PROGRESS OF THE REBELLION
[Sidenote: Outbreak in Ulster.]
[Sidenote: Savage character of the contest.]
[Sidenote: Contemporary accounts of the massacre.]
[Sidenote: Later estimates.]
[Sidenote: The number of victims cannot be ascertained.]
'There are,' says Hume, 'three events in our history which may be
regarded as touchstones of party men: an English Whig who asserts the
reality of the popish plot, an Irish Catholic who denies the massacre
in 1641, and a Scotch Jacobite who maintains the innocence of Queen
Mary, must be considered as men beyond the reach of argument or reason,
and must be left to their prejudices.' The fact of a massacre cannot be
denied, but its extent is quite another matter. There is no evidence
of any general conspiracy of the Irish to destroy all the Protestants,
but so far as Ulster was concerned there was no doubt one to regain the
land and in so doing to expel the settlers. Rinuccini admitted that the
northern Irish, though good Catholics, were often great savages; and it
is not surprising that there should have been many murders, sometimes
of the most atrocious character, and that a much larger number of lives
should have been lost through starvation and exposure. It is also true
that many acts of kindness were done by the successful insurgents, and
that the retaliation of the English was cruel and indiscriminating. As
to the number killed during the early part of the rebellion and before
it assumed the dignity of civil war, it is impossible to form anything
like a satisfactory estimate. Temple, whose book was published in 1646,
says that in the first two years after the outbreak '300,000 British
and Protestants were cruelly murdered in cold blood, destroyed some
other way, or expelled out of their habitations according to the strict
conjecture and computation of those who seemed best to understand the
numbers of English planted in Ireland, besides those few that perished
in the heat of fight during the war.' The great exaggeration of this
has been dwelt on by writers who wish to disparage Temple's authority,
but these enormous figures were generally believed in at the time. May,
who depended partly on Temple, says 'the innocent Protestants were
upon a sudden disseized of their estates, and the persons of above
200,000 men, women, and children, murdered, many of them with exquisite
and unheard of tortures, within the space of one month.' Dr. Maxwell
learned from the Irish themselves that their priests counted 154,000
killed during the first five months. The Jesuit Cornelius O'Mahony,
writing in 1645, says it was admitted on all sides that 150,000
heretics had been killed up to that time; he exults in the fact,
and thinks the number was really greater. Clarendon says 40,000 or
50,000 English Protestants were murdered at the very beginning of the
rebellion. Petty was the first writer of repute who attempted anything
like a critical estimate. He had a genius for statistics and he knew
a great deal, but owing to the want of trustworthy data, even he can
do little more than guess that '37,000 were massacred in the first
year of tumults.' So much for those who lived at or near the time;
modern writers can scarcely be better informed, but may perhaps be
more impartial. Froude, who was not inclined to minimise, thinks even
Petty's estimate too high, and quotes the account of an eye-witness
who says 20,000 were killed or starved to death in about the first
two months. Warner, who wrote in 1767, was inclined to adopt Peter
Walsh's estimate of 8000. Reid rejected the higher figures, but without
venturing on any decided opinion, Lecky very truly said that certainty
was unattainable, but was inclined to agree with Warner. Miss Hickson,
who examined the depositions more closely than any other writer, said
the same, but thought the number killed in the first three or four
years of the war could hardly fall short of 25,000. The conclusion of
the whole matter is that several thousand Protestants were massacred,
that the murders were not confined to one province or county, but
occurred in almost every part of the island, that the retaliation was
very savage, innocent persons often suffering for the guilty, and
that great atrocities were committed on both sides. 'The cause of the
war,' says Petty, 'was a desire of the Romanists to recover the Church
revenue, worth about 110,000_l._ per annum and of the common Irish to
get all the Englishmen's estates, and of the ten or twelve grandees of
Ireland to get the empire of the whole.... But as for the bloodshed
in the contest, God best knows who did occasion it.' He thought the
population of Ireland in 1641 was about 1,400,000, out of which only
210,000 were British.[287]
[Sidenote: The massacre in Island Magee.]
One of the worst cases of retaliation was the massacre by Scots of
many Roman Catholic inhabitants of Island Magee in Antrim, but it is
necessary to point out that this took place in January 1642, because
it has been asserted that it was the first act of violence and the
real cause of the whole rebellion. Some of those who took part in the
outrage were alive in 1653, and were then prosecuted by the Cromwellian
Government.[288]
[Sidenote: The rising in Tyrone, Oct. 23, 1641.]
[Sidenote: English tenants plundered.]
[Sidenote: Murder of Protestants.]
Dublin was saved, but the rebellion broke out in Ulster upon the
appointed day. According to Captain John Creichton, his grandfather's
house near Caledon in Tyrone was the first attacked. The rebellion
certainly began upon Sir Phelim O'Neill's property at Caledon or Kinard
during the night of October 22, when O'Connolly was telling the Lords
Justices what he had heard. William Skelton, who lived as a servant
in Sir Phelim's house, was ploughing in the afternoon when an Irish
fellow servant came to him with about twenty companions and said that
they had risen about religion. Armed only with cudgels, they attacked
several of Sir Phelim's English tenants, who were well-to-do and
apparently well-beloved by their Irish neighbours, 'and differed not in
anything, save only that the Irish went to mass, and the English to the
Protestant church in Tinane, a mile from Kinard.' Taken by surprise,
the Protestants were easily disarmed, and robbed in the first instance
only of such horses as would make troopers. All the English and Scots
neighbours were thus plundered in detail, cattle, corn, furniture,
and clothes being taken in succession. In about a fortnight the Irish
began to murder the Protestants. Among those whom Skelton knew of his
own knowledge to be killed in cold blood before the end of the year
was 'one Edward Boswell, who was come over but a year before from
England, upon the invitation of the said Sir Phelim, his wife having
nursed a child of the said Sir Phelim's in London.' Boswell's wife and
child were murdered at the same time, and seventeen others in Kinard
itself, men, women, and children. Skelton and some others were saved
by the intercession of Daniel Bawn, whose wife was an Englishman's
daughter.[289]
[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill at Charlemont.]
[Sidenote: The Caulfield family.]
[Sidenote: Dungannon, Mountjoy, Tanderagee and Newry taken]
[Sidenote: Bishop Henry Leslie.]
While his English servant was ploughing at Kinard, Sir Phelim O'Neill
was on his way to Charlemont with an armed party. He had invited
himself to dinner and was hospitably received by Lady Caulfield and her
son, who had not long succeeded to the peerage. In after days there
was a family tradition that the butler, an old and trusty servant, was
alarmed by the attitude of Sir Phelim's followers and imparted his
fears to his mistress. His advice was neglected, and when the meal was
over he left the house and made the best of his way to Dublin. The
Caulfields and the unsuspecting men who ought to have defended the fort
were surprised and captured, and O'Neill occupied Dungannon the same
night. Next day the O'Quins took Mountjoy, the O'Hanlons Tanderagee,
and the Magennises Newry. All were surprised, and there was practically
no resistance. In the course of the day a fugitive trooper came to
Lisburn, where Henry Leslie, Bishop of Down, was living, with news of
the disasters at Charlemont and Dungannon, and four hours later another
runaway announced that Newry was taken. Leslie at once sent the news
on to Lord Montgomery, who was at or near Newtownards, and to Lord
Chichester at Belfast; and they both wrote to the King.
Chichester said only one man had been slain, which has been adduced as
a proof that there was no massacre, but he knew only what Leslie had
told him, and there were no tidings from any point beyond Dungannon.
Other districts could tell a very different tale.[290]
[Sidenote: Fermanagh. Rory Maguire.]
[Sidenote: Murders at Lisgoole and elsewhere.]
Lord Maguire was a prisoner, but his brother Rory raised Fermanagh
before any account of the doings in Dublin had come so far. The robbing
and murdering began on October 23, and very soon the whole county was
at the mercy of the rebels. Enniskillen was never taken, and it will be
seen that walled towns, if well defended, were generally maintained.
Alice Champion, whose husband was killed in her presence on the first
day, heard the murderers say that 'they had special orders from Lord
Maguire not to spare him or any of the Crosses that were his followers
and tenants.' About twenty-four others were murdered at the same time,
and Mrs. Champion afterwards heard them boast that they had 'killed so
many Englishmen that the grease or fat that remained on their swords
might have made an Irish candle,' ninety being despatched at Lisgoole
alone. The latter massacre is also sworn to by an eye-witness. Anne
Ogden's husband was murdered in the same way. She was allowed to fly
to Dublin with her two children, but all were stripped on the way, and
the children afterwards died 'through the torments of hunger and cold
they endured on that journey.'
[Sidenote: Treatment of the English Bible.]
Edward Flack, a clergyman, was plundered and wounded on the 23rd, and
his house burned. The rebels in this case vented some of their fury on
his Bible, which they stamped upon in a puddle, saying 'A plague on
this book, it has bred all this quarrel,' and hoping that all Bibles
would have this or worse treatment within three weeks. Much more of
the same kind might be said, and the events sworn to in Fermanagh
alone fully dispel the idea that there were no murders at the first
outbreak.[291]
[Sidenote: Cavan. The O'Reillys.]
[Sidenote: Pretended orders from the King.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Richard Plunkett.]
In Cavan, where the O'Reillys were supreme, there were no murders at
the very beginning. Here, as in other places, the first idea seems
to have been to spare the Scots and not to kill the English unless
they resisted their spoilers. On the night of October 23, the Rev.
George Crichton, vicar of Lurgan, who lived at Virginia, was roused
out of his first sleep by two neighbours, who told him of the rising
further north. Many of the Protestant inhabitants fled into the fields,
but Crichton thought it better to stand his ground, and very soon a
messenger came from Captain Tirlogh McShane McPhilip O'Reilly, to say
that the Irish would harm no Scot. Crichton perhaps profited also by
the fact that 'no man ever lost a penny by him in the Bishop's Court,
and none ever paid to him what he did owe,' which may have been a
result of Bedell's influence. He went out and met this chief at Parta
wood, about a mile to the east of the town. O'Reilly, who had some
twenty-four men with him, announced that Dublin and all other strong
places were taken, and that they 'had directions from his Majesty to
do all these things to curb the Parliament of England; for all the
Catholics in England should have been compelled to go to Church, or
else they should be all hanged before their own doors on Tuesday next.'
Crichton said he did not believe such a thing had been ever dreamed of,
whereupon O'Reilly declared his intention of seizing all Protestant
property and of killing anyone who resisted. Next morning Virginia
was sacked accordingly, but no lives were taken, for no one made any
defence. The canny Scots clergyman managed to keep the Irish in pretty
good humour, lodged nine families in his own house, and provided food
for the fugitives from Fermanagh who began to arrive in a few days.
Many thousands from Ballyhaise, Belturbet and Cavan passed through
Virginia on their way towards the Pale. Crichton obtained help from
Colonel Richard Plunkett, who wept and blamed Rory Maguire for all. On
being asked whether the Irish had made a covenant he said, 'Yea, the
Scots have taught us our A B C; in the meantime he so trembled that he
could scarce carry a cup of drink to his head.' Nevertheless he boasted
that Dublin was the only place not taken, that Geneva had fallen,
and that there was war in England. Many of the wretched Fermanagh
Protestants were wounded, and the state of their children was pitiable.
The wounded were tended and milk provided for the children, Crichton
telling his wife and family that it was their plain duty to stay, and
that 'in this trouble God had called them to do him that service.'
All this happened within the first week of the outbreak, and when the
long stream of refugees seemed to have passed, Crichton and his family
prepared to go; but they were detained, lest what they had to tell
might be inconvenient. Protestants from the north continued to drop in
for some time, and Crichton was allowed to relieve them until after
the overthrow at Julianstown at the end of November. The O'Reillys
took part in the affair, and their followers became bolder and less
lenient.[292]
[Sidenote: Cavan and Belturbet.]
[Sidenote: Philip MacHugh O'Reilly.]
[Sidenote: Horrors of a winter flight.]
