CONCLUSION.
The consideration of the country as it was would not be complete
without some comparison with the country as it is. But I will make this
comparison as brief as possible.
In the Church, the old Calvinism is well-nigh dead: even the Low Church
of the present day would have seemed, fifty years ago, a kind of veiled
Popery. And the Church has grown greater and stronger. She will be
greater and stronger still when she enlarges her borders to admit the
great bodies of Nonconformists. The old grievances exist no longer:
there are no pluralists: there is no non-resident Vicar: the small
benefices are improved: Church architecture has revived: the Church
services are rendered with loving and jealous care: the old reproaches
are no longer hurled at the clergy: fat and lazy shepherds they
certainly are not: careless and perfunctory they cannot now be called:
even if they are less scholarly, which must be sorrowfully admitted,
they are more earnest.
[Illustration: M Faraday
-MICHAEL FARADAY-]
The revival of the Church services has produced its effect also upon
Dissent. Its ministers are more learned and more cultured: their
congregations are no longer confined to the humbler trading-class:
their leaders belong to society: their writers are among the best
_littérateurs_ of the day.
That the science of warfare, by sea and land, has also changed, is
a doubtful advantage. Yet wars are short, which is, in itself, an
immeasurable gain. The thin red line will be seen no more: nor the
splendid great man-o’-war, with a hundred guns and a crew of a thousand
men.
The Universities, which, fifty years ago, belonged wholly to the
Church, are now thrown open. The Fellowships and Scholarships of the
Colleges were then mostly appropriated: they are now free, and the
range of studies has been immensely widened.
As for the advance in physical and medical science I am not qualified
to speak. But everybody knows that it has been enormous: while, in
surgery, the discovery of anæsthetics has removed from life one of its
most appalling horrors.
In literature, though new generations of writers have appeared and
passed away, we have still with us the two great poets who, fifty years
ago, had already begun their work. The Victorian era can boast of such
names as Carlyle, Macaulay, Thackeray, Dickens, Tennyson, and Browning,
in the first rank of men of letters; those of Darwin, Faraday, and
Huxley in science. Besides these there has been an immense crowd of
men and women who belong to the respectable second rank--to enumerate
whom would take pages. Who can say if any of them will live beyond the
century, and if any will be remembered in a hundred years?
We have all grown richer, much richer. ‘The poor,’ says Mr. George,
‘have grown poorer.’ That is most distinctly and emphatically untrue.
Nothing could be more untrue. The poor--that is to say, the working
classes--have grown distinctly better off. They are better housed; they
are better fed; they are more cheaply fed; they are better dressed;
they have a thousand luxuries to which they were formerly strangers;
their children are educated; in most great towns they have free
libraries; they have their own clubs; they are at liberty to combine
and to hold public meetings; they have the Post Office Savings Bank;
and, as for political power, they have all the power there is, because
you cannot give any man more than his vote.
Formerly they demanded the Six Points of the Charter, and thought that
universal happiness would follow on their acquisition. We have now got
most of the Six Points, and we do not care much about the rest. Yet
happiness is not by any means universal. Some there are who still think
that by more tinkering of the machinery the happiness of the people
will be assured. Others there are who consider that political and
social wisdom, on the possession of which by our rulers the welfare
of the people does mainly depend, is outside and independent of the
machinery.
Is it nothing, again, that the people have found out their own country?
Formerly their lives were spent wholly in the place where they
were born; they knew no other. Now the railways carry them cheaply
everywhere. In one small town of Lancashire the factory-hands alone
spend 30,000_l._ a year in excursions. The railways, far more than
the possession of a vote, had given the people a knowledge of their
strength.
The civil service of the country is no longer in the patronage of
the Government. There are few spoils left to the victors; there
are no sinecures left; except in the Crown Colonies, there are few
places to be given away. It is, however, very instructive to remark
that, wherever there is a place to be given away, it is invariably,
just as of old, and without the least difference of party, whether
Conservatives or Liberals are in power, filled up by jobbery,
favouritism, and private interest.
You have been told how they have introduced vast reforms in Law.
