THE FLIGHT OF THE EARLS, 1607
[Sidenote: Mountjoy leaves Ireland, 1603.]
[Sidenote: Tyrone in favour at Court.]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy created Earl of Devonshire.]
[Sidenote: He supports Tyrone.]
When Mountjoy left Ireland at the beginning of June 1603 he was
accompanied by Tyrone, and by Rory O'Donnell, whose brother's death
had made him head of the clan. The party, including Fynes Moryson the
historian, were nearly wrecked on the Skerries. On the journey through
Wales and England Tyrone was received with many hostile demonstrations,
mud and stones being often thrown at him; for there was scarcely a
village which had not given some victims to the Irish war. The chiefs
were entertained by Mountjoy at Wanstead, and after a few days were
presented to the King, who had declared by proclamation that they were
to be honourably received. Their reception was much too honourable to
please men who had fought and bled in Ireland. Sir John Harrington, who
had last seen Tyrone in his Ulster fastness sitting in the open air
upon a fern form and eating from a fern table, gave his sorrow words
in a letter to Bishop Still of Bath and Wells. 'How I did labour after
that knave's destruction! I adventured perils by sea and land, was near
starving, ate horse-flesh in Munster, and all to quell that man, who
now smileth in peace at those who did hazard their lives to destroy
him; and now doth Tyrone dare us old commanders with his presence and
protection.' Tyrone and O'Donnell were present at Hampton Court on July
21 when Mountjoy was made Earl of Devonshire. Before that date Tyrone
was in communication with Irish Jesuits in London, and among others
with the famous Archer. Devonshire's one idea seems to have been to
decide every point in his favour, and he was in a situation, so far
as Ulster was concerned, not very different from that which the Earls
of Kildare had formerly occupied in the Pale. He was made the King's
Lieutenant in Tyrone, and even obtained an order for 600_l._ on the
Irish treasury, which Carey hesitated to pay, since the result would
be to withhold their due from others whose claims were not founded on
rebellion, but on faithful service. When he went back to Ireland in
August, the sheriffs of the English and Welsh counties through which he
passed were ordered to convey him safely with troops of horse, for fear
of the people.[28]
[Sidenote: Tyrone unpopular in Ireland, 1604.]
After his return Tyrone lived some time at Drogheda, the gentry of the
Pale being unwilling to entertain him. The horrors of the late war
were remembered, and the beaten rebel was generally unpopular. He had
not means to stock or cultivate the twentieth part of his country,
yet he took leases of more to give him a pretext for interference. He
pretended that all fugitives from Tyrone should be forced to return,
and Sir John Davies thought it evident that he wished exceedingly to
'hold his greatness in his old barbarous manner.' Otherwise there
could be no object in his opposition to having a sheriff appointed for
Tyrone, and yet he could hardly hope to raise another rebellion, for he
was old and poor and his country extremely depopulated.[29]
[Sidenote: Case of O'Cahan.]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy's promise to O'Cahan,]
[Sidenote: which is not kept.]
[Sidenote: O'Cahan's righteous indignation.]
[Sidenote: Violence of Tyrone. 1606.]
Donnell O'Cahan, chief of what is now Londonderry county, once known as
Iraght O'Cahan, and more lately as the county of Coleraine, submitted
to Sir Henry Docwra in July 1602. The lands had been in possession of
the clan for centuries, but certain fines and services were due to
the O'Neills. Tyrone was still in open rebellion for several months
afterwards, and it was thought that the loss of O'Cahan's district
had much to say to his final discomfiture. O'Cahan, whose hereditary
office it was to cast a shoe at the installation of an O'Neill, agreed
to give up the land between Lough Foyle and the Faughan water to the
Queen, and also land on the Bann for the support of the garrison at
Coleraine. The rest of his tribal territory was to be granted to him by
patent. This agreement was reduced to writing, signed by O'Cahan and
Docwra and ratified under his hand by Lord Deputy Mountjoy. Pending
the settlement of the question, O'Cahan was granted the custody of his
country under the Great Seal. When it afterwards seemed probable that
Tyrone would be received to mercy O'Cahan reminded Docwra that he had
been promised exemption from his sway. At O'Cahan's earnest request,
Docwra wrote to Mountjoy, who again solemnly declared that he should be
free and exempt from the greater chief's control. No sooner had Tyrone
been received to submission than he began to quarter men upon O'Cahan,
who pleaded the Lord Deputy's promise, and was strongly supported by
Docwra. 'My lord of Tyrone,' was Mountjoy's astonishing answer, 'is
taken in with promise to be restored, as well to all his lands, as his
honour of dignity, and O'Cahan's country is his and must be obedient
to his command.' Docwra reminded him that he had twice promised the
contrary in writing, to which he could only answer that O'Cahan was
a drunken fellow, and so base that he would probably rather be under
Tyrone than not, and that anyhow he certainly should be under him.
