need. No

programme was drawn up for the future; no propaganda among the Gentiles

was even dreamed of. The whole attitude was one of almost passive

expectancy that clung to the ancient capital, the holy city, where the

long-expected Hope of Israel would shortly, descending from the heavens,

establish His throne.

Jewish Christianity had only the rudiments of a creed, only the simplest

organization, and the most unelaborated and democratic form of worship.

It was a seed with the germinating impulse unawakened, a bark launched

and rigged but that had no thought of venturing out of the harbour.

This simple, undeveloped, undogmatic, unorganized, and Judaistic

character of primitive Jewish Christianity is strikingly displayed in

the early chapters of the book of the Acts and in the Epistle of James,

which on most, at any rate, of the different hypotheses as to date and

authorship is, at least, a witness to early Jewish Christianity.[#]

[#] A later form of Jewish Christianity, the obscure Ebionitism of the

second century, does not fall within the limits of this sketch. It was,

probably, not so much a development of Christianity as a perversion of

it.

2. Greek Christianity.

But the expansive forces residing in this undeveloped Christianity could

not long remain inactive.

An important element in the population of Jerusalem in the time of our

Lord was the Hellenist. This name was applied to the Jews who for

various reasons, mainly for trade, had made their home in the commercial

cities of the Levant. Here they had learned to speak the prevailing

language of the countries around the Eastern Mediterranean, Greek, and

had been, to a varying extent, intellectually broadened and quickened by

contact with the Greek world. Large numbers of them returned to

Jerusalem for educational purposes or to gratify their devout feelings,

but they were regarded by the Palestinean Jews with something

approaching contempt for their willingness to live away from the sacred

soil of Palestine.

It was in the Hellenist mind, thus stimulated and developed by the Greek

spirit, that the first development of Christianity occurred. To the

Hellenist Stephen, the first thinker, the first controversialist, and

the first martyr of Christianity, belongs the honor of first discovering

the universal principle of Christianity, and his interpretation of

Christianity brought about his own death and kindled a persecution which

scattered the Christians of Jerusalem up and down the Syrian coast of

the Mediterranean.

To some of these fugitive Hellenist Christians, partakers of the thought

of the martyred Stephen, belongs the not less lofty honor of being the

first to overleap the jealously guarded barriers of Judaism and to open

the door of Christianity to the Gentiles. "They therefore that were

scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about Stephen travelled

as far as Phoenicia and Cyprus and Antioch, speaking the word to none

save only to Jews. But there were some of them, men of Cyprus and

Cyrene [and therefore Hellenists] who, when they were come to Antioch,

spake unto the Greeks also, preaching the Lord Jesus." Acts 11:19-20.

It is to be noted that it was, probably, this influx of Greeks into the

Church hitherto composed only of Jews which made necessary a new name

applicable to the composite body, and so it came about that "the

disciples were called Christians first at Antioch."

A Church, in part Jewish but, probably, in still larger part Gentile,

thus sprang up in Antioch, which became the mother city of Gentile, or

world-wide, Christianity. From this centre the greatest of all

Hellenist Jews, Saul of Tarsus, fired by that very universalism which

had at first aroused the hatred of his bitter Jewish particularism,

carried Christianity westward through Asia Minor, Greece, Italy and,

possibly, even to Spain.

Thus transplanted from the deeply and exclusively religious and ethical

Hebrew mind to the predominantly speculative mind of the Greek,

Christianity began to undergo an immediate transformation. The Greek

mind, probably never equalled for its curiosity, its acuteness, its

subtlety, could never be content to ask, what? It must also ask, why,

and how? To it we owe science, philosophy, all our ordered thinking.

Christianity, as a mere affection felt for Jesus Christ or purely as a

code of conduct, could not satisfy the Greek mind. The Greek mind, at

first contemptuous of it as a mere vulgar superstition, fascinated at

length by its rational monotheism, its lofty ethics, and, above all by

the charm of its central figure, flung itself with ardor on the task of

adapting this naive and untutored but fascinating religion to its own

tastes and habits of thought.