Prisons for debt have been abolished; yet men are still imprisoned for
debt. Happily I know little about the administration of Law. Some time
ago, however, I was indirectly interested in an action in the High
Court of Justice, the conduct and result of which gave me much food
for reflection. It was an action for quite a small sum of money. Yet
a year and a half elapsed between the commencement of the action and
its hearing. The verdict carried costs. _The costs amounted to three
times the sum awarded to the plaintiff._ That seems to be a delightful
condition of things when you cannot get justice to listen to you for
a year and a half, and when it may cost a defendant three times the
amount disputed in order to defend what he knows--though his counsel
may fail to make a jury understand the case--to be just and right. I
humbly submit, as the next reform in Law, that Justice shall have no
holidays, so as to expedite actions, and that the verdict shall in no
case carry costs, so as to cheapen them.
As for our recreations, we no longer bawl comic songs at taverns, and
there is no Vauxhall. On the other hand, the music-hall is certainly
no improvement on the tavern; the ‘Colonies’ was perhaps a more
respectable Vauxhall; the comic opera may be better than the old
extravaganza, but I am not certain that it is; there are the Crystal
Palace, the Aquarium, and the Albert Hall also in place of Vauxhall;
and there are outdoor amusements unknown fifty years ago--lawn tennis,
cycling, rowing, and athletics of all kinds.
There has been a great upward movement of the professional class. New
professions have come into existence, and the old professions are more
esteemed. It was formerly a poor and beggarly thing to belong to any
other than the three learned professions; a barrister would not shake
hands with a solicitor, a Nonconformist minister was not met in any
society. Artists, writers, journalists, were considered Bohemians. The
teaching of anything was held in contempt; to become a teacher was a
confession of the direst poverty--there were thousands of poor girls
eating out their hearts because they had to ‘go out’ as governesses.
There were no High Schools for girls; there were no colleges for them.
Slavery has gone. There are now no slaves in Christendom, save in the
island of Cuba. Fifty years ago an American went mad if you threw in
his teeth the ‘Institution;’ either he defended it with zeal, or else
he charged England with having introduced it into the country: in the
Southern States it was as much as a man’s life was worth to say a
word against it; travellers went South on purpose that they might see
slaves put up to auction, mothers parted from their children, and all
the stock horrors. Then they came home and wrote about it, and held up
their hands and cried, ‘Oh, isn’t it dreadful?’ The negro slavery is
gone, and now there is only left the slavery of the women who work.
When will that go too? And how can it be swept away?
Public executions gone: pillory gone--the last man pilloried was in the
year 1830: no more flogging in the army: the Factory Acts passed: all
these are great gains. A greater is the growth of sympathy with all
those who suffer, whether wrongfully or by misfortune, or through their
own misdoings. This growth of sympathy is due especially to the works
of certain novelists belonging to the Victorian age. It is producing
all kinds of good works--the unselfish devotion of men and women to
work among the poor: teaching of every description: philanthropy which
does not stop short with the cheque: charity which is organized:
measures for prevention: support of hospitals and convalescent homes:
the introduction of Art and Music to the working classes.
All these changes seem to be gains. Have there been no losses?
In the nature of things there could not fail to be losses. Some of
the old politeness has been lost, though there are still men with the
fine manners of our grandfathers: the example of the women who speak,
who write, who belong to professions, and are, generally, aggressive,
threatens to change the manners of all women: they have already become
more assured, more self-reliant, less deferent to men’s opinion--the
old deference of men to women was, of course, merely conventional. They
no longer dread the necessity of working for themselves; they plunge
boldly into the arena prepared to meet with no consideration on the
score of sex. If a woman writes a bad book, for instance, no critic
hesitates to pronounce it bad because a woman has written it. Whatever
work man does woman tries to do. They boldly deny any inferiority of
intellect, though no woman has ever produced any work which puts her
anywhere near the highest intellectual level. They claim a complete
equality which they have hitherto failed to prove. Some of them even
secretly whisper of natural superiority. They demand their vote.
Perhaps, before long, they will be in both Houses, and then man will
be speedily relegated to his proper place, which will be that of the
executive servant. Oh! happy, happy time!
It is said that we have lost the old leisure of life. As for that, and
the supposed drive and hurry of modern life, I do not believe in it.