Another clergyman, Henry Jones, Dean of Kilmore, was living at
Bellananagh Castle, near Cavan, at the time of the outbreak. Philip
MacHugh MacShane O'Reilly, member for the county, was the chosen leader
of the Irish. The actual chief of the clan was Edmund O'Reilly, but
the most active part was taken by his son, Miles O'Reilly, the high
sheriff, a desperate 'young man,' who at once assumed his native
name of Mulmore Mac Edmond. Under the pretence of raising the _posse
comitatus_ he sent bailiffs to the scattered houses of Protestants and
collected their arms. He himself seized the arms at Farnham Castle, and
took possession of Cloghoughter, with whose governor, Arthur Culme,
he had been on terms of friendship. Next day, October 24, the sheriff
proceeded to Belturbet, which was the principal English settlement and
contained some 1500 Protestants. Sir Stephen Butler was dead, but his
widow had married Mr. Edward Philpot and was living there with her
five children. Sir Francis Hamilton, who was at Keilagh Castle, tried
to organise some resistance, but Philip MacHugh O'Reilly took the
settlers under his protection, and they gave up their arms. Yet Captain
Ryves with some thirty horse had no difficulty in reaching the Pale by
O'Daly's Bridge on the Blackwater, and in occupying Ardbraccan for the
Lords Justices. Cavan surrendered, and on the 29th Bellananagh, which
was indefensible, surrendered to the sheriff's uncle, Philip MacMulmore
O'Reilly. It had been determined to clear all the English out of the
county, and though Lady Butler with 1500 others were escorted as far
as Cavan they were attacked just beyond the town, and stripped of
everything. Those who did not die of exposure reached Dublin, to starve
and shiver among the other fugitives there. Those who remained at
Belturbet had a still worse fate.[293]
[Sidenote: The O'Reillys were not unanimous.]
[Sidenote: Doctor Henry Jones.]
[Sidenote: Weakness of the Irish Government.]
[Sidenote: Divisions among the Irish.]
The O'Reillys had always been more civilised than other natives of
Ulster, and they almost seem to have felt that the Government must win
in the end. Rose O'Neill, the wife of Philip MacHugh, wished to kill
all the English and Scotch at Ballyhaise, but he would not allow it.
'The day,' he said, 'may come when thou mayest be beholding to the
poorest among them.' With a view no doubt to that distant day, they
resolved to petition the Lords Justices and to send an Englishman with
the message. Bedell refused to go on account of his age and because his
plundered flock could not spare him, but Jones, who in his time played
many parts, thought it safer to do as he was asked. He left his wife
and children as hostages and went to Dublin, with a memorial signed by
seven O'Reillys which spoke of former misgovernment, and rumours that
worse was to come. They protested their loyalty and desired the Lords
Justices 'to make remonstrance to his Majesty for us ... so that the
liberties of our conscience may be secured unto us, and we eased of our
other burdens in the civil government.' The Lords Justices and eight
Privy Councillors, of whom Ormonde was one, sent an answer, dealing in
generalities 'suitable to the weak condition of affairs in Dublin.'
The most they could promise was that if they would restore all the
Cavan Protestants to their homes and properties and cease from further
hostilities, that then their memorial should be forwarded to the King.
On his return Jones found the O'Reillys preparing to invade the Pale.
He managed to keep the Dublin Government well informed, at the same
time dissuading the Irish from attacking the capital, whose means of
defence he exaggerated. Drogheda, he said, was more assailable, and
to Drogheda they determined to go. They mustered first at Virginia,
where Mr. Crichton made friends with Philip MacHugh's mother on the
ground of common kinship with Argyle, 'of which house it seemeth that
she was well pleased that she was descended. This kindred stood me
in great stead afterwards, for although it was far off and old, yet
it bound the hands of the ruder sort from shedding my blood.' Many
lives, says Crichton, were also saved by the quarrels of the Irish
among themselves. Philip MacHugh not only shielded his far away
cousin, and others for his sake, but was evidently disinclined to the
task in hand, regretted that he had not kept the Protestants safe at
Belturbet, 'blamed Rory Maguire for threatening to kill and burn them,
and cursed those among the English that gave them counsel to leave
their habitations.' Crichton thought O'Reilly a deep dissembler, but he
should have the credit for comparative humanity. He and others seem to
have thought that the war was on the point of breaking out in England,
and that it would be impossible to send any troops to Ireland for years
to come.[294]
[Sidenote: Rising in Monaghan.]
[Sidenote: Murder of Richard Blayney.]
[Sidenote: A sham royal commission.]
In Monaghan there was a general rising on October 23, but a number of
murders were committed during the first few days, and the Macmahons
behaved worse than the O'Reillys. Richard Blayney, member for the
county, and commissioner of subsidies, was hanged by Sir Phelim
O'Neill's direct orders, and his dead body barbarously treated. At
Carrickmacross Essex's bailiff, Patrick McLoughlin Macmahon, took the
lead among the local rebels, and about 600_l._ of the great absentee's
rents came into their hands. In Monaghan, as elsewhere, the Irish
professed to do everything by the King's orders, but at Armagh Sir
Phelim O'Neill professed to show the actual commission with a broad
seal to it, adding that he would be a traitor if he acted of his own
accord. 'We are a sold people,' said an Englishman who witnessed the
scene. A number of Protestants took refuge in the cathedral, but they
had to surrender, and being stripped and robbed were sent to keep
the Caulfields company at Charlemont. A miscellaneous collection of
Protestants, including many children and poor people, from whom no
ransom could be expected, were driven to the bridge of Portadown and
there murdered.[295]
[Sidenote: The Portadown massacre, about Nov. 1, 1641.]
[Sidenote: The church at Blackwater.]
[Sidenote: Alleged apparitions.]
[Sidenote: Investigation by Owen Roe O'Neill.]
The Portadown massacre has been more discussed perhaps than any episode
in the Irish rebellion, and it has left behind it an ineffaceable
impression of horror. The victims were only a part of those murdered
in the county of Armagh, but more than 100--one account says 160--were
killed at one time--and the affair was carefully planned beforehand.
The chief actor was Captain Manus O'Cahan, but many of the sufferers
had received passes from Sir Phelim himself. O'Cahan and his men, Mrs.
Price deposed, forced and drove all those prisoners, and amongst them
the deponent's five children, by name Adam, John, Anne, Mary, and
Jane Price, off the bridge into the water. Those that could swim were
shot or forced back into the river. When Owen Roe O'Neill came to
the country he asked in Mrs. Price's hearing how many Protestants the
rebels had drowned at Portadown, and they said 400. If this is correct
the cruel work on the Bann must have continued for some time. They
also said that those drowned in the Blackwater were too many to count,
and that the number thrust into lakes and bog-holes could not even be
guessed at. On November 17 they burned the church at Blackwaterstown
with a crowd of Protestants in it, 'whose cries being exceeding loud
and fearful, the rebels used to delight much in a scornful manner to
imitate them, and brag of their acts.' Attempts have been made to
discredit the evidence on the ground that Mrs. Price and others refer
to apparitions at the scene of the Portadown massacre. Screams and
cries are easily explained, for wolves and dogs fed undisturbed upon
the unburied dead. But Mrs. Price says she actually saw a ghost when
she visited the spot where her five children had been slaughtered,
and that Owen Roe O'Neill, who came expressly to inform himself as
to the alleged apparitions, was present with his men, who saw it
also. It was twilight, and 'upon a sudden, there appeared unto them a
vision, or spirit assuming the shape of a woman, waist high, upright
in the water, naked, her hair dishevelled, very white, and her eyes
seeming to twinkle in her head, and her skin as white as snow; which
spirit or vision, seeming to stand upright in the water, divulged, and
often repeated the word "Revenge! Revenge! Revenge!"' O'Neill sent a
priest and a friar to question the figure both in English and Latin,
but it answered nothing. He afterwards sent a trumpet to the nearest
English force for a Protestant clergyman, by whom the same figure was
seen and the cries of 'Revenge!' heard, but Mrs. Price does not say
she was present on this occasion. The evidence of this lady shows no
marks of a wandering mind, and yet it is evident that she believed in
an apparition. It is quite possible that some crazed woman who had
lost all that was dear to her may have haunted the spot and cried for
vengeance, but in any case a belief in ghosts was still general in
those days, and especially in Ireland. The evidence as to the massacre
is overwhelming.[296]
[Sidenote: Bedell at Kilmore.]
[Sidenote: He is allowed to relieve many Protestants.]
[Sidenote: He refuses to leave his post.]
[Sidenote: He is imprisoned at Lough Oughter.]
[Sidenote: He is released.]
[Sidenote: Fate of his library.]
Bedell was at Kilmore when the rebellion broke out. The Protestants
were surprised, but it was remembered afterwards that there had been
an invasion or migration of rats, and that caterpillars had appeared
in unusual numbers. It was more to the purpose that a crack-brained
Irish scholar who wandered from house to house was heard frequently
to exclaim, 'Where is King Charles now?' and that he wrote in an old
almanac 'We doubt not of France and Spain in this action'--words which
he may have heard in some conventicle of the Irish. The fugitive
Protestants crowded to Kilmore, where they were all sheltered and
fed, the better sort in the palace and the rest in out-buildings. The
bishop's son, who was there, likens the stream of poor stripped people
to 'Job's messengers bringing one sad report after another without
intermission.' After a few days, Edmund O'Reilly, the sheriff's father,
ordered Bedell to dismiss his guests, who were about 200, chiefly
old people, women and children. On his refusal those in the detached
buildings were attacked at night and driven out almost naked into the
cold and darkness. The bishop's cattle were seized, but he had stored
some grain in the house, and was still able in an irregular way to
relieve many stray Protestants. On one occasion he sallied forth to
rescue some of them, and two muskets were placed against his breast.
He bade them fire, but they went away, and still for some time the
palace walls were allowed to shelter those within. One of these was
John Parker, afterwards Bishop of Elphin, who had fled from his living
at Belturbet. 'For the space of three weeks,' says Parker, 'we enjoyed
a heaven upon earth, much of our time spent in prayer, reading God's
word, and in good conference; inasmuch as I have since oft professed
my willingness to undergo (if my heart did not deceive me) another
Irish stripping to enjoy a conversation with so learned and holy a
man.' Church service was regularly continued, but the investment of
the house became closer, Bedell resolutely refusing to quit his post,
although the Irish urged him to leave the country and promised all his
company safe convoy to Dublin. His own children wished him to accept
this offer, and it is probable that the Bishop himself and possible
that his guests might have reached the capital in safety, but the
experience of others had not been encouraging. Some prisoners having
been taken by the Scottish garrisons at Keilagh and Croghan, and Eugene
Swiney, the rival Bishop of Kilmore, pressing for restoration to his
palace, Bedell and his family were at last expelled. 'I arrest you,'
said Edmund O'Reilly, laying his hand on the Bishop's shoulder, 'in the
King's name.' Having first arranged that the Church plate provided by
himself should be handed over to the other Bishop, Bedell was conveyed
to a castle upon an island in Lough Oughter. He was allowed to take
his money with him, and his two sons with their wives accompanied him.
They were well treated on the whole, but the castle had neither glass
nor shutters to the windows, and they spent a cold Christmas. Some of
the prisoners were in irons, and Bedell earnestly desired to share
their fate, but this was refused. The party were dependent on the Irish
for news, and at first they heard much of the disaster at Julianstown
and of the certain fall of Drogheda. But an English prisoner who knew
Irish listened one night through a chink in the floor, and heard a
soldier fresh from Drogheda tell the guard that the siege was raised.
'The bullets,' he said, 'poured down as thick from the walls as if
one should take a fire-pan full of coals and pour them down upon the
hearth, which he acted before them, sitting altogether at the fire. And
for his own part he said he would be hanged before he would go forth
again upon such a piece of service.' At last Bedell and his sons were
exchanged for some of those in the hands of the Scots, and released
from the castle. The Bishop's remaining days were spent in the houses
of Dennis Sheridan, a clergyman ordained and beneficed by him, whose
vicarage was near at hand. Sheridan, though a Protestant, was a Celt,
and respect for his clan secured him a certain toleration. He was
instrumental in saving some of Bedell's books, among them a Hebrew
Bible, now at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and the Irish version of
the Old Testament which had cost so much trouble, and which was not
destined to be printed for yet another generation. Most of the books
and manuscripts were taken away first by friars and afterwards by
English soldiers, who sold them. 'Certain of the Bishop's sermons,'
says his son, 'were preached in Dublin, and heard there by some of his
near relations, that had formerly heard them from his own mouth: some
even of the episcopal order were not innocent in this case.'