A place was found for the Jewish Messiah in the philosophical world of

the Greeks as the Logos, or Reason, of God, a familiar philosophical

conception. Plato and Zeno were made His forerunners. The principles

of His teaching were dissected out of the traditions of His ministry and

organized into a coherent body of doctrine. The acutest minds of Greek

Christianity disengaged the great problems which were involved in the

worship paid to Christ and, after centuries of speculation and of strife

(not always intellectual only), achieved those great solutions which,

whether in every respect permanently satisfactory or not, must forever

be recognized as among the sublimest constructions of the philosophic

intellect,--the creeds of Nicaea and Chalcedon.

For good and for ill the simple, almost creedless Christianity of the

Sermon on the Mount and of the Epistle of James had become through Paul,

the author of the Fourth Gospel, the still more mysterious author of the

Epistle to the Hebrews, and countless Greek dialecticians and

theologians, the elaborately and authoritatively dogmatic system which

has, almost till to-day, treated unorthodox opinion as the deadliest of

sins.

The undue emphasis on the intellectual element in Christianity, the

tyrannical control of human thought we to-day must deplore, but he who

repudiates Greek Christianity must also deny that Christianity had any

mission to the Greek mind, and that men have any right to think out

their religious beliefs and adjust them to the rest of their thinking.

3. Latin Christianity.

Latin Christianity cannot altogether be classed as a later stage than

Greek Christianity. It was to a large extent a concurrent development.

As far as its theological features were concerned, it was little more

than the uncritical acceptance of dogmas worked out by the Greeks. But,

eventually, the distinctive gifts of the Latin race asserted themselves

and those races which had built up the Roman Empire, or as subjects of

it had become embued with its spirit, applied their organizing genius to

the Christian Church and moulded the Church of the West into a replica

of the Empire, and in such closely-knit fashion that, when under its own

inherent weaknesses and through the irruption of the northern

barbarians, that mightiest of all organizations of antiquity collapsed,

the Church that came eventually and fittingly to know itself as Roman

took its place and proved itself an even mightier organization, subduing

restless and fierce peoples on which Imperial Rome had never been able

to impose her yoke.

The Latin mind, then, with its reverence for order and law, its genius

for government, its detestation of lawless individualism, discerned the

possibilities of the Christian Church as an organization, and out of the

simple piety of Jesus and the reasoned theology of the Greeks fashioned

the mightiest instrument of discipline and order the world has ever

seen.

Here, again, there may be a protest. This Latinization, or

imperialization, of Christianity may be indignantly termed a perversion

rather than a development. This only need be said in reply, that it

would be difficult for anyone who has studied, without prejudice, the

period between the overthrow of the Western Empire and the Protestant

Reformation to deny the providential character of Latin Christianity.

No other form of Christianity has as yet rendered so great a service to

the race. It is questionable whether any other form of Christianity,

even if it had been in existence, could at that stage have rendered so

great a service. It was precisely those features in the attitude of the

Roman Catholic Church towards her people which are most uncongenial to

the Protestant temper which were the disciplinary agencies needed by the

lawless, seething Europe of the Dark Ages to qualify it for the personal

liberty the vindication of which has been the faith and service of

Protestantism.

4. Teutonic Christianity.

The Greek mind moulded Christianity into a reasoned and systematized

theology; the Latin, into an organization closely knit and marvellously

efficient for the end to which Latin Christianity was largely and,

perhaps, inevitably content to aim,--external control. Now, at least, we

can see how inevitable it was that a third development of Christianity

should take place after it had been transplanted among the Teutonic

peoples. That development was slower in taking place than either the

Greek or Latin forms. Those northern races which, until their

conversion to Christianity, had stood almost completely outside the

circle of ancient civilization, coming under the spell of a powerful

religion and a civilization, even in its decay, majestic, were brought

so thoroughly under the yoke that for centuries they were content to be

ruled by a spiritual imperialism enthroned at Rome.

But that authority never ceased to be regarded by the northern races as

a foreign one. The Teutonic peoples whose home lay outside the limits of

the old Roman Empire were never Latinized in spirit. When they attained

intellectual maturity and sought the free development of their own

nature, they shook off the authority of Rome and brought to light those

free and individualistic and spiritual germs in Christianity which,

hitherto, in the luxuriant and stately growth of Greco-Roman Catholicism

had remained almost dormant.