Tyrone's own contention was that O'Cahan was a mere tenant at will, and
without any estate in the lands which had borne his name for centuries.
Docwra reported Mountjoy's decision to O'Cahan, who 'bade the devil
take all Englishmen and as many as put their trust in them.' Docwra
thought this indignation justified, but realised that nothing could be
done with a hostile Viceroy, and advised O'Cahan to make the best terms
he could with Tyrone. Chichester was from the first inclined to favour
O'Cahan's claim, but the Earl managed to keep him in subjection until
1606, when the quarrel broke out again. Tyrone seized O'Cahan's cattle
by the strong hand, which Davies says was his first 'notorious violent
act' since his submission, and the whole question soon came up for the
consideration of the Government. Early in 1607 the two chiefs came to a
temporary agreement by which O'Cahan agreed to pay a certain tribute,
for which he pledged one-third of his territory, and in consideration
of which Tyrone gave him a grant of his lands. O'Cahan was inclined to
stand to this agreement, but Tyrone said it was voidable at the wish of
either party. A further cause of dispute arose from O'Cahan's proposal
to repudiate Tyrone's illegitimate daughter, with whom he had lately
gone through the marriage ceremony, and to take back a previous and
more lawful wife. His fear was lest he should have to give up the dowry
also, and especially lest his cattle should be seized to satisfy the
claim.[30]
[Sidenote: Death of Devonshire, 1606.]
[Sidenote: Claims O'Cahan and Tyrone.]
[Sidenote: The Crown intervenes.]
Devonshire died on April 3, 1606, and Tyrone thus lost his most
thoroughgoing supporter at court. It was in the following October that
O'Cahan's cattle were seized, and in May 1607 that chief petitioned
for leave to surrender his country to the King, receiving a fresh
grant of it free from Tyrone's interference. He afterwards expressed
his willingness to pay the old accustomed services to Tyrone. The two
chiefs were summoned before the Council, and Tyrone so far forgot
himself as to snatch a paper from O'Cahan's hand and tear it in the
Viceroy's presence; but for this he humbly apologised. The case was
remitted to the King, and it was afterwards arranged that both parties
should go over to plead their several causes; peace being kept in the
meantime on the basis of the late agreement. The Irish lawyers were of
opinion that O'Cahan's country was really at the mercy of the Crown on
the ground that, though it had been found by inquisition to be part of
Tyrone's, the Earl's jurisdiction only entitled him to certain fixed
services and not to the freehold. That they held to have been the
position of Con Bacagh O'Neill, and Tyrone's last grant only professed
to restore him to what his grandfather had.[31]
[Sidenote: Assizes in Donegal.]
[Sidenote: Rory O'Donnell created Earl of Tyrconnel.]
[Sidenote: Extreme pretensions of Tyrconnel.]
[Sidenote: His character.]
[Sidenote: Discontent of Neill Garv.]