[Sidenote: Bedell's death, Feb. 9, 1641-2.]
[Sidenote: Respect shown him by the Irish.]
Bedell remained for some weeks with Sheridan, preaching often and
praying with those that were left to him. The house was crowded with
fugitives, and typhus fever broke out among them. Old and enfeebled
by his imprisonment, the Bishop insisted on ministering to the sick,
and was at last struck down himself. Philip MacMulmore O'Reilly came
to see him, offering money and necessaries, and cursing those who
had contrived the rebellion. Bedell, though very weak, rose from his
chair to thank him, 'desiring God to requite him for the same and
to restore peace to the nation; though hardly able to stand, he yet
beyond expectation thus expressed himself without any faltering in his
speech, which he had not done for a great while before.' The effort
exhausted him, and he spoke but little afterwards, answering, 'Well'
to those who asked him how he did and saying 'Amen' to their prayers.
His last words were, 'Be of good cheer; whether we live or die we are
the Lord's.' Bishop Swiney made some difficulty about burying his rival
in Kilmore churchyard, but was overruled by the O'Reillys. Many Irish
attended the funeral, and some of the Sheridans bore the coffin; Edmund
O'Reilly and his son the sheriff, with other gentlemen brought a party
of musketeers and a drum, which was beaten as at a soldier's burial.
'The sheriff told the Bishop's sons they might use what prayers or what
form of burial they pleased; none should interrupt them. And when all
was done, he commanded the musketeers to give a volley of shot, and so
the company departed.' Another account says that some priests present
ejaculated, 'Requiescat in pace ultimus Anglorum,' and that one of
them, Edmund Ferrely, added a fervent prayer that his own soul might
accompany the Protestant bishop's--'O sit anima mea cum Bedello.' The
general goodwill extended to those about him, and none of his family or
immediate friends appear to have been personally molested.[297]
[Sidenote: The English defeated at Julianstown, Nov. 29, 1641.]
[Sidenote: Importance of this affair.]
Good officers were scarce, but six hundred raw recruits were sent under
Major Roper, who was a young man, to reinforce Tichborne, and Sir
Patrick Wemyss accompanied them with fifty horse of Ormonde's troop.
They might easily have reached Drogheda early on the morrow, but the
new levies were mutinous, and refused to go further than Swords on the
first day or than Balrothery on the second. At seven on the morning
of November 29 they were at Lord Gormanston's gate, and Roper went in
to see him. He was informed that the Irish had crossed the Boyne to
intercept him, and that he had better be careful. Roper did not even
warn his officers, but marched on with little precaution. He crossed
the Nanny river by Julianstown bridge in a thick fog, and was there
attacked by a greatly superior force under Philip MacHugh O'Reilly,
Hugh O'Byrne, and O'More. Roper's men were better armed, but scarcely
knew how to use their weapons. The fog made their assailants seem
stronger than they really were, and the foot yielded to panic and
broke almost without striking a blow. Wemyss easily reached Drogheda,
and Roper with two captains and a hundred men followed him; but all,
or nearly all, the rest were killed, and the Irish, who did not lose a
man, were at once supplied with arms. 'The men,' says Ormonde, 'were
unexercised, but had as many arms, I think, within a few, as all the
rebels in the kingdom, and were as well trained as they.' But among the
insurgents were plenty of Strafford's disbanded soldiers, who knew how
to use muskets, and Protestant prisoners in Ulster remarked how much
the Julianstown affair added to the confidence of the Irish.[298]
[Sidenote: Belfast and Carrickfergus saved.]
[Sidenote: The Irish defeated at Lisburn.]
[Sidenote: Lord Conway's library burned.]
Carrickfergus was the ancient seat of English power in Ulster, and
thither the Protestants of Down and Antrim fled in great numbers. The
rising settlement of Belfast was near being abandoned, but Captain
Robert Lawson heard of the outbreak at Newry, gave up his journey to
Dublin, and hurried back to the Lagan. Lord Chichester was actually on
board ship, but Lawson bought a drum and perambulated the town, seized
all the arms he could find, and soon got nearly 200 men together.
Before Sir Phelim O'Neill could hope to attack Carrickfergus it was
necessary to take both Belfast and Lisburn, and the latter place
was attacked by Sir Con Magennis with several thousand men the day
before the disaster at Julianstown. The Ulster Irish had by this time
collected a good many arms, including two field pieces, and they had
taken plenty of powder at Newry. The garrison consisted only of Lord
Conway's troop and of a few newly raised men, but they were skilfully
commanded by Sir Arthur Tyringham, the late governor of Newry, and Sir
George Rawdon, whom all trusted, arrived from Scotland on the evening
before the town was attacked. Taking advantage of the ground, Tyringham
held the streets all day, his cavalry slaughtering the assailants in
great numbers. There had been snow the day before, followed by a thaw,
and then by frost, so that the ground was covered with ice. 'All the
smiths,' says one of the besieged, 'had been employed that whole night
to frost our horses, so that they stood firm when the brogues slipped
and fell down under their feet.' Communication with Belfast was kept
up, and Chichester sent many horse-loads of powder in bags, so that the
ammunition held out. At nightfall the Irish set fire to the town, which
was entirely consumed, and a confused fight went on till near midnight.
After the fire began Chichester's troop of horse arrived with a company
of foot, and the assailants were finally discomfited. 'Every corner was
filled with carcases, and the slain were found to be more than thrice
the number of those that fought against them.' The field pieces appear
to have been thrown into the river. Next day the retreating Irish
burned Rawdon's house at Brookhill containing Lord Conway's library,
and property worth five or six thousand pounds, but they never gained
military possession of the Belfast district, though many Protestants
were driven out of the open country.[299]
[Sidenote: The gentry of the Pale combine with the Irish.]
[Sidenote: Speech of O'More.]
There have been many occasions in Irish history when the Government
has lacked power either to put down its enemies or to protect its
friends. The gentry of the Pale would hardly have joined the rebels
on account of such an affair as Julianstown, but they had grievances,
and the Irish managers pressed them both with arguments and threats.
As governor of Meath, Lord Gormanston called upon the sheriff to
summon a county meeting, which was held upon Crofty Hill, about three
miles to the south of Drogheda. It had been previously arranged that a
deputation from the Ulster Irish should appear there, and in due time
O'More with Philip MacHugh O'Reilly, Hugh O'Byrne and others rode up
'in the head of a guard of musketeers, whom the defeat at the bridge
of Julianstown had furnished with arms of that kind.' Gormanston, who
was supported by the Earl of Fingall and five other peers, acted as
spokesman and asked the newcomers why they came armed into the Pale.
In a prepared speech O'More answered that they had been goaded into
action by penal laws which excluded them from the public service, and
from educational advantages. 'There can,' he said, 'be no greater
mark of servitude than that our children cannot come to speak Latin
without renouncing their spiritual dependence on the Roman Church,
nor ourselves be preferred to any advantageous employment, without
forfeiting our souls.' The Lords Justices, he added, had refused
parliamentary redress, lest they should be prevented from extirpating
Catholicism with the help of a Scotch army. To crown all, they had
branded the Ulster chiefs as rebels, whereas one of their greatest
motives had been to vindicate the royal prerogative from encroachment
'by the malignant party of the Parliament of England.' In conclusion,
he called upon the gentry of the Pale to join the party whose interest
and sufferings were the same as their own. When the applause subsided,
Gormanston asked the Ulstermen whether their loyalty was genuine. The
answer was of course affirmative, and he then invited those around
him to make common cause with the Irish. 'And thus,' philosophises
Bellings, 'distrust, aversion, force, and fear united the two parties
which since the conquest had at all times been most opposite, and it
being first publicly declared that they would repute all such enemies
as did not assist them in their ways, they appointed a second meeting
of the country at the hill of Tara.'[300]
[Sidenote: Meeting at Tara, Dec. 7, 1641.]
[Sidenote: The lords of the Pale refuse to go to Dublin.]
[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill's manoeuvres.]
The die was now cast, and a summons from the Lords Justices calling
the chief men of the Pale to a conference at Dublin came too late.
The meeting at Tara took place on December 7, and an answer was then
returned signed by seven peers to the effect that they were afraid to
put themselves into the power of the Government, and thought it safer
to stand on their guard. They had, they said, been informed that Sir
Charles Coote had spoken words at the Council table, 'tending to a
purpose and resolution to execute upon those of our religion a general
massacre.' The Lords Justices answered that they had never heard Coote
say anything of the kind, and that anyone who made any such suggestion
should be severely punished; and they again summoned the lords of the
Pale to be at Dublin on the 17th. Ormonde personally gave his word of
honour that they should return safely, and urged them not to lose this
last opportunity of showing their loyalty. But they had gone too far
to draw back, their tenants and dependents had gone still further, and
Sir Phelim O'Neill persuaded them, as they were ready to believe, that
he had great resources. He arranged a sham powder factory, and so acted
his part as to make them think he could turn out an unlimited supply.
The story reads like fiction, but Bellings records it in sober earnest,
and he must have known. O'Neill had no military experience or capacity,
but his confidence imposed upon the hesitating men of the Pale, who not
only gave him chief command in the attack on Drogheda, but also a sort
of commission as governor of Meath.[301]
[Sidenote: The despoiled Protestants flock into Drogheda.]
[Sidenote: Wretched state of the refugees.]
[Sidenote: Sir Faithful Fortescue leaves Drogheda in the lurch. Lord
Moore.]
[Sidenote: Tichborne reaches Drogheda, Nov. 4.]
Lord Moore heard of the Ulster rising on October 23, and of his sister
Lady Blaney's imprisonment. He was then at home at Mellifont, but came
into Drogheda at midnight and roused the mayor and aldermen, who cursed
the rebels 'foully,' but were very slow to make any preparations for
resistance. Not forty men answered the call to arms, and they were
armed with pitchforks and fowling pieces. On the 26th he brought in
his wife and family and his own troop of horse. There were two half
standing companies under Netterville and Rockley, but the former's
loyalty was suspected, and the men could scarcely be trusted. Moore
posted to Dublin, but could only obtain a commission for Captain
Seafowl Gibson to raise a company. Gibson brought down arms and
ammunition and got a hundred Protestant recruits in two hours. Some
of these watched for ten nights running. In the meantime the Irish
had taken Dundalk and were plundering all Protestants not five miles
from Drogheda. 'Miserable spectacles of wealthy men and women,' says
Bernard, 'utterly spoiled and undone, nay, stripped stark naked, with
doleful cries, came flocking in to us by multitudes, upon whom our
bowels could not but yearn.' The majority of the townsmen only smiled,
but took care to ring alarm bells when the Protestants were at church.
Sir Faithful Fortescue, who was married to Lord Moore's sister, had
been lately appointed governor of the town, and he also went to Dublin
for help. Finding none, he resigned his commission in disgust and went
to England. 'By his disheartening letters,' says Bernard, 'he gave us
over, being willing to hazard his life for us, yet loth to lose his
reputation also.' Moore assumed the command, but he had only about 300
men including Gibson's recruits, and the Roman Catholic population was
all but openly hostile. Bernard summoned all the Protestants privately
man by man to meet in the church, and the whole congregation solemnly
vowed that if God would defend them they would endeavour to serve Him
better in future. Three days later there was a solemn fast. Half of
Moore's troop patrolled the streets every night, while the other half
scoured the country, to guard against surprise and to collect cows
and other provisions for the garrison. Two hundred of the enemy were
killed during these raids and eighty brought in alive. 'Such was our
mercy,' says Bernard, 'we only hanged six,' the remaining prisoners
being so well fed by the townsmen that they did not care to escape. A
well-written copy of Sir Phelim O'Neill's proclamation was picked up
in the streets, and a general rising of the inhabitants was feared.