The Protestant Reformation, as has been noted, was a complex movement.

It involved many factors. But fundamentally it was the outcome of the

determination, not always clearly conscious, of the Teutonic peoples to

discover a Christianity which should be consonant with that passion for

freedom and that high sense of personal dignity which from the beginning

had characterized the men of the Teutonic stock.

It is an interesting illustration of this that the movement of reform,

or, rather, of revolt, which swept like a prairie fire over all Teutonic

Europe that had never been permanently subdued by the Empire, flickered

and died as soon as it crossed what had been the boundary of the old

Empire, and that that boundary is still the dividing line between those

countries of Western Europe which are preponderatingly Protestant and

those which are preponderatingly Roman Catholic. The Roman Church held

only what the Roman Empire had won. Only where the old Teutonic love of

liberty had been subdued by centuries of the masterful and, on the

whole, beneficent rule of old Rome did it cease to feel the spiritual

rule of the new Rome alien and irksome.

Another illustration of how essentially Teutonic is the spirit of

Protestantism is in the slight influence Protestantism has had on the

Celtic peoples islanded in the Teutonic populations. Celtic Brittany is

the most fervidly Catholic part of France to-day. Celtic Ireland

remains solidly and deeply Catholic. Celtic Scotland, despite

overwhelming Protestant influences, is still largely Catholic. Celtic

Wales has become wholly Protestant, but it has seized and developed the

least prominent and least Protestant of all the elements embraced in

Protestantism,--the emotional and the mystical.

The rule of Rome under the Emperors and under the Popes had been the

rule of the machine--a superb machine, ingeniously contrived for what

were conceived as the best ends, and operated with indomitable

pertinacity and boundless devotion, but still a machine; and Protestant,

or Teutonic, Christianity, in the last analysis, was the overthrow of

the machine. To the Teutonic race belongs the honor of being the first

on a racial scale to establish a religion without ceremonial or a

priesthood or any privileged class whatever. Hebrew prophetism with its

magnificent protest against ritual, and its culmination in the

democratic simplicity of Jesus, now for the first time found recognition

on a national scale.

Teutonic Christianity is the exaltation of the individual. It was born

of individualism and glorifies individualism. It affirms the right and

duty of individual judgment, the supremacy of the individual conscience,

the privilege of the individual access to God. It finds the authority

and proof of the Christian religion in its consonance with, and its

satisfaction of, the capacities and needs of the individual soul.

The distance between the spirit of Latin and that of Teutonic

Christianity, and, also, it should be noted, the distance between the

twelfth century and the sixteenth may be seen in the two appeals of

Abelard and Luther. Peter Abelard, a great and pathetic and only a

little less than a heroic figure, was a Protestant, and in the best

sense of the term, a free thinker, three hundred years before the

Renaissance and four hundred years before Luther. Accused of heresy by

the saintly but censorious and bigoted Bernard, and brought to trial

before a tribunal carefully packed by his relentless and unscrupulous

adversary, Abelard, despairing of a fair hearing, refused to defend

himself and appealed to the Pope. Another monk charged with heresy four

hundred years later, inferior to Abelard in clearness and energy of

thought but of more heroic moral fibre, before the most august

assemblage Europe could gather, closed his defence with the undying

words, "It is not safe for a man to do aught against his conscience.

Here I stand. I can do no other. God help me, Amen."

Abelard appeals to the Pope, Luther to his conscience. That is the

supreme contrast between Latin and Teutonic Christianity.

5. American Christianity.

Since the revolt of the Teutonic peoples, the most remarkable phenomenon

of Christian history has been the growth of a branch of Teutonic

Christianity under the novel political and social conditions of the new

world.

This has been a transplantation of Christianity quite as significant as

any of its transplantations in the past, and the new soil has produced

just as unmistakably new a growth.

Doubtless none of the great phases of Christianity in the past knew

themselves to be new. Neither Greek nor Latin Christianity was conscious

of any departure from primitive Christianity. Indeed, to this day, in

their conception of the history of the Church, they persist in

impressing their own type on that primitive and undeveloped type.