While Rory O'Donnell was in England, Chief Baron Pelham was going
circuit in Donegal. The multitude, he told Davies, treated him as an
angel from heaven and prayed him upon their knees to return again to
minister justice to them; but many gentlemen refused the commission
of peace until they had Tyrone's approval. A sheriff was appointed,
but at first he had little to do. Rory O'Donnell was treated nearly as
well as Tyrone himself. On his return to Ireland in September 1603, he
was knighted in Christchurch, Dublin, by Sir George Carey, and at the
same time created Earl of Tyrconnel. He received a grant of the greater
part of Donegal, leaving Inishowen to O'Dogherty, the fort and fishery
of Ballyshannon to the Crown, and 13,000 acres of land near Lifford
to Sir Neill Garv O'Donnell. On the wording of the patent Lifford
itself was reserved to the Crown. Neill Garv's very strong claim to
the chiefry was passed over, he having assumed the name and style of
O'Donnell without the leave of the Government. Rory was also made the
King's Lieutenant in his own country, with a proviso that martial law
should not be executed except during actual war, nor at all upon his
Majesty's officers and soldiers. These ample possessions and honours
were, however, not enough for the new Earl, who aimed at everything
that his ancestors had ever had, and who was unwilling to leave a foot
of land to anyone else. Five years after the death of Queen Elizabeth
Chichester reported that the lands belonging to the Earldom of
Tyrconnel were so mortgaged that the margin of rent was not more than
300_l._ a year. Nor is this to be wondered at for the Four Masters,
who wrote in Donegal and who wished to praise its chief, said he was
'a generous, bounteous, munificent, and hospitable lord, to whom the
patrimony of his ancestors did not seem anything for his spending and
feasting parties.' The last O'Donnell being of this disposition, the
attempt to change him into the similitude of an English Earl was not
likely to succeed. O'Dogherty was for the time well satisfied; but Sir
Neill Garv, who had destroyed his chances by anticipating the King's
decision, was angry, for Docwra and Mountjoy had formerly promised that
he should have Tyrconnel in as ample a manner as the O'Donnells had
been accustomed to hold it. And by the word Tyrconnel he understood,
or pretended to understand, not only Donegal but 'Tyrone, Fermanagh,
yea and Connaught, wheresoever any of the O'Donnells had at any time
extended their power, he made account all was his: he acknowledged no
other kind of right or interest in any man else, yea the very persons
of the people he challenged to be his, and said he had wrong if any
foot of all that land, or any one of the persons of the people were
exempted from him.'
Here we have the pretensions of an Irish chief stated in the most
extreme way, and they were evidently quite incompatible with the
existence of a modern government and with the personal rights of modern
subjects.[32]
[Sidenote: Discontent of Tyrone.]
[Sidenote: Secret service.]
Tyrone was too wise to make claims like Neill Garv's, but he resented
all interference. He had disputes with the Bishop of Derry about Termon
lands, with English purchasers of abbeys, and with several chiefs of
his own name who had been made freeholders of the Crown. Curious points
of law were naturally hateful to one who had always ruled by the sword,
but he may have had real cause to complain of actions decided without
proper notice to him. He and his predecessors had enjoyed the fishery
of the Bann, which was now claimed by the Crown as being in navigable
waters. Queen Elizabeth had indeed let her rights, but no lessee had
been able to make anything out of the bargain. In his very last letter
to Devonshire Chichester said Tyrone was discontented and always would
be, but he could see no better reason for his discontent than that
he had lost 'the name of O'Neill, and some part of the tyrannical
jurisdiction over the subjects which his ancestors were wont to assume
to themselves.' Davies, however, admitted that his country was quiet
and free from thieves, while Tyrconnel was just the contrary. Tyrone
complained that officials of all kinds were his enemies, and that he
was harassed beyond bearing. His fourth wife, Catherine Magennis, was
known to be on bad terms with him, and he had threatened to repudiate
her. She 'recounted many violences which he had used and done to her
in his drunkenness,' and wished to leave him, but resisted any attempt
at an ecclesiastical divorce. Chichester admitted that it was 'a very
uncivil and uncommendable part to feed the humour of a woman to learn
the secrets of her husband,' but gunpowder plots were an exception to
every rule, and he thought himself justified in hunting for possible
Irish ramifications by equally exceptional means. James Nott, employed
by Tyrone as secretary or clerk, had a pension for bringing letters to
the Government. Sir Toby Caulfield was directed to see Lady Tyrone,
and to examine her on oath. She repeated her charges of ill-treatment
and declared that she was the last person in whom her husband would
confide, but that in any case she would do nothing to endanger his
life. She expressed her belief that Tyrone had no dealings with the
English recusants, but that he was discontented with the Government:
Tyrconnel depended on him, and that nearly all the Ulster chiefs were
on good terms with the two earls. Lady Tyrone continued to live, not
very happily, with her husband for many years, during which his habits
did not improve. Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at Venice,
reported in 1614 that 'Tyrone while he is his own man is always much
reserved, pretending ever his desire of your Majesty's grace, and by
that means only to adoperate his return into his country; but when he
is _vino plenus et irâ_ (as he is commonly once a night, and therein
is _veritas_) he doth then declare his resolute purpose to die in
Ireland; and both he and his company do usually in that mood dispose
of governments and provinces, and make new commonwealths.' Nothing
seriously affecting Tyrone's relations with the State happened until
August 1607, when Chichester informed him that both he and O'Cahan were
to go to England, where their differences would be decided by the King
himself. Sir John Davies was warned to be in readiness to accompany
them.[33]
[Sidenote: The Maguires.]