Then came news that the Scots had retaken Newry. The report proved
false, but it strengthened Moore's hands, and Bernard was reminded
of the trampling of horse heard by the Syrians before Samaria. Sir
John Netterville fell foul of the acting governor, declaring that the
Irish should not be called rebels, and he was suspected of having the
guns stuffed so as to render them unserviceable. Many well-to-do
Protestants escaped by sea, but Bernard refused to desert his poorer
flock. He was also unwilling to part from Ussher's library, which was
in his charge, and which might easily have shared the fate of Lord
Conway's and the Bishop of Meath's. On November 4 Sir Henry Tichborne
appeared with his forces, and after that the townsmen could do nothing;
but they showed their discontent by keeping him waiting from two
o'clock in the afternoon until nine at night before they would provide
him with quarters.[302]
[Sidenote: Drogheda besieged, 1641-2.]
[Sidenote: A successful sally.]
[Sidenote: Provisions introduced by sea.]
[Sidenote: A night attack repulsed.]
[Sidenote: Sir Phelim gains the chief command.]
Tichborne found that the Julianstown disaster had virtually decided the
whole wavering population of the Pale. He saw that he would have to
maintain himself for some time without much help, and that food would
soon be scarce. He strengthened the fortifications of the Millmount
on the southern bank of the Boyne, and mounted four guns there. The
rebels had destroyed most of the provisions in the neighbourhood, but
there was still a quantity of unthreshed wheat at Greenhills, near
the eastern or St. Lawrence's gate on the south side of the Boyne.
On December 3 he sent a body of cavalry round by a gate further to
the north, and leaving other men under arms in the town, he himself
marched straight to his point. The advanced guard was driven in
panic-stricken, and for a moment it seemed as if there would be another
Julianstown. But Tichborne managed to rally his men, dismounting to
show that he would share their fate, and shouting, 'They run!' while
the first volleys hid the field. 'It appeared somewhat otherwise,'
says Tichborne, 'upon the clearing up of the smoke,' but his courage
inspired his followers and they gained a complete victory, pursuing
the enemy for nearly a mile. Of the besiegers two hundred were killed,
while Tichborne had only four men wounded. After this success the
garrison were always ready to fight, while the besiegers were always
beaten in the open field. An attempt to carry the town by assault
during the long night of December 20 failed, and several successful
sallies were made during the following three weeks. Tichborne sent a
pinnace to Dublin for help. At first no one could be got to steer her,
but he placed some of the aldermen on board in situations exposed to
the fire of the besiegers. The result was that pilots were quickly
found. In answer to this appeal six vessels were sent with provisions
and ammunition for the garrison, and on January 11 they came from
Skerries to the Boyne in one tide. Clumsy efforts had been made to
block the channel with a chain and with a sunken ship, but the bar
was nevertheless passed and the stores safely landed. The garrison,
who had been half-starved, feasted that night, and the officers,
though specially cautioned, could not keep as strict discipline as
usual. Tichborne was writing despatches all night, and about four in
the morning he heard a muttering noise which differed from the sounds
caused by wind and rain. He ran out with his pistols and found that
five hundred of the enemy had entered an orchard between St. James's
Gate and the right bank of the river. A weak spot in the wall had been
opened with pickaxes, and the Irish had crept in two or three at a
time. Tichborne turned out the nearest guard, bade them fire across the
river, and ran towards the bridge, where he found his own company under
arms. Leaving these trusty men to maintain the passage, he ran to the
main guard, where he found a good deal of confusion, but many followed
him, and he regained the bridge just in time to reinforce those who
were holding it against great odds. Tichborne's horse was led out by
a groom, but broke away from him and galloped madly about the paved
streets. Believing that cavalry would soon be upon them, the assailants
broke. Nearly half escaped by the gate at which they had entered; the
rest were killed or hidden by friendly townsmen. The whole attack had
been planned by a friar, and shots were fired at Tichborne's men out of
a convent, but the assailants were so badly led that they never thought
of seizing St. James's Gate, though they might easily have done so from
the inside. A strong body was drawn up outside, expecting to be let
in. A bagpiper was among those who had been taken, and some officers
made him play while they opened the gate. Those who entered were at
once overpowered. The result of this failure was to show the lords of
the Pale that divided counsels were dangerous, and they gave Sir Phelim
O'Neill command over all the forces about Drogheda.[303]
[Sidenote: Tichborne at Drogheda.]
[Sidenote: Mellifont destroyed.]
'After Tichborne's arrival,' says Bernard, 'we took heart to call
the enemy rebels instead of "discontented gentlemen."' The garrison
consisted of 1500 foot and 160 horse, so that the malcontents within
the walls were afraid. One Stanley, a town councillor, who had been an
officer in the enemy's army, came in on protection accompanied by the
sheriff of Louth, who was a member of Parliament. These two advised
Moore to go to Mellifont, reminding him that his father had lived there
safely all through Tyrone's rebellion, and suggesting that he might be
general if he pleased. Moore knew better, and being now released from
the cares of command, went in the middle of November to Dublin, where
Parliament was about to meet. He offered to raise six hundred men, and
to pay and clothe them himself until money came from England, provided
he should be their colonel, with the addition of about four hundred men
at Drogheda, who were not part of Tichborne's own regiment. As soon as
the Irish heard of this offer they destroyed Mellifont. The garrison
of twenty-four musketeers with fifteen horsemen and some servants
refused Macmahon's first offer of quarter, and were overwhelmed by
numbers after their powder was spent. The mounted men escaped to
Drogheda, but all the others were killed. The women were stripped stark
naked. The scum of the country were allowed to plunder at will, and
they carried away the doors and windows and smashed all the glass and
crockery. The chapel was selected as a proper place to consume the
contents of the cellar, the bell was broken, and a large Bible thrown
into the millpond. Finding some tulips and other bulbs, they ate them
with butter, but this food disagreed with them, and they cursed the
heretics as poisoners.[304]
[Sidenote: Drogheda was not closely invested.]
[Sidenote: Narrow escape of Sir Phelim,]
[Sidenote: who retires from Drogheda.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde relieves the town, March 11.]
During the first three weeks of February several successful sallies
were made by the garrison. They were, however, at one time reduced
to small rations of herrings, malt, and rye, and it seemed doubtful
whether they could hold out. Many horses died for lack of provender.
At four o'clock on the morning of Sunday, February 21, Sir Phelim
attempted an escalade at a quiet spot near St. Lawrence's Gate, but the
sentries were on the alert, and the assailants fled, leaving thirteen
ladders behind them. On the 27th there was another sally, and three
hundred of the Irish were killed on the fatal field of Julianstown. On
March 1 Tichborne sent out four companies of foot and a troop of horse
to forage on the south side of the Boyne. There was some resistance,
and in the afternoon the governor went out himself. The Irish advanced
from the little village of Stameen, but fled at the approach of horse.
The redoubtable Sir Phelim only escaped capture by crouching like a
hare in a furze-bush, and the Meath side was thenceforth safe. 'The
noise of vast preparations for besieging the town,' says Bellings,
'which at first was frightful, grew contemptible.' Food supplies were
now secure, and Tichborne assumed the offensive more boldly than
before. On March 5 Lord Moore led out five hundred men to Tullyallen,
near Mellifont, Tichborne following him with a reserve force. Moore
engaged the Irish and defeated them with a loss of four hundred men and
many officers. Among the prisoners was Art Roe Macmahon, for whose head
a reward of 400_l._ had been promised by Government. The soldiers were
going to cut it off when he cried out that Lady Blaney and her children
should be saved if his life was spared. Macmahon kept his word, though
the result was long doubtful. After this disaster the rebels abandoned
their headquarters at Bewley, and Sir Phelim was seen before Drogheda
no more. On March 11 Ormonde arrived with 3000 foot and 500 horse, and
the so-called siege came to an end. Plattin and Slane were soon in
Tichborne's hands. The Irish army had at one time numbered at least
16,000, but they had neither the skill nor the means for reducing a
strong place.[305]
[Sidenote: Fire and sword in the Pale.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde hampered by the Lords Justices.]
Ormonde had orders from the Irish Government, who would have preferred
to send Sir Simon Harcourt, to 'prosecute with fire and sword all
rebels and traitors, and their adherents and abettors in the counties
of Dublin and Meath,' and to destroy their houses. He was not to go
beyond the Boyne, not to do any mischief within five miles of Dublin,
and not to be absent more than eight days. He carried out these
orders, and reached Drogheda without opposition, after devastating
a great part of Meath. There, after consultation with Harcourt, Sir
Thomas Lucas, Sir Robert Farrar, Tichborne, and Moore, he asked to
be allowed more time and to have leave to advance as far as Newry.
This was peremptorily refused, and Temple wrote privately to say that
the proposal was 'absolutely disliked' by all the Council, and 'more
sharply resented by some.' The question of proclaiming the lords of
the Pale traitors had been referred to England, and Ormonde suggested
that it might be well to wait for an answer before burning their
houses. He was told that it was no business of his, and that he was to
burn. He did so, merely remarking that he had never supposed there was
'any difference between a rebel lord and a rebel commoner.' Tichborne
had certain information that an attack on Dundalk was feasible, and
Ormonde was allowed to give him 500 men and one or two guns. A large
force might have been provisioned from Drogheda, but as it turned out
Tichborne was strong enough to do the work. Newry fell to the share of
the Scots.[306]
[Sidenote: Tichborne takes Ardee and Dundalk.]
[Sidenote: English prisoners released.]
[Sidenote: Harsh warfare.]
On March 21 Tichborne marched with 1200 foot, four troops of horse,
and provisions for two days to Ardee, where on the 23rd he found more
than 2000 Irish pretty strongly posted on the right bank of the Dee.
He drove them over the bridge into the town, with a loss of 600 men,
turned their position by fording the river with his horse, and pursued
them with further slaughter far into the open country. After consulting
Lord Moore and the other officers Tichborne then decided to make a dash
at Dundalk, before which he arrived about nine in the morning of April
26. Sir Phelim showed himself with his horse, but made no fight until
the English came up to the first gate, which they forced open under
a heavy fire. The suburbs were then occupied, but a castle annoyed
them there, an officer and some men were killed, and many wished to
retire. But the wind was in their favour, and Tichborne ordered some
houses to be fired, and came up to the gate of the inner town under
cover of the smoke. The Irish in the castle were driven out by heaping
fuel against the door, and from the walls Tichborne's musketeers could
fire right into the market place. Sir Phelim and his men then began
to pour out at the north gate over the bridge, and the whole town was
soon in English hands. Dean Bernard, who was present, remarks on the
amount of plunder which the Irish had collected in Dundalk. The victors
found plentiful dinners ready dressed in many cases, and consumed 4000
turkeys and other fowls in a week. A hundred and twenty Protestants
had been imprisoned by O'Neill under threat that they would be killed
if the town were in danger. There had been no time to hurt them, if,
indeed, that was intended, and they were released. Ardee and Dundalk
were both plundered by their captors, the former in a tumultuary way,
and the latter more systematically. 'The number of the slain,' says
Tichborne, 'I looked not after, but there was little mercy shown in
those times.'[307]
FOOTNOTES:
[287] Hume's _Hist. of England_, note N to chap. xxxix., ed. 1854;
Hickson's _Ireland in the Seventeenth Century_, i. 163, 336;
_Exhortatio_ appended to O'Mahony's _Disputatio Apologetica_, 1645, p.
125, para. 20; Clarendon's _Hist._ iv. 24; Petty's _Economic Writings_,
i. 149-154, ii. 610; Warner's _Rebellion and Civil War_, 2nd ed.
p. 297; Froude's _English in Ireland_, i. 111. Lecky's _Eighteenth
Century_, ii. 154; Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, chap. vii. Bishop
Henry Jones, who knew as much as any one, says that within twenty years
of the Restoration there were people who 'openly proclaimed, contrary
to all evidence, that there was then no such rebellion of the Irish,
neither such massacres of the British and Protestants in Ireland,'
letter of May 27, 1679, printed in the preface to Borlase's _History_,
1680. In _Special News from Ireland_, from a gentleman in Dublin,
London, March 1, 1642-3, it is stated that 144,000 Ulster Protestants
were killed, wounded, or missing. There would be a tendency to say that
all who escaped from Ireland had been murdered.