Teutonic Christianity took centuries to come to clear consciousness of

itself and of its irreconcilability with Latin Christianity. It is not

wonderful, therefore, that hitherto, as far as I am aware, American

Christianity has been, if at all, very dimly and imperfectly conscious

of the difference between its spirit and that of the Teutonic

Christianity of the old world.

American Christianity has not yet arrived. It is only on the way. It

has not yet found itself. It is not yet conscious of its own

individuality, not yet self-reliant, independent. It is a youth, but a

youth rapidly approaching manhood. Perhaps the characteristics that are

unfolding themselves can be most clearly brought out by an attempt to

show wherein it resembles, and wherein it differs from, each of the four

great phases of Christianity which have just been under consideration.

_a_. American Christianity compared with Jewish.

Compared with Jewish Christianity, American Christianity resembles the

latter in its simplicity of creed, its emphasis on the practical and

ethical, and (to a distinct and growing degree) in its brotherliness and

democratic equality.

But its creedal simplicity is not the same as that of the primitive

Jewish Church. That Church was wise in the brevity and simplicity of

its creed, but it did not know its own wisdom. American Christianity is

wise and knows its wisdom. It will not, like the Jewish Church, allow

itself to be seduced into interminable theological controversies and

into the superstition of orthodoxy. Seventeen hundred years of bitter

wrangling and bloody conflict and cruel persecutions have taught it

something. It has a short and a simple creed, not because it knows so

little, but because it knows so much.

It differs, again, in its extensive and manifold organization, in the

variety and elaborateness of its forms of worship, and, most markedly of

all, in its attitude toward the present life. Primitive Jewish

Christianity had no interest in the present social order. Intoxicated

with apocalyptic visions, it stood on tiptoe awaiting with outstretched

arms the return of the Saviour and the overthrow of this whole order by

supernatural power. Its primary interest was eschatological. Its

deepest feeling was expressed by St. Paul when he relegated all social

relations and arrangements to the region of unimportance. "But this, I

say, brethren, the time has been cut short, that henceforth both those

that have wives may be as though they had none; and those that weep, as

though they wept not; and those that rejoice, as though they rejoiced

not; and those that buy, as though they possessed not; and those that

use the world, as not using it to the full: for the fashion of this

world is passing away." Cor. 7:29-31.

In this respect American Christianity is at the opposite pole. It does

not look for the end of the world. It has largely ceased to believe in

such a future and, where it still professes the apocalyptic faith, for

the most part, it allows that faith little or no influence in actual

life. American Christianity believes in the progressive and aggressive

amelioration of things. It believes in this life and its glorious

possibilities. It is bent on attaining them as no other sort of

Christianity ever was before. It is steeped in optimism. It believes

that the leaven of Christianity possesses the power to leaven all the

relations and institutions of civilization. It believes that the

fulfilment of our Lord's prayer, that God's Kingdom may come and His

will be done on earth as it is in heaven, rests with the Church. Its

real and, to an ever-increasing extent, its conscious and avowed faith

is expressed by Dr. Henry Burton in the fine hymn:

There's a light upon the mountains and the day is at the spring,

When our eyes shall see the beauty and the glory of the King:

Weary was our heart with waiting, and the night-watch seemed so

long,

But His triumph-day is breaking and we hail it with a song.

In the fading of the starlight we may see the coming morn;

And the lights of men are paling in the splendours of the dawn:

For the eastern skies are glowing as with light of hidden fire,

And the hearts of men are stirring with the throbs of deep

desire.

He is breaking down the barriers, He is casting up the way;

He is calling for His angels to build up the gates of day:

But His angels here are human, not the shining hosts above;

For the drum-beats of His army are the heart-beats of our love.

_b_. American Christianity compared with Greek.

Of all the great historic forms of Christianity, it is the Greek from

which American Christianity might seem, at first sight, farthest

removed. The punctilious orthodoxy of the former, its bitter doctrinal

polemic are utterly abhorrent to American Christianity. American

Christianity is more and more indifferent to theological agreement, more

and more tolerant of wide doctrinal differences. And it has little

interest in the great historic creeds.