That is to say, the competition is fierce and the struggle hard. But
these are no new things. It is a commonplace to talk of the leisure and
calm of the eighteenth century--it cannot be too often repeated that in
1837 we were still in that century--I declare that in all my reading
about social life in the eighteenth century I have failed to discover
that leisure. From Queen Anne to Queen Victoria I have searched for it,
and I cannot find it. The leisure of the eighteenth century exists,
in fact, only in the brain of painter and poet. Life was hard; labour
was incessant, and lasted the whole day long; the shopmen lived in
the shop--they even slept in it; the mill people worked all day long
and far into the night. If I look about the country, I see in town
and village the poor man oppressed and driven by his employer: I see
the labourer in a blind revenge setting fire to the ricks; I see the
factory hand destroying the machinery; I see everywhere discontent,
poverty, privilege, patronage, and profligacy; I hear the shrieks
of the wretches flogged at the cart tail, the screams of the women
flogged at Bridewell. I see the white faces of the poor creatures
brought out to be hung up in rows for stealing bread; I see the
fighting of the press-gang; I see the soldiers and sailors flogged into
sullen obedience; I see hatred of the Church, hatred of the governing
class, hatred of the rich, hatred of employers--where, with all these
things, is there room for leisure? Leisure means peace, contentment,
plenty, wealth, and ease. What peace, what contentment was there in
those days?
The decay of the great agricultural interest is a calamity which has
been coming upon us slowly, though with a continually accelerated
movement. This is the reason, I suppose, why the country regards it
with so strange an apathy. It is not only that the landlords are
rapidly encountering ruin, that the farmers are losing all their
capital, and that labourers are daily turned out of work and driven
away to the great towns; the very existence of the country towns is
threatened; the investments which depend on rent and estates are
threatened; colleges and charities are losing their endowments; worst
of all, the rustic, the backbone and support of the country, who
has always supplied all our armies with all our soldiers, is fast
disappearing from the land. I confess that, if something does not
happen to stay the ruin of agriculture in these Islands, I think the
end of their greatness will not be far off. Perhaps I think and speak
as a fool; but it seems to me that a cheap loaf is dearly bought if,
among other blessings, it deprives the countryside of its village folk,
strong and healthy, and the empire of its stalwart soldiers. As for the
House of Lords and the English aristocracy, they cannot survive the day
when the farms cannot even support the hands that till the soil, and
are left untilled and uncultivated.
* * * * *
There are, to make an end, two changes especially for which we can
never be sufficiently thankful. The first is the decay of the old
Calvinism; that gone, the chief terror of life is gone too; the chief
sting of death is gone; the terrible, awful question which reasoning
man could not refrain from asking is gone too.
The second change is the transference of the power to the people.
All the power that there is we have given to the people, who are now
waiting for a prophet to teach them how best to use it. I trust I
am under no illusions; Democracy has many dangers and many evils;
but these seem to me not so bad as those others which we have shaken
off. One must not expect a Millennium; mistakes will doubtless be
committed, and those bad ones. Besides, a change in the machinery
does not change the people who run that machinery. There will be the
tyranny of the Caucus to be faced and trampled down; we must endure,
with all his vices and his demagogic arts, the professional politician
whose existence depends on his party; we must expect--and ceaselessly
fight against--bribery and wholesale corruption when a class of these
professional politicians, poor, unscrupulous, and grasping, will be
continually, by every evil art, by every lying statement, by every
creeping baseness, endeavouring to climb unto power--such there are
already among us; we shall have to awaken from apathy, and keep
awake, those who are anxious to avoid the arena of politics, yet, by
education, position, and natural abilities, are called upon to lead.
Yet who, even in the face of the certain dangers, the certain mistakes,
of Democracy, shall say that great, terrible, and most disastrous
mistakes have not been made by an Aristocracy? There is always hope
where there is freedom; let us trust in the common-sense of the nation,
and remain steadfast in that trust.
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Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks retained.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained; occurrences of
inconsistent hyphenation have not been changed.
Illustrations have been moved to appear between paragraphs. In versions
of this eBook that support links, the List of Illustrations links to
the correct images, not necessarily to the listed page numbers.
The printed captions of illustrations usually are shown here in
upper-case, as they were in the original book. Some illustrations bore
signatures, rather than printed captions; those are shown here in
lower-case, followed by the full names, taken from the List of
Illustrations.
Many captions in the original book did not exactly match
the words in the List of Illustrations; those differences have been
retained here.
The symbols in the lists of books at the beginning and end of this
eBooks are right-pointing hands.