[288] In the list of murders committed on the Irish, affixed to
Clarendon's volume on Ireland, it is said that 'this was the first
massacre committed in Ireland of either side,' and that the number of
innocent men, women, and children killed was over 3000. Miss Hickson
has conclusively shown that the number of victims was about sixty, and
that the date was January 8--_Ireland in the Seventeenth Century_, i.
151, 255.
[289] _Hickson_, Deposition, p. 22; Creichton's Memoirs in Swift's
_Works_, xiii. 13.
[290] Lodge's _Peerage_, by Archdall, iii. 140, for Charlemont.
Leslie's and Montgomery's letters in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 362;
Chichester to the King, October 24, in Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_,
p. 97; _Rushworth_, part iii. chap. i. Reports received at Rome
describe the progress of the rising 'con sacheggiar le case dei
Calvinisti, havendo anche fatto prigione il giovine principe milort
Cafild in contracambio del duca di Macquera (Maguire) sequestrato in
Dublin.'--_Roman Transcripts_, R.O., December 18, 1641.
[291] _Hickson_, Depositions, pp. 1-9 and 26.
[292] Crichton's deposition in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 525.
[293] Jones's _Relation_, 1642, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 476.
This is confirmed by the depositions of Philpot and Ryves, _Hickson_,
i. 308.
[294] Jones's _Relation_; Crichton's deposition in _Contemp. Hist._, i.
531, 545; Remonstrance from Cavan, November 6, and answer, November 10,
_ib._ i. 364.
[295] _Hickson_, i. 298.
[296] Depositions of Mrs. Rose Price and four others, _Hickson_, i.
176-188. Writing after the Restoration with a view of minimising the
massacre, Ormonde says the greatest number murdered in any one place
was at Portadown, 'and they not above 200'--_Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. f.
126. As to curious instances of modern ghost-seers see Sir A. Lyall's
_Asiatic Studies_, 2nd series, chap. 5. Lady Fanshawe saw and heard an
apparition in Clare in 1650, _Memoirs_, p. 58, ed. 1907.
[297] The best authority for Bedell is the Life by his son William,
edited by T. Wharton Jones for the Camden Society, 1872. The narrative
of his younger son Ambrose is printed by Miss Hickson, i. 218. Burnet
had the materials of his biography from the Rev. Alexander Clogie,
Bedell's son-in-law, who was also with him when he died. Burnet
admitted that he had written everything down as Clogie imparted it,
and without exercising any critical discretion. Clogie's own account
was printed from the Harl. MSS. in 1862, ed. W. W. Wilkins, but its
authority is inferior to that of Bedell's two sons. The narratives of
William Bedell and Clogie are reprinted with much additional matter in
_Two Biographies_, ed. Shuckburgh, Cambridge, 1902. Bishop Parker's
account, written for Ormonde in 1682, is in _Hickson_, i. 308.
[298] _Bellings_; _Aphorismical Discovery_; Tichborne's letter;
Ormonde's letters of November 30 in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii., and
another of December 1 in _Confederation and War_, i. 232; Bernard's
_Whole Proceedings_.
[299] Lawson's narrative in Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, p. 99. Brief
Relation of the miraculous victory, &c. in _Ulster Journal of
Archæology_, i. 242. Letter of Throgmorton Totesbury, December 4, 1641,
_Rawdon Papers_, p. 86.
[300] Bellings' account corresponds closely with the deposition of
Nicholas Dowdall, sheriff of Meath, printed in _Confederation and War
in Ireland_, i. 278. Dowdall was present at the hill of Crofty, and
Bellings probably was.
[301] Summonses were sent on December 3 to the Earls of Kildare
(printed in _Nalson_, ii. 906), Antrim, and Fingall, Viscounts
Gormanston, Netterville, and Fitzwilliam, Lords Trimleston, Dunsany,
Slane, Howth, Louth, and Lambert. Fingall, Gormanston, Slane, Dunsany,
Netterville, Louth, and Trimleston signed the answer.
[302] From October 23 to November 4 we are dependent on Dr. Nicholas
Bernard's _Whole Proceedings of the Siege of Drogheda_. After the
latter date we have also Tichborne's own account.
[303] Sir Henry Tichborne's _Letter_; _Bellings_. The date of Sir
Phelim's accession to the chief command is fixed by Henry Aylmer's
examination in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 403. Bernard's _Whole Proceedings_.
[304] Bernard's _Whole Proceedings_; Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 239.
[305] Tichborne's _Letter_; Bernard's _Whole Proceedings_; _Bellings_;
Sir Simon Harcourt to his wife, February 12, in _Harcourt Papers_, vol.
i.
[306] Letters from March 3 to 12 printed in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol.
iii. _Bellings_.
[307] Tichborne and Bernard, _ut sup._
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME
Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury, 129, 164, 192, 273
Abercorn, Earl of, 111
Adair, Robert, 237
-- Archibald, Bishop of Killala and Waterford successively, 233, 234, 237
-- Patrick, 231
Albert, Archduke, 37, 40, 41, 46
Aldrige, Mr., 318, 319
Algerines, 101-107, 198, 207-210, 316
Allen, Thomas, 118, 119
Amadis de Gaul, 67
Amiens, 39
Andrews, George, Dean of Limerick, afterwards Bishop of Ferns, 229
Ankers, John, 170
Annagh, 342
Annaly, 162
Annesley, Francis: _see_ Mountnorris.
Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, 1st Earl of, 141-144
-- Randal, 2nd Earl and 1st Marquis of, 188, 235-236, 285, 294
Apsley, Allan, 12
Archer, James, Jesuit, 19, 30
Archibald, Mr., 307
Ardbraccan, 340
Ardee, 357
Ardmore, 269
Argyle, Archibald Campbell, 8th Earl and 1st Marquis of (in command of
the clan as Lord Lorne, from 1619 to 1638, when he succeeded), 39,
235-236, 244, 285, 341
Arius, 130
Armagh, 38, 58, 342
Arran Island, Co. Donegal, 60
Arras, 39
Arundel, Earl of, 164
Assisi, 49
Athlone, 92, 170, 255
Audley, Lord: _see_ Castlehaven.
Augustinians, 187
Aumale, Duke of, 40
Aungier, Lord, 166
Aylmer, Alexander, 45
Aylward, Sir Richard, 5, 6
Babington, sheriff of Derry or Coleraine, 54
Bacon, Francis, 1;
his ideas on toleration, 26-27;
on the Ulster settlement, 66, 67;
on recusant claims, 129-131;
on Irish policy, 147, 151-153, 160, 169, 246
Bagenal, Mabel, 25
Baillie, Robert, 235, 241, 304
Baker, Lieutenant, 54, 55
Balfour, Sir James, 302
Ballina, Co. Kildare, 317
Ballycastle, Co. Antrim, 144
Ballyhaise, 339-340
Ballymena, 237
Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal, 34, 60
Baltimore, 103, 198;
sacked by Algerines, 208
-- Lord: _see_ Calvert
Bann, River, 31, 35, 141, 252, 343
Barbary, 103
Barberini: _see_ Urban VIII.
Barcelona, 13
Barkeley, a surveyor, 75
Barlow, Randolph, Dean of Christ Church, afterwards Archbishop of
Tuam, 228
Barnewall, Sir Patrick, his successful struggle against the mandates,
25-29, 110;
at Court, 119-122, 317, 326
Barnstaple, 101
Baron or Barron, Geoffrey, 223
Barrett, a pirate, 102
Barry, Edmund, Jesuit, 3, 4
-- Alderman Richard, 118-119
-- Colonels John and Garret, 292-293
Barrymore, Lord, 92, 111, 294-295
Basel, 49
Bath, John, 37, 39
Bawn, Daniel, 336
Beaumont, Sir John, 154
Bedell, William, Bishop of Kilmore, 234;
Provost of Trinity College, 273-274, 324, 338, 340;
last days and death, 344-347
Belfast, 232, 337, 348-349
Bellananagh, 339
Bellew, Sir Christopher, 326
Bellings, Sir Henry, 178
-- Christopher, 292-293
-- Richard, 332, 350-351
Bellinzona, 49
Belturbet, 339-340, 344
Bernard, Nicholas, D.D., 352, 355, 358
Bewley, 356
Binche, 40
Blacksod Bay, 106
Blackwater River in Meath, 340
in Ulster, 343
Blackwaterstown, 343
Blair, Robert, 231-232
Blayney, Lord, and family, 321, 342, 351, 356
Blenerhasset, Thomas, 82-83
Blundell, Sir Francis, Vice-Treasurer, 134-135, 146, 159, 162
Blunt, Sir Edward, 76
Bodley, Sir Josiah, 55, 84-85, 127
Bole, John, 240
Bologna, 49
Bolton, Sir Richard, Chief Baron, afterwards Lord Chancellor, 119,
218, 267, 314
Borlase, Sir John, Master of the Ordnance, 199, 204-205;
Lord Justice, 243, 312, 314, 320, chaps. xix. and xx. _passim_
Boroughs, Parliamentary, in 1613 and 1634, 109, 214
Boswell, Edward, 336
Bourke, Burke or De Burgo, 93, 94;
_see_ Clanricarde, Mayo, Castle Connell.
Bowler, William, 13
Boyle, Michael, Bishop of Waterford, 269
-- Richard, Clerk of the Munster Council, 8, 126-127;
afterwards Earl of Cork, _q.v._
Boyle, Co. Roscommon, 247
Boyne River, 354
Bradley, William, 108
Brady, George, Thomas, and Walter, 119
-- Conway, 158
Braidstane, 68
Bramhall, John, Bishop of Derry, afterwards Primate, 205-206, 228-229,
232-234, 243, 253, 303, 314
Bramston, Sir Thomas, 218
Brehon, 63, 93
Brett, merchant of Drogheda, 14
Brice, Edward, 232
Bristol, 101, 152
Broad, Mr., 78
Brooke, Captain, 57
Brookhill, 349
Brouncker, Sir Henry, President of Munster, 23-25, 103
Buckingham, George, 1st Duke of, 150, 168-171, 172, 176-177, 191, 285,
309
Bulkeley, Lancelot, Archbishop of Dublin, 186, 207, 239, 274
Buncrana, 53
Burghley, Lord, 111, 220
Burndennet, 38
Burnell, Henry, 25-26
Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 228
Burren, 125
Burt, 52, 56-58, 60
Butler: _see_ Ormonde and Mountgarret
-- Sir Walter, 113
-- Captain James, 167
-- Colonel John, 292
-- Sir Stephen and Lady, 325, 340
Byrne, Edmond, 307, and _see_ O'Byrne.
Cadame, Dr., 24
Cadowgan, Mr., 329
Cæsar's Commentaries, 67
Caledon, 335
Callan, 327
Calvert, George, afterwards Lord Baltimore, 117, 166, 190
Campbell: _see_ Argyle
-- Denis, Dean of Limerick, 68
-- Sir John, of Calder, 142-144
Cantire, 142-144, 287
Carew, Sir George, afterwards Earl of Totnes, 8, 10, 11, 23;
his mission to Ulster and prophecy, 80-82, 91, 108, 110, 135, 146,
150, 164, 315
Carey, Sir George, Vice-Treasurer and Lord Deputy, 13-16, 31, 34, 55
Carey, Sir Robert, afterwards Earl of Monmouth, 1, 3
Carleton, Sir Dudley, afterwards Viscount Dorchester, 36
Carlisle, Irish regiment at, 288-290, 308, 322
-- James Hay, 1st Earl of, 179
-- Lucy Percy, Countess of, 179, 203, 278, 281, 290, 310
Carrick-on-Shannon (Carrigdrumrusk), 166
Carrick-on-Suir, 4, 8, 24, 95, 166, 279, 321, 327
Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), 16, 20, 82, 107, 145-146, 235, 289-290,
308, 348
Carrickmacross, 191, 321, 342
Carrol, Sir James, Mayor of Dublin, 118, 162
Carte, Thomas, 291, 331
Cary, Lucius, afterwards 2nd Viscount Falkland, 185
-- Lorenzo, 203-204
Cashel, 7, 8, 94, 214, 274
Castleblayney, 321
Castlecomer, 247
Castle Connell, Lord (Burke), 111
Castlehaven, George Touchet, 1st Earl of, 75, 76, 199
Castlemartin, 178
Catelin, Sergeant Nathaniel, Mr. Speaker, 215, 217
Catesby, Robert, 26
Caulfield, Sir Toby, 1st Lord, 36, 82, 145
-- family, 336
Cavan, county and borough, 45, 65, 96, 109, 171, 325, 339, 340
Cecil, Robert: _see_ Salisbury
Chamberlain, John, 90
Champion, Alice, 337
Chappell, William, Bishop of Cork and Provost of Trinity College, 274,
275
Charlemont, 337, 342
Charlestown, 167
Chedzoy, 68
Chichester, Sir Arthur, afterwards Lord, Lord Deputy, chaps. ii.-viii.