Yet it is not so far away from the Greek spirit after all. It is

inquisitive and speculative and as interested as the Gnostics in great

sweeping theories of the universe. America is of all Christendom, past

and present, the most tolerant country, yet it is, at the same time, a

hotbed of religious speculation, even of religious vagaries. But, at

last, there has been born a kind of Christianity which can think and let

think, which is interested in thinking, but does not believe that

opinions determine a man's character here or his destiny beyond.

It should not be overlooked in comparing Greek and American Christianity

that American Christianity in its most thoughtful form would have felt a

great sympathy with the bold and free and comprehensive thought of the

great Alexandrians, Clement and Origen. It is the later and narrower and

bigoted Greek Christianity, which fittingly chose for itself the

designation, the Orthodox Church, that I have been contrasting with

American Christianity.

_c_. American Christianity compared with Latin.

The comparison of American and Latin Christianity is much more complex.

No two kinds of Christianity could well be more sharply opposed than

these two in regard to the exalted claims of the clergy in the Latin

Church. American Christianity is deeply and intensely democratic.

Sacerdotalism in any form it instinctively rejects. The very idea of

priest is passing out of its thought. The preacher it can appreciate.

The competent ecclesiastical manager has its respect. The religious

leader and pastor it can thoroughly understand and cordially recognize

where genuine. But that any class of men should occupy a mediating

position between God and man or possess a monopoly of any spiritual

gifts is foreign to the American consciousness. "Kings and priests unto

God and the Father." Those who are taught from childhood that they are

kings are quite as conscious that they are also priests. The essential

democracy of primitive Christianity has never established itself in any

land before. This is the gift--and a great one--of American democracy to

the Church.

What has been said of sacerdotalism holds true, to a still greater

degree, of that thin, shadowy form of sacerdotalism, clericalism. The

way in which the garb and badges of clericalism are disappearing in

America is symbolical of the disappearance of the idea.

Latin Christianity, as we have seen, on account of the conditions of its

origin and early history intensely autocratic, has always given a very

humble place to the laity. Obedience and money were all that was

required of them. The High Church theory, indeed, of the Roman Catholic

Church and of the so-called High Church section of the Church of England

is not a High Church theory at all. It is a High Clerical theory. The

Church has been virtually identified with the clergy. Against the

over-weening claims of Boniface VIII., Philip of France protested that

"Holy Church, the spouse of Christ, is made up not of clergy only but of

laymen." But that is not the working theory of Latin Christianity. A

quaint medieval preacher suppressed what he thought was an undue

bumptiousness on the part of his people by a sermon from the text Job

1:14, "The oxen were plowing and the asses feeding beside them," which,

he showed his too forward hearers, clearly indicated the functions of

the clergy, who were typified by the oxen, while the duty of the laymen

was set forth by the feeding asses.

Luther's flight to the monastery when he became alarmed about his

salvation was partly prompted by a picture which made a profound

impression on him as a boy and haunted him for years. It was "an

altar-piece in a Church, the picture of a ship in which was no layman,

not even a King or a Prince; in it were the Pope with his Cardinals and

Bishops, and the Holy Ghost hovered over them, directing their course,

while priests and monks managed the oars and the sails, and thus they

went sailing heavenwards. The laymen were swimming in the water beside

the ship; some were drowning, others were holding on by ropes which the

monks and priests cast out to them to aid them. No layman was in the

ship and no priest was in the water." (Cambridge Mod. Hist. II.,

109-110.)

American Christianity is bent on an ever larger place for the laity in

the Church and an ever-growing activity. The Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A., the

Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor and the Epworth League, the

Laymen's Missionary Movement, the Men and Religion Movement, all

illustrate the increasingly practical and lay aspect of American

Christianity.

The Papacy, too, is another feature of Latin Christianity peculiarly out

of harmony with characteristic American thought. The remoteness of the

United States from the cradle of that institution, the hostility with

which Washington inspired the young republic in regard to entangling

alliances with European nations, its intensely American and democratic

consciousness, all conspire to make the idea of a foreign ruler

uncongenial to the American mind. The national consciousness of the

United States is as exacting as religion. Its first commandment is,

Thou shalt have no other country and no other ruler than the United

States.