[Sidenote: Maguire at Brussels.]
[Sidenote: A ship hired with Spanish money.]
[Sidenote: Tyrone's farewell.]
After the death of Hugh Maguire in 1600 his brother Cuconnaught, whom
Chichester describes as 'a desperate and dangerous young fellow,' was
elected chief in his stead. The English Government decided to divide
Fermanagh between him and his kinsman, Connor Roe, and to this he
agreed because he could not help it, but without any intention of
resting satisfied. Spanish ships often brought wine to the Donegal
coast, and communications were always open through these traders. In
August 1606 Tyrconnel and O'Boyle inquired of some Scotch sailors
as to the fitness of their little vessel for the voyage to Spain,
but Chichester could not believe that he had any idea of flight, and
supposed that he was only seeking a passage for Maguire. The latter
found a ship after some delay, and was at the Archduke Albert's court
by Whitsuntide in 1607. While at Brussels he associated with Tyrone's
son Henry, who commanded an Irish regiment 1,400 strong. Sir Thomas
Edmondes had tried to prevent this appointment two years before, but
the Archduke succeeded in getting it approved by James I. The Gunpowder
Plot had not then been discovered, and Devonshire's influence was
paramount in all that concerned Ireland. Tyrone sometimes professed
himself anxious to bring his son home, but in other company he boasted
of the young man's influence at the Spanish court and of his authority
over the Irish abroad. The Archduke now gave Maguire a considerable
sum of money, with which he went to Rouen, bought or hired a ship, of
which John Bath of Drogheda had the command, and put into Lough Swilly
about the end of August. The ship carried nets and was partly laden
with salt, under colour of fishing on the Irish coast. Tyrone was with
Chichester at Slane on Thursday, August 28 (old style), conferring
with him about his intended visit to England. Here he received a
letter telling him of Maguire's arrival, and on Saturday he went to
Mellifont, which he left next day after taking leave of his friend, Sir
Garrett Moore. He 'wept abundantly, giving a solemn farewell to every
child and every servant in the house, which made them all marvel,
because in general it was not his manner to use such compliments.' It
was afterwards remembered that his farewell to Chichester also was
'more sad and passionate than was usual with him.' On Monday he passed
through Armagh to a house of his own near Dungannon, and there rested
two nights. On Wednesday he crossed the Strabane mountains, and appears
to have remained in the open during the night. During this day's
journey, says Davies, 'it is reported that the Countess, his wife,
being exceedingly weary, slipped down from her horse, and, weeping,
said she could go no further; whereupon the Earl drew his sword, and
swore a great oath that he would kill her on the place if she would not
pass on with him, and put on a more cheerful countenance withal.' On
Thursday morning they reached Burndennet, near Lifford. The Governor
asked him and his son to dinner, but he perhaps feared detention, and
pushed on during the afternoon and night to Rathmullen, where the
French ship was lying. Tyrconnel had already arrived, and they appear
to have sailed the next morning. Chichester afterwards discovered that
O'Cahan wished to go too, but was unable to join the others in time.[34]
[Sidenote: Departure of Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and Maguire.]