_passim_, 16, 111, 162, 204, 337, 348
Christ Church, Dublin, 15;
shaken by the Amens, 181;
its condition in 1633, 205
-- -- Cork, 10
Christian, Edward, 68
Clandeboye, James Hamilton, 1st Viscount, 239
Clanricarde, Richard De Burgh, 4th Earl of, 25, 80, 92, 94, 249-252
-- Ulick, 5th Earl, afterwards Marquis of, 300
Clare, 94, 247
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 169, 235, 261, 267, 282, 308, 330
Clement VIII. (Aldobrandini), 9
Clogher, 68
Clogie, Alexander, 347
Clones, 62, 319
Clonmel, 94, 223
Clotworthy, Sir John, 319
Cloughoughter, 45, 340
Coke, Sir Edward, 192, 310
-- -- John, Secretary of State, 196, 210, 227, 248, 253, 256, 282, 296
Colclough, Thomas, 158
Cole, Sir William, 214, 315-317, 322
Coleraine, 31, 76 _sqq._, 106, 233, 254, 264, 284
Como, 49
Connello, a pirate, 101
Conry, Florence, titular Archbishop of Tuam, 40, 42, 46
Convocation, 227
Conway, 127
-- Edward, 2nd Viscount, 84, 208, 241, 262, 272, 309, 348-349, 353
Cook, Sir Francis, 196, 199
Coote, Sir Charles, the elder, 167, 185, 214, 292, 328;
governor of Dublin, 332, 350-351
Corbet, Ensign, 54;
Rev. John, 233-235
Cork, disturbance at, 2, 7-13, 187
-- Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 176;
Lord Justice, 185-187, 202;
his tomb in St. Patrick's, 206;
his parliamentary boroughs, 214, 222, 224;
his treatment by Strafford, 268-271;
at Strafford's trial, 304-305
Cornwallis, Sir Charles, 49, 125-126
Corunna, 39
Cosmo II., 149
Cottington, Francis Lord, 194, 213, 218, 220, 260, 278-279
Coventry, 290, 297
-- Lord Keeper, 225
Coward, a pirate, 102, 106
Cranfield: _see_ Middlesex
Crawford, Captain, 143
Creichton, Captain John, 335
Crichton, George, 338, 341
Croagh, Patrick, 39
Crofty hill, 349
Croghan, 345
Croisic, Le, 39
Cromwell, Oliver, 1, 89, 310
-- Lord, 199
Crooke, Thomas, 102-103
Crookhaven, 105
Crosbie, Sir Piers, 223, 271-274, 294, 328
Cross family, 337
Cuellar, Captain, 166
Culme, Captain, 119
-- Arthur, 340
-- Benjamin, Dean of St. Patrick's, 206
Culmore, 52-54, 88
Cumberland, 290
Cunningham, Robert, 233
Cusack, a priest, 41
Dalkley, 106
Danvers, Henry, afterwards Earl of Danby, President of Munster, 1,
105, 185
Darcy, Martin, sheriff of Galway, 250
Davies, Sir John, chaps. ii.-viii. _passim_;
Attorney-General 1606-1619, 31, 32, 34-36, 39, 60, 67, 70, 74;
his circuits described, 91-97, 108, 110;
Mr. Speaker, 112-115, 130;
his optimism, 135
Decies, 93
Dee river, in Louth, 357
Delvin, Richard Nugent, 10th Baron of: _see_ Westmeath
Denham, Chief Justice Sir John, Lord Justice, 147
Denmark, 100
Derby, Lord, 209
Derg, Lough, in Donegal, 188-189
Derry: _see_ Londonderry, chaps. iv. and v. _passim_, 60, 68-70,
76-78, 106, 145
Derry, Patrick, 243
Desmond, Geraldine, Earls of, 139, 181, 270
-- Richard Preston, Earl of, 139-141, 226
Devenish, 96
Devonshire, Charles Blount, Earl of, Lord Lieutenant: _see_ Mountjoy,
13, 16, 33, 35, 51, 282
Dido, 79
Dillon:
-- Thomas, Viscount, 247, 303
-- Sir James, 26
-- Colonel James, 292
Dingwall (Preston): _see_ Desmond
Docwra, Sir Henry, afterwards Lord, 31, 32, 34, 51, 62, 152
Doe castle, 55, 57, 58
Dominicans, 4, 187
Donato, Doge, 49, 50
Donegal, 34, 53, chaps. iii. and iv. _passim_
Dongan, Sir John, 225
Donnellan, John, 249
Douai, 39, 127
Dover, 39
Down, 84, 337
Downham, George, Bishop of Derry, 181, 232
Drogheda, 2, 31, 37, 95, 170, 292, 327-328, 331, 341, 345, 348-349;
first siege of, 353-358
Dublin, contested election, 118;
attempt to surprise, 317-322
Dunaff, 56
Dunalong, 55
Dundalk, 58, 358
Dungannon, 38, 48, 90, 337
Dungarvan, 93, 128, 208
Dunkine, Mr., 233
Dunluce, 141
Dunsany, Lord (Plunkett), 110, 323
Dunshaughly, 327
Duntroon, 142
Dunyveg, 142-144
Dutton, Sir Thomas, 167
Easton, a pirate, 104
Eccleston, constable of Dublin Castle, 45
Echlin, Robert, Bishop of Down, 231, 232
Edmondes, Sir Thomas, 37, 40
Eliot, Sir John, 196, 282
Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, 230
Ellagh Castle, 56
Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor, 147
Ellis, Fulk, 241
Ely O'Carroll, 163-166
Enniskillen, 90, 96, 337
Escobar, 24
Esmond, Sir Laurence, afterwards Lord, 158-159, 178, 272
Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of, 5, 25, 41, 93, 250
Essex, Robert, 3rd Earl of, 199, 307, 342
Eustace, William, 178
-- Sir Maurice, Mr. Speaker, 283
Everard, Sir John, 21;
chosen Speaker, 112-114, 121, 132, 133
Evers, a servant, 45
Faido, 49
Falkland, Henry Cary, 1st Viscount, Lord Deputy, 87, 169-174, 177-186,
201, 215
-- Lucius, 2nd Viscount, 185;
his opinion of Strafford, 308
Farmer, William, surgeon and chronicler, 2, 10
Farrar, Sir Robert, 357
Fawlett, a sea-captain, 208
Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, Chief Secretary, 66, 206
Fermanagh, 35, 37, 65, 95, 112, 118, 145, 337
Ferns, 153
Ferrelly, Edmond, 347
Ffolliott, Sir Henry, 59, 118
Fingall, Luke Plunkett, 1st Earl of, 45, 213, 214, 219, 323, 349
Finglas, 327
Fisher, Sir Edward, 158, 159
Fitzgerald: _see_ Kildare, Earls of.
-- Lady Bridget, 46
-- Sir James, 178
Fitzsimon, Henry, Jesuit, 18, 19
Fitzwilliam, Sir Thomas, afterwards Viscount, of Merrion, 52, 323
Flack, Edward, 338
Flanders, 99
Fleming, a pirate, 105
-- Thomas, titular Archbishop of Dublin, 186
Florence, Duke of, 105
Flower, Lieutenant, 292
Forbes, Captain Arthur, 171
Fortescue, Sir Faithful, 352
Four Masters, 34, 53
Fox, Arthur, 292, 319
Foyle, Lough, 31, 51-53
Franciscans, 42, 170, 186-187, 316
French, called 'most Christian Turks,' 208;
recruiters in Ireland, 294-296
Fuentes, Count, 49
Fuller, Thomas, 304
Fullerton, Sir James, 71
Galtrim, P. Hussy, titular baron of, 127
Galway, 25, 39
Galway county, treatment of, by Strafford, 248-253
Garrard, George, Strafford's correspondent, 253
Geneva, 339
Gibson, Captain Seafowl, 351-2
Gifford, Sir John, 264, 266
Gilbert, merchant of London, 14, 15
Glenconkein, 252
Glenveagh, 56, 59, 60
Gondomar, Count, 184
Gookin, Sir Vincent, 223-225
Gordon, Lieutenant, 54
Gore, Captain Paul, 118, 124
Gormanston, Viscount (Preston), 25, 52, 116, 127, 166, 303, 323, 349,
350
Gough, Sir James, 113, 116, 127-129
Gracedieu, 4
Graham, William, 178
Granard, 171
Grandison, Oliver St. John, 1st Viscount, Lord Deputy, 44, 66, 87, 113,
150, 169, 170, 176, 201, 268
Gray, James, 242
-- Lord Leonard, 322
Greenhills, 353
Grenville, Sir Richard, 332
Grey de Wilton, Lord, 41
Hackett, John, 208-209
Hadsor, Richard, 87, 162, 165
Hallam, Henry, 120, 307
Hamilton: _see_ Abercorn and Clandeboye.
-- Sir Frederick, 167
-- Sir James, 231-233
-- Marquis, 235, 290
Hampton, Christopher, Archbishop of Armagh, 102, 170
-- Court, 30
Hansard, Sir Richard, 52, 145
Harcourt, Sir Simon, 332, 357
Harding, John, 275
Harrington, Sir John, 30
Hart, Captain and Mrs., 52-54
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 13
Haulbowline, 11
Haynes, Henry, 166
Henrietta Maria, Queen, 188, 278, 282, 304
Henry IV., King of France, 26, 39, 174
Hoare, Thomas, 190
Hobart, Sir Henry, Attorney-General, 129
Hobbes, Thomas, of Malmesbury, 191
Hook, Captain, 208
Howell, James, 253
Howth, Christopher St. Lawrence, 22nd Baron of, 41, 44-46, 133
-- Nicholas, 24th Baron of, 323
Hugh, Mr., 323
Hussy, Patrick, 127
Hyde, Edward: _see_ Clarendon.