The authority of the Pope in the United States is maintained by being

carefully withheld from all danger of challenge. The American Catholic

is not conscious of any restraint in the tie that binds him to Rome

because the rope is always paid out as freely as his movements require.

Again, it would seem that the Roman Catholic exaltation of the

contemplative life over the active can never be accepted by American

Christianity. There are no Catholics to whom the monastic life makes so

faint an appeal as the Catholics of the United States. Perhaps a

stronger admixture of the spirit of Mary might be beneficial, but

American Christianity is emphatically a child of Martha.

On the other hand, however, there is much in Latin Christianity that

appeals strongly to the American. His extraordinary genius for

organization, in which he probably surpasses even the modern German

whose great organizing capabilities have less of individual initiative,

and the ancient Roman with whom, again, it was the characteristic of a

class rather than of a people, dispose him to appreciate the great

organizing skill that has always been shown by the Roman Catholic

Church.

Further, the catholicity of that Church, its wonderful power to

assimilate and build up within itself all races and languages and

classes, cannot but appeal to a people engaged in solving a parallel

problem. Modern American Christianity, moreover, is more and more

unsectarian, even anti-sectarian. It does not glory in division and

isolation. There is in it a growing passion for unity, a growing

yearning for a strong, commanding, national type of Christianity that is

much more akin to the imperialism of the great Popes, like Gregory VII.

and Innocent III., than to the parochialism and sectarianism that have

generally and naturally been associated with Protestantism. American

Christianity is fast losing all interest in denominationalism. All this

is bringing it nearer to the temper of Latin Christianity.

_d_. American Christianity compared with Teutonic.

It may seem absurd to try to compare Protestantism and American

Christianity, since the American Christianity that is here being

discussed is mainly the Protestantism of America. But it is not

exclusively the Protestantism of America. The Roman Catholicism of the

United States shows, though less markedly, the same traits. And within

the Protestant Churches of America another kind of Christianity is

growing up as the butterfly develops within the chrysalis. And,

moreover, it is not wholly within the organized Protestantism of America

that the new Christianity is developing. There is an unknown but vast

amount of the new American Christianity outside the organized Churches

of America. A part of this was once in the organized Churches but has

lost interest in their spirit and aims. A part of it has never been

attracted by the organized Churches. Another great--probably the

greatest--element in the coming American Christianity is the Labor

movement which, as it has been suggested, needs only to be broadened and

more consciously spiritualized to be identical with the coming true and

indigenous Church of America. It is, indeed, a grave question whether

the coming American Christianity will gradually capture and transform

the present Churches or whether, as in the Protestant Reformation, the

new wine will have to be poured into new bottles, and a new Church arise

distinct from, and even in conflict with, the present Churches.

One thing, at least, is clear.

Protestantism in its present form will not survive. The very name is

inadequate. It is not self-explanatory. It can only be understood by

reference to another and earlier Church. It is negative. It has no

positive or vital content. It carries with it the unhappiness and

partialness of division. It is essentially and incurably sectarian.

The more extensive and comprehensive the body becomes, the less

intelligible becomes the name. If Protestantism should become really

catholic, that is, universal, the name would become a complete misnomer.

American Christianity, so far as it still calls itself Protestant, only

continues to bear the name through unthinking habit. As soon as it

reflects upon the name, it must disown it. American Christianity is too

essentially catholic and comprehensive, too little concerned with the

past, too impatient of the old outworn disputes, to be content with a

name that must always convey a flavor of division and controversy.

Protestantism, sectarian in its nature as in its name, is inadequate to

express the genius of American Christianity. The dominating principle

of Protestantism has been individualism, and the dominant note of

American Christianity is fraternity. America is the chosen home of

fraternal societies. It is Rudyard Kipling, I think, who has said that

of the famous revolutionary motto, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, the

Frenchman cares only for equality, the Englishman is resolute for

liberty and despises both equality and fraternity, while the American

who knows neither liberty nor equality will forgive a man for anything

if only he is a good fellow. The American loves a "good mixer." A

shrewd French observer nearly twenty years ago in "La Religion dans la

Societe aux Etats-Unis" caught the spirit of this nascent American

Christianity.