Ninety-nine persons sailed in the vessel which carried Tyrone,
Tyrconnel, and Maguire. Among the O'Neills were Lady Tyrone, her three
sons Hugh, John, and Brian, and Art Oge, the son of Tyrone's brother
Cormac. Among the O'Donnells were Tyrconnel's brother Caffar, with his
wife Rose O'Dogherty, and his sister Nuala, who had left her husband
Neill Garv. What, the Irish annalists ask, might not the young in this
distinguished company have achieved if they had been allowed to grow
up in Ireland? 'Woe to the heart that meditated, woe to the mind that
conceived, woe to the council that decided the project of their setting
out on this voyage without knowing whether they should ever return to
their native principalities or patrimonies to the end of the world.'
[Sidenote: Sir Cormac MacBaron.]
[Sidenote: The fugitives reach France,]
[Sidenote: but are not allowed to stay there.]
Tyrone's brother, Sir Cormac MacBaron, waited until they were clear
gone and then hurried to Slane so as to be Chichester's first
informant. 'Withal,' says Davies, 'he was an earnest suitor to have
the _custodiam_ of his brother's country, which perhaps might be to
his brother's use by agreement betwixt them; and therefore, for this
and other causes of suspicion, the constable of the Castle of Dublin
has the _custodiam_ of him.' Chichester returned to Dublin at once,
and made arrangements for intercepting the fugitives should they
put into Galway or into any of the Munster harbours. A cruiser on
the Scotch coast was ordered to be on the look out, and the Earl of
Argyle was warned by letter. Bath kept well off the coast, and, after
sighting Croagh Patrick mountain, endeavoured to run for Corunna. After
thirteen days tossing he despaired of reaching Spain and tried to go to
Croisic in Brittany. Losing their bearings, the fugitives were driven
up channel nearly to the Straits of Dover, but escaped the English
cruisers and landed at Quilleboeuf in Normandy after being twenty-one
days at sea. They had but little provisions and were much crowded, but
in no pressing want of money, for Tyrone had taken up his rents in
advance. Boats were hired to convey the women and children to Rouen,
while Tyrone rode with seventeen companions to meet the Governor of
Normandy at Lisieux. Both parties were hospitably treated and supplied
with wine and provisions by the country people. An application for
their extradition was of course refused by Henry IV., but they were not
allowed to stay in France nor to visit Paris. A month after leaving
Lough Swilly they left Rouen, and made their way to Douai by Amiens and
Arras.[35]
[Sidenote: The Earls in Flanders, Douai.]
[Sidenote: Entertained by Spinola at Brussels.]
[Sidenote: The Earls not allowed to go to Spain.]
At Douai the Earls were met by Tyrone's son Henry, who commanded the
Irish regiment, and by all the captains serving under him. Among those
captains was Tyrone's nephew, Owen MacArt O'Neill, afterwards so famous
as Owen Roe, and Thomas Preston, scarcely less famous as his colleague,
rival, and at last enemy. The Irish students in the seminary feasted
them and greeted them in Latin or Greek odes and orations. Florence
Conry and Eugene MacMahon, titular archbishops of Tuam and Dublin, met
them also. At Tournai the whole population with the archbishop at their
head came out to meet them. They then went on to Hal, where they were
invited by Spinola and many of his officers. The captor of Ostend lent
his carriage to take them to the Archduke at Binche, where they were
received with much honour, and he afterwards entertained them at dinner
in Brussels. Tyrone occupied Spinola's own chair, with the nuncio and
Tyrconnel on his right hand, the Duke of Aumale, the Duke of Ossuna,
and the Marquis himself being on his left. The Earls left the city
immediately afterwards and withdrew to Louvain, where they remained
until the month of February. Edmondes remonstrated with the President
Richardot about the favour shown to rebels against his sovereign, but
that wily diplomatist gave him very little satisfaction. The greater
part of the Irish who came over with Tyrone or who had since repaired
to him were provided for by the creation of two new companies in Henry
O'Neill's regiment, but the Earls were not allowed to go to Spain, and
when they left Louvain in February 1608 they passed through Lorraine to
avoid French territory, and so by Switzerland into Italy. According to
information received by the English Privy Council, the Netherlanders
were glad to be rid of them, they having 'left so good a memory of
their barbarous life and drunkenness where they were.'[36]
[Sidenote: Reasons for Tyrone's flight.]