Inchiquin, Murrough O'Brien, 1st Earl of, 247
Inishowen, chap. iv. _passim_, 34, 99, 148
Isla, 142-144
Jacob, Sir Robert, Solicitor-General, 100, 146, 159
James, Captain, 210
-- Duke of York, afterwards James II., 254
Jamestown, 167
Jennings, John, a pirate, 105-106
Jesuits, 7, 8, 17-20, 49, 92, 97, 129, 132, 136, 147-149, 167,
172-173, 182, 184, 187, 214
Jones, Thomas, successively Bishop of Meath and Archbishop of Dublin,
Lord Chancellor, 23, 127-128, 133, 142;
Lord Justice, 147-148, 220
-- Sir William, Chief Justice, 151-152
Jones, Sir Roger, 168
-- Henry, Dean of Kilmore, successively Bishop of Clogher and of
Meath, 316, 324-325, 339-341
Jonson, Ben, 90
Julianstown, battle, 339, 345, 347-349, 353, 356
Jura island, 144
Juxon, William, Bishop of London, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury,
281
Kavanagh, Donnel Spaniagh, 92, 96-97
Kavanagh clan, 99, 153-160
Keilagh Castle, 340, 345
Kells, in Meath, 171
Kenny, Nicholas, 158
Kildare, borough, 119
Kildare, Earls of (Fitzgerald), 22, 31, 46
Kildare, George Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, 316, 323, 326-327
Kilkenny, City and County, 2, 3, 170, 247, 279, 327
-- statute of, 138
-- in Westmeath, 170
Killala, 234, 237
Killen, Lord, 110;
_see_ Fingall
-- Lady, 171
Kilmacrenan, 57
Kilmallock, 94
-- Lord (Sarsfield), 303;
_see_ Sarsfield
Kilmore, 74, 344-347
Kinard, 335
King, Sir Robert, 214
King's County, 92, 97;
plantation in, 163-166, 180
Kingsland, Lord (Barnewall), 47
Kingsmill, Sir Francis, 128
Kinsale, 2, 5, 10, 12, 149, 294-295
Knox, Andrew, Bishop of the Isles and of Raphoe, 97-98, 142, 231-232
Lagan river, 348
Lalor, Robert, 21
Lambert, Sir Oliver, 55, 80-81, 119, 143-144
-- Lord, 328
Larne, 141
Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, his alliance with Wentworth,
192, 194, 199;
his interference with the Irish Church, 205-207, 213;
the Queen of Bohemia's opinion of him, 229;
his alliance with Bramhall, 232-235;
his warning to Wentworth, 255;
Chancellor of Dublin University, 273-275;
one of the 'little junto' 290;
his unpopularity, 297, 309-310
Lawson, Captain Robert, saves Belfast, 348
Leamcon, 105
Lee, river, 11
Leicester, Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of, 278;
Lord Lieutenant, 327, 329-332
Leighlin, 3
Leitrim, plantation of, 152, 166-167, 247
Lepanto, 103
Leslie, Alexander, afterwards Earl of Leven, 238
-- Henry, Bishop of Down and Connor, 228, 232-233, 237, 239, 337
-- John, successively Bishop of Raphoe and Clogher, 215, 239
Ley, James, Chief Justice, afterwards Earl of Marlborough, 22, 28, 71
Lifford, 34, 39, 55, 82-83, 134, 145
Limavady, 78, 145
Limerick, 2, 8, 87, 94, 151
Lisbon, 53
Lisburn, 337, 348-349
Lisgoole, 337
Lismore, 269
Little, Mr. Strafford's secretary, 214
Livingston, John, 231, 233
Lodoms, 143
Loftus, Adam, 1st Viscount of Ely, Lord Chancellor, Lord Justice,
173-178, 194, 200-203, 222, 257-261;
his treatment by Strafford, 264-268, 281;
his daughter Lady Moore, 265, 267
Loftus, Sir Adam of Rathfarnham, Wentworth's supporter, 194, 202, 214,
247;
Vice-Treasurer, 260-263, 320-321
-- Sir Robert, 262-264, 267-268
-- 'young Lady Loftus,' Eleanor Rushe, 262-264, 267-268, 310
Lombard, Peter, titular Primate, 8, 49
Londonderry and the London planters, 31, 76, 118;
Strafford's treatment of, 252-254, 289, 290;
the bulwark of the North, 318
Longford, 97;
plantation in, 152, 164-166, 331
Lorne: _see_ Argyle
Lorraine, 40, 48
Loughmoe, 94
Louth, Lord (Plunket), 110
Louvain, 40, 48
Lovel, Lord, 154, 158, 160
Lowther, Sir Gerard, Chief Justice, 247, 314
Lucas, Sir Thomas, 357
Lucerne, 49
Lurgan, 338
Lyon, William, Bishop of Cork, 24, 103
Macaulay, Lord, 174
MacCarthy, Florence, 141
MacCoghlan, Sir John, 165, 180
MacDavitt, Phelim Reagh, chap. iv. _passim_, 51, 56-59
Macdonald, Sir James, 142-144
-- Coll Keitach MacGillespie, 143
Macdonnells in Antrim: _see_ Antrim; 140-144, 285
MacGibbon, Maurice, 94
MacGlannathy or MacClancy, 166
Macmahon or MacMahon, Art MacRory, 41
-- -- Art Roe, 356
-- -- Hugh Oge, 318-320, 322
-- -- Ever, Emer, or Heber, titular bishop of Clogher, 318
Macmahon clan, rebellion of, 342
MacMurrough, Art, 153
MacRedmond, Owen, 13
MacSwiney clan, 56, 59
Magee Island, 335
Magennis, Catherine, 4th wife of Tyrone, 35
-- Sir Con, 348
-- clan, 337
Magrath, James and Meiler, 188
-- Owen, 46-47
Maguire, Hugh (ob. 1600), 37;
another Hugh, 316
-- Cuconnaught, 37, 42
-- Connor Roe, 37, 39
-- Brian, 65, 118
-- Cormac, 144
-- Connor, 2nd Baron of Enniskillen, leader in the rebellion, 216,
315, 317-320;
executed, 322, 337
-- Rory, 292, 339, 341
Mahomet, 130
Mainwaring, Sir Philip, Strafford's secretary, 119, 202, 214, 218, 262
-- William, 214
Malin Head, 56
Mallow, 94
Man, Isle of, 198, 209
Manor Hamilton, 167
Marwood, Mr., 162
Massereene, 145
Masterson, Sir Richard, 153-155
Matthew, Sir Toby, 310
Maxwell, John, Bishop of Killala, 234, 334
-- James, Black Rod, 301
May, Sir Humphrey, 146
Mayo, 106
-- Miles Bourke, 2nd Viscount, 318
Meade, William, 8, 9
Meath, 97, 349
Medhope, the widow, 166
Mellifont, 37, 351
Mervyn, Audley, 314
Middlesex, Lionel Cranfield, Earl of, 172-173, 220
Milan, 49
Milton, John, 274
Monaghan, 69, 95, 321, 342
Monasterevan, 264
Monck, George, 332
Montgomery, George, Bishop of Derry, and his wife Susan, 52-57, 68-71
-- of Ardes, Lord, 238-240, 337
-- Sir James, 239
Moore, Charles, 2nd Viscount of Drogheda, 258, 263, 265, 352-358
-- Sir Garrett, 1st Viscount, 37
-- Roger, _see_ O'More
Morgan, Captain, 8, 9
Moryson, Fynes, 30
Mountgarret, Richard Butler, 3rd Viscount, 92, 140, 327
Mountjoy, Charles Blunt, afterwards Earl of Devonshire, _q.v._, Lord
Deputy, 1-5, 12, 13, 30-32, 41, 145
Mountnorris, Francis Annesley, Lord, 58, 90, 185, 200-203, 224;
his treatment by Strafford, 256-264, 267, 306
Mullarkey, Edmund, 145
Multifarnham, 316
Murphy, John, 158
Murrough, Lieutenant Christopher, 9, 11, 13
Muskerry, Lord, 303
Naas, 6, 279, 281
Nancy, 49
Nangle family, 166
Nanny river, 347
Nantes, 26
Naples, 13
Narni, 49
Naunton, Sir Robert, 164
Neagh, Lough, 56
Netherlands, 295-296
Netterville, Richard, 25-26
-- Sir John, 2nd Viscount, 292, 323, 352
Newburn, 241, 299-300
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 99
Newcomen, Sir Beverley, 214
New Ross, 96
Newry, 321, 337, 348, 352
Newtownards, 337
Nicolalde, Señor, 209
Noble, Mr., 233
Normandy, 39
Norris, Lady, 94
-- Sir Thomas, 270
Northumberland, Algernon Percy, 10th Earl of, 236, 299
Norton, Sir Dudley, Chief Secretary, 200, 262
Nott, a pirate, 36
Nottingham, Charles Howard, 1st Earl of, 101
Nugent: _see_ Delvin, 42-46
-- Sir Christopher, 113
-- Sir Thomas, 326
Nutt, a pirate, 198
O'Boyle, 37
O'Brennan, 247
O'Brien, Henry, 111
-- Sir Daniel, 113
O'Byrne, Feagh MacHugh, 92, 97, 161, 176
-- Phelim MacFeagh, 92, 97
-- Hugh MacPhelim, 315, 319, 347, 349
-- clan, 99;
case of the, 176-179
O'Cahan, Donnell, 31-33, 58, 62, 145
-- Shane Carragh, 58
-- Rory Oge, 62, 145
-- Manus, 342
Ochiltree, Lord, 111
O'Coffie, called bishop, 106
O'Connolly, Owen, discoverer of the 1641 plot, 319-321, 330, 336
O'Connor clan, 92
O'Daly's bridge, 340
O'Dempsey, 92
O'Devany, Cornelius, titular bishop of Down, executed, 98
O'Dogherty, Sir Cahir, 34;
rebellion and death of, 51, 61, 88, 99, 124, 133, 145, 148
-- Lady (Mary Preston), 52, 57, 226
-- Rose, 38
O'Donnell, Rory, Earl of Tyrconnel, _q.v._, chap. iii. _passim_
-- Hugh Roe, 42
-- Neill Garv, 34-35, 59-62, 145
-- Shane MacManus, 59-60
O'Doyne, 92
O'Driscoll, 209
O'Farrell or O'Ferrall, 44, 162-164, 331
O'Gallagher, 58
Ogden, Anne, 337
O'Hanlon, 58, 337
O'Keenan, Teig, 39
O'Laverty, Laughlin, 146
Olivares, 173
O'Mahony, Cornelius, Jesuit, 334
O'More clan, 92
-- Roger or Rory, originator of the 1641 outbreak, 317-319, 347-349
O'Neill clan: _see_ Tyrone, chap. iii. _passim_, 38, 144-146, 295,
315, 318-320
-- Con Bacagh, 33
-- Sir Cormac MacBaron, 39
-- Henry, 39, 40
-- Hugh Boy, 99
-- Owen Roe MacArt, 37, 40, 89, 343
-- Sir Phelim, 335-337, 355-356
-- Tirlagh, 65, 118
O'Quin clan, 337
O'Reilly clan in 1641, 324-326, 338-347
O'Reilly, Shane MacPhilip, 41
-- Mulmory Oge, 65
-- Lady Mary, 226
-- Philip MacHugh, M.P. for Cavan, 325, 339-341, 347, 349
-- Tirlagh MacShane MacPhilip, 338
-- Miles, sheriff of Cavan, 339, 340, 344, 346
-- Philip MacMulmore, 340, 346
-- Edmund, 344-346
Ormonde, two baronies in Tipperary, 247
-- Thomas Butler, 10th Earl of, called Black Thomas, 3, 4, 8, 95, 139,
146
-- Walter, 11th Earl of, 140
-- James, 12th Earl of, afterwards Marquis and Duke, 141, 180, 203;
his relations with Wentworth, 216, 234, 246-247, 279, 299, 309-310;
a parliamentary tactician, 312-314;
commander of the forces, 327-328, 332, 348, 351;
relieves Drogheda, 356;
on rebel Lords and Commoners, 358
Osbaldeston, Attorney-General, 342-343
Ossory, 3, 19
Ossuna, Duke of, 40
Ostend, 40
O'Sullivan Bere, Philip, historian, 53-55, 98
-- a recruiting officer, 294
O'Toole clan, 99, 177
Oughter, Lough, 45, 354;
and _see_ Cloughoughter
Palatine, the elector, and his country, 100, 230
Parker, John, Bishop of Elphin, 344
Parliament of Ireland, in 1613, chap. vii.;
in 1634, chap. xii.;
in 1640, chaps. xvi. and xix.
Parliament of England, receives the news of the Irish rebellion, 330
Parma, 49
Parry, Edward, Bishop of Killaloe, 235
Parsons or Persons, Robert, Jesuit, 49, 129, 149
-- Sir William, 158, 178-179, 195-196;
Wentworth finds him very 'dry,' 203, 214, 222, 243;
Lord Justice, 312, 319-320, chap. xix. _passim_
-- Fenton, 65
Passage, near Cork, 10
Patrick's Purgatory, Saint, 188
Paul V. (Borghese), 49, 149
Paulet, Sir George, 51-55, 59
Percy: _see_ Carlisle and Northumberland.