He found it, first, a social religion, and, as such, concerning itself

more with society than with individuals; secondly, a positive religion,

in its interest in what is human rather than in what is supernatural.

It stands chiefly, he thought, for the idea of morality. It encourages

a strong recognition of the fact that good people, without professing

the same faith, are governed by the same rules of conduct, and that, if

dogma divides, morality unites.

"The Americans," he said, "make fraternity, the actual form of which is

social solidarity, the essence of Christianity. The moral unity for

which they strive under the name of Christian unity is only the

co-operation of all for the increased establishment of fraternity and

solidarity. High above sects whose diversity seems a matter of

indifference to them, they organize a religion which pervades society

throughout its length and breadth, and tends towards being only a social

spirit touched by the evangelical feeling.

* * * * *

"This moral unity is indeed a religious unity and a Christian unity;

this positivism is a Christian positivism. American humanism has

received from Christianity all the traditional, sentimental, and

poetical elements which distinguish a religion from a philosophy.

American positivism is only a Christianity which has evolved.... The

American religion may be called a Christian positivism or a positive

Christianity. It has received from the past the traditional and the

evangelical spirit. Traditional, it preserves the names and the forms

of the Churches even when it changes their customs; it develops them

from the interior. Evangelical, it keeps the figure of Jesus Christ

before all, even when it does not recognize his divinity.

* * * * *

"Therefore it is not Protestantism.... The title of Christianity is the

only one broad enough to designate it; yet this must be taken in its

evangelical sense.... The American religion is living and fruitful

because it is national."

To discern a distinct American Christianity in 1902 showed much more

insight than its recognition indicates to-day. American Christianity

has developed greatly since then and is now developing still more

rapidly under the forcing conditions of the war and the great

reconstruction. The work of reconstruction will not have been carried

very far before the incongruity of this new type of Christianity with

the hard, individualistic, militant spirit of Teutonic Christianity will

become apparent to all.

When American Christianity comes to full and clear self-consciousness,

when it, so to speak, finds itself, it will be found to have a very

simple and brief and intelligible creed. Not a shallow creed, however,

but a deep and vital one. It will put, probably, no other question to

candidates for membership than the Apostolic Church put, Dost thou

believe in the Lord Jesus Christ?

Its emphasis will be where Jesus placed it, not on opinions, but on

spirit, the spirit of brotherhood.

Democratic it will, therefore, be as well, for democracy is bound up

with brotherhood.

Finally, with a little creed it will have a big programme. It will live

to establish the Kingdom of God on the earth. Its helpful, healing,

redeeming, Christ-like activities will be infinite in the Christian and

in the heathen lands.

And as pre-eminently practical, clericalism will die out of it.

Preachers, teachers, missionaries there will be, but the gulf that has

divided these from the laity will be closed. Sacerdotalism, even in its

most attenuated and vestigial forms, will disappear.

Throughout this chapter, it is, perhaps, hardly necessary to add, the

word, American, is used in its proper continental sense. By American

Christianity is meant the new and distinct type of Christianity which is

developing in the Protestant churches of the United States and Canada

and also, though less markedly, in the Roman Catholic. Politically

distinct as these countries are likely to remain, socially and

religiously they cannot escape the influences of neighborhood.

In some respects, as has been noted, the United States, on account of

its republican constitution, its political rupture with the old world,

and its more strongly developed self-consciousness, has been more

favorable than Canada to the growth of that new form of Christianity,

yet signs are not wanting, especially in that western section in which

the coming Canada seems to be most clearly discernible, that the younger

and smaller and so, perhaps, the more mobile country may outstrip her

older and greater neighbor in the formation, out of, at least, the

Protestant denominations, of a national Christianity, simple, yet free

and varied, practical, democratic, brotherly, in a word, truly catholic.

Institutions which have outlived their usefulness usually retain an

appearance of strength until the hour of collapse. Denominationalism in

Canada is still a stately tree, but the heart is dust.

The New Christianity; or, The Religion of the New Age · 第 2 / 3 章