[Sidenote: Lord Howth.]
[Sidenote: Howth gives information.]
[Sidenote: Lord Delvin.]
[Sidenote: Uncertainty as to the facts.]
Though there is no reason to suppose that any treachery was intended,
Tyrone can hardly be blamed for mistrusting the English Government
and avoiding London. He told Sir Anthony Standen at Rome that it was
'better to be poor there than rich in a prison in England.' And yet
this may have only been a pretext, for his eldest son Henry told
Edmondes that he believed the principal grievances to be religion,
the denial of his jurisdiction over minor chiefs in Ulster, and the
supposed intention of erecting a presidency in that province. Many
obscure rumours preceded his flight. In February 1607 George St.
Lawrence or Howth gave evidence of a plot to surprise Dublin Castle and
to seek aid from Spain; but he incriminated no one except Art MacRory
MacMahon and Shane MacPhilip O'Reilly. He was probably a relation of
Sir Christopher St. Lawrence, who became twenty-second Baron of Howth
in the following May, but it does not appear how far they acted in
unison. The new Lord was a brave soldier, who had fought for Queen
Elizabeth at Kinsale and elsewhere, but was both unscrupulous and
indiscreet. In 1599, according to Camden, he had offered, should Essex
desire it, to murder Lord Grey de Wilton and Sir Robert Cecil. Under
Mountjoy he had done good service in command of a company, but the
gradual reduction of the forces after Tyrone's submission left him
unemployed, and he was very needy. Chichester wished to continue him
in pay, or at least to give him a small pension, so that he might be
saved from the necessity of seeking mercenary service abroad. Nothing
was done, and he went to Brussels in the autumn of 1606, but had little
success there. Chichester suggested that the Archduke's mind should
be poisoned against him, so that he might come home discontented and
thus dissuade other Irish gentlemen from seeking their bread in the
Spanish service. That Howth was known to be a Protestant, even though
he might occasionally hear a mass, was probably quite enough to prevent
the Archduke from employing him. Among the Irish residents there was
his uncle the historian, Richard Stanihurst, and another priest named
Cusack, also related to him, and from them he heard enough to make
him return to London and to give information to Salisbury. By the
latter's advice probably he returned to the Netherlands, where he met
Florence Conry, the head of the Irish Franciscans, who told him that
it was decided to make a descent on Ireland 'within twenty days after
the peace betwixt the King our master and the King of Spain should
be broken.' Spinola or some other great captain was to command the
expedition, Waterford and Galway to be the places of disembarkation.
Conry himself was to go to Ireland to sound the chief people, and it
appears from the evidence of a Franciscan that he was actually expected
to arrive in the summer of 1607, but that he did not go there. Howth
advised a descent near Dublin, and according to his own account he made
this suggestion so as to ensure failure. He said there was a large sum
ready for Tyrconnel's use at Brussels, and this was probably the very
money afterwards given to Maguire for the purchase of a ship. This
information was supplemented by that of Lord Delvin, and there was
doubtless a strong case against Tyrconnel. Against Tyrone there was
nothing but hearsay rumours as to his being involved with the others.
Tyrconnel divulged to Delvin a plan for seizing Dublin Castle with the
Lord Deputy and Council in it: 'out of them,' he said, 'I shall have
my lands and countries as I desire it'--that is, as they had been held
in Hugh Roe's time. His general discontent and his debts were quite
enough to make him fly from Ireland, and this disposition would be
hastened by the consciousness that he had been talking treason, and
perhaps by the knowledge that his words had been repeated. Spanish aid
could not be hoped for unless there was a breach between England and
Spain; and of that there was no likelihood. Tyrone