Perrott, Sir John, 108, 120, 251
Perse, Henry, Chichester's secretary, 67
Philip III. and IV., Kings of Spain, 149, 171, 316
Phillips, Sir Thomas, 77-78, 87, 145, 252-253
Philpot, Edward, 340
Pilsworth, Mr., 6
Pirates, 101-107, 207-210
Plattin, 356
Plumleigh, Captain Richard, 198, 209
Plunket or Plunkett: _see_ Fingall, Dunsany, and Louth
-- Sir Christopher, 116
-- Colonel Richard, one of the leading rebels, 292, 317-318, 399
Poland and the Poles, 100, 167-168
Pont, Mr., a magistrate, 179
-- Worthy Mrs., 242
Portadown, massacre at, 342-344
Porter, George, 292-293
Portland, Lord Treasurer, 207
Portrush, 141
Portumna, 249
Power, Lord, 5
Powers, bastard imps of the, 93
Powerscourt, Lord, 170;
_see_ Wingfield
Poynings's Law, 10 Henry VII., 111, 120, 220, 224, 316
Preston, Richard: _see_ Desmond
Preston, Thomas, afterwards Viscount Tarah, 40, 295
Price, Captain Charles, 214, 225, 260, 341-343
Purcell family in Tipperary, 94
Pym, John, 1, 191
Pynnar, Nicholas, his survey, 65, 76, 83-85
Queen's County, 92, 97
Quilleboeuf, 39
Raby, Strafford's second title, 282
Radcliffe, Sir George, Strafford's confidential secretary, 193-194;
precedes him to Ireland, 198, 202, 214, 216-218;
sometimes wiser than his master, 243-244, 266, 274, 281, 298-299;
impeached in England, 302, 310-313;
impeached in Ireland, 314
Rainsborough, Captain William, 208
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 81;
sells his estate to Boyle, 268-270
Randolph, Colonel Edward, 76
Ranelagh, Roger Jones, 1st Viscount, 219, 234, 247
Raphoe, 68, 106, 239
Rathlin, 141
Rathmullen, 38, 90
Raven, Thomas, 87
Rawdon, Sir George, 240, 348
Reggio, 49
Remington, Sir Robert, Vice-President of Connaught, 25
-- knighted by Wentworth, 201
Rhodes, Sir Godfrey, 201
Rice, a pirate, 207-208
Rich, Barnaby, 79
Richard II., King, 153
Richardot, President of Artois, 40
Richelieu, Cardinal, 292
Ridge, Mr., 233
Ridgeway, Sir Thomas, afterwards Earl of Londonderry, Vice-Treasurer,
55-58, 70, 81, 112-113, 134-135
Rinuccini, Bishop of Fermo and nuncio, 333
Ripon, treaty of, 292, 294, 300
Roche, Lord, 9, 127
Rockley, Captain, 351
Roe, Sir Thomas, 229
Rome, 7, 49, 337
Roper, Major, 347-348
Roscommon borough, 113;
county, 167
Rossclogher, 166
Rothe, David, titular Bishop of, 160-161
Rowley, Mr., 145
Rudyard, Sir Benjamin, 293
Rushe, Frances, Lady Wentworth, 194, 264
-- Eleanor: _see_ Loftus
Ryves, Captain, 340
St. John, Sir Oliver: _see_ Grandison
-- -- Oliver, Cromwell's Chief Justice, 307
-- Leger, Sir Anthony, Lord Deputy temp. Henry VIII., 120
-- -- Sir Anthony, Master of the Rolls, 71
-- -- Sir William, President of Munster, 187, 218, 291-293, 321
Salisbury, Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of, 1, 23, 41, 43, 49, 66, 141
Salkeld, a pirate, 105
Sarsfield, Thomas, Mayor of Cork, 8, 9, 24
-- Chief Justice Sir Dominick, 22, 185, 303
Savage, Sir Arthur, 177
Saxey, Chief Justice, 9, 17
Schull, 105
Scott, William, 241
Sexton, George, Chichester's secretary, 119
Shaen, Sir Richard, 163-164
Shandon, 11
Sheep Haven, 55
Sheridan, Dennis, 346
Shirley, Chief Justice, 177, 179, 261
Shrule, 235
Sicilian Vespers, 82
Sidney, Sir Henry, 251;
Sir Philip, 250
Sigginstown, 280
Sion House, 299
Skelton, John, Mayor of Dublin, 17, 23
-- William, 336
Skerries, Co. Dublin, 150, 354
-- off Holyhead, 30, 180
Skiddy's Castle, 11
Slane, 39, 356
Slane, Lord (Fleming), 110, 216, 323
Somerset, Carr, Earl of, 90, 146
-- Sir Thomas, 140
Sotherne, Mr., 6, 7
Spain, Spaniards, 10, 11, 13, 26, 37-43, 81, 103, 105, 168, 171, 294-296
Spencer, Mr., 240
Spinola, Marquis, 40, 42
Spottiswood, John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 231, 240
-- John, Bishop of Clogher, 239
Springham, Matthias, 88
Stameen, 356
Standen, Sir Anthony, 41
Stanihurst, Richard, 41
Stewart, Henry, 242-243
Still, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 30
Stoke, battle of, 154
Strabane, 38, 55
Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of, chaps. xi. to xviii.
_passim_, 89, 107, 125, 130, 138, 148, 165, 173, 179, 185-188;
his antecedents, 190;
'thorough' with Laud, 192;
his friends, 193;
Lord Deputy, 194;
lands in Ireland, 199;
the Boyle monument, 206;
puts down piracy, 207-210;
his first Parliament, chap. xii.;
tames Convocation, 227;
proposes to drive out the Scots, 243;
his colonising schemes, chap. xiv.;
Mountnorris case, 256;
Loftus case, 264;
treatment of Lord Cork, 268;
Trinity College case, 273;
his Irish estate, 278;
his second Parliament, 283;
his army, chap. xvii.;
his trial, 304;
character, 309
Strongbow, 15
Suarez the Jesuit, 24, 122, 129-131
Suckling, Sir John, 169
Suir river, 4
Sweden, Irish in, 99, 100
Swilly, Lough, 37, 39, 51-52, 56, 107
Swiney, Eugene, titular bishop of Kilmore, 345-346
Switzerland, 40
Synnott, Walter, 154-155
Taaffe, Theobald, afterwards Viscount, 293, 331
Talbot, William, 113, 117, 129, 130, 132, 170
-- Peter, Jesuit, afterwards archbishop, 215
Tanderagee, 337
Tara, 350
Taylor, Francis, 118-119
Temple, Sir John, Master of the Rolls and historian, 193, 320, 334, 357
Temple, Sir William, Provost of Trinity College, 273
Termon lands, 35, 69-71
-- Magrath, 188
Thomastown, 2-4
Thomond, Henry O'Brien, 5th Earl of, 80, 94, 106, 151
Thornton, Sir George, 8, 9
-- Alice, Wandesford's daughter, 312, 321
Thurles, Thomas Butler, Viscount, 180
Tichborne, Sir Henry, 347, 353-358
Tinahely, 280
Tinane, 336
Tipperary, the cross, 92;
the Palatinate, 139;
the county, 279
Toome, 78
Tory island, 52, 59
Trim, 332
Trinity College, Dublin, 186-187, 273
Tuam, 205
Tullagh: _see_ Jamestown, 166
Tullophelim, 139
Tullyallen, 356
Turvey, 25
Tyrconnel, Rory O'Donnell, Earl of 34, 35, 58, 97, 149
Tyringham, Sir Arthur, 348
Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill, Earl of, chap. iii. _passim_, 1, 2, 18, 25;
reaches Rome, 49, 57, 65-66, 71, 92, 97, 113, 121, 133;
his death, 149, 236
Urban VIII. (Barberini), 49
Ussher, James, successively Bishop of Meath and Primate, 150, 170-171,
177-179, 200, 215, 228, 239, 242, 273-275, 308, 353
-- Robert, Provost of Trinity College, 273
Uvedale, Sir William, 15
Vane, Sir Henry, 282, 308, 315
Vaughan, Captain Henry, 55;
Captain John, 77
Venice, 10, 36
Virgil, 79
Virginia, 67
-- Co. Cavan, 90, 338, 341
Wafer, Mr., 7
Walpole, Sir Robert, 147, 191
Walsh or Walshe, Sir Nicholas, 5;
Chief Justice, 8, 93
-- Henry, 158-160
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 92, 250
Wandesford, Sir Christopher, Master of the Rolls, 193-194, 216,
218-219, 266, 276;
Lord Justice, 281;
Lord Deputy, 297-300, 302;
his death, 303-304, 312
Wanstead, 30
Warbeck, Perkin, 8
Warwick, Sir Philip, 268, 310
Waterford, 2, 3, 7, 24, 29;
assizes at, 93, 96-97;
charter forfeited, 151;
restored, 180
Welwood, Dr. James, 190-191
Wemyss, Sir Patrick, 327, 348
Wentworth, Thomas: _see_ Strafford
-- Sir George, 211, 214, 262
-- Woodhouse, 301
Westmeath, Richard Nugent, Lord Delvin, 1st Earl of, 42-46, 97, 171-172
Weston, Lord Chancellor, 206
-- Earl of Portland, 207, 220
Wetheread, Bishop of Waterford, 270
White, James, Jesuit, 3-6
Whitehaven, 289
White Knight (Fitzgerald), 94
Whitelock, Bulstrode, 242, 330
Wicklow, 96
Wilbraham, Sir Roger, 117, 126
Willoughby, Sir Francis, 185;
takes Irish troops to Carlisle, 288, 308;
governor of Dublin Castle, 320-322
-- Ensign, 238
Wilmot, Sir Charles, afterwards Viscount, 8, 177, 185-186, 203, 218,
255-256, 267
Winch, Sir Humphrey, Chief Baron, etc., 117
Windebank, Sir Francis, Secretary of State, 220, 290
Wingfield, Sir Richard, created Viscount Powerscourt, 55, 57, 81;
Lord Justice, 127
Winwood, Sir Ralph, Secretary of State, 134
Wotton, Sir Henry, 49, 149
Wright, Bishop of Chester, 297
Zuarius or Suarez, 130
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME
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TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES
General: Corrections to punctuation have not been individually noted
General: Variable capitalisation, particularly of names beginning Mac or
Mc as in the original
Page xv: Page for Monck, Grenville, etc. corrected from 322 to 332.
Page 6, 367: Variable spelling of Pilsworth/Pillsworth as in the original
Page 15 (Footnote): 'and' following Chichester originally printed upside
down and followed by (
Page 17 (Sidenote): against Recusant as in the original
Page 47: Tyrconnell corrected to Tyrconnel; "they would should" as in the
original
Page 59: Tyrconnell's as in the original - left as part of a quotation.
Page 78: Philips standardised to Phillips
Page 92, 366: Variable spelling of O'Doyne/O'Doyn as in the original
Page 94: strnctures corrected to structures; Kinght corrected to Knight
Page 94, 364: Variable spelling of McGibbon/MacGibbon as in the original
Page 100: agains as in the original
Page 101: strategems as in the original
Page 102: Cowards' corrected to Coward's (second instance)
Page 106, 362: Variable spelling of Dalkey/Dalkley as in the original
Page 108 (Sidenote): constituences corrected to constituencies
Page 110, 364: Variable spelling of Killen/Killeen as in the original
Page 119 (Sidenote): duplicate the removed
Page 137: conpensation corrected to compensation
Page 143, 365: Variable spelling of McGillespie/MacGillespie as in the
original
Page 164, 166: Discrepancy in term of forty-one or twenty-one years as in
the original
Page 172: therabouts as in the original text
Page 193 (Sidenote): Wandsford corrected to Wandesford
Page 194: wellknown standardised to well-known
Page 197: accommomodated corrected to accommodated
Page 214: representd corrected to represented
Page 234: delared corrected to declared
Page 238: even in the phrase "as strong a royalist as even Scotland has
produced" as in the original text
Page 321, 361: Variable spelling of Castleblayney/Castleblaney as in the
original
Page 337 (Sidenote): Bihsop corrected to Bishop
Page 347, 363: Variable spelling of Ferrely/Ferrelly as in the original
Page 359: Annagh as in the original
Page 361: Entry for Carlisle, Lady - page 209 corrected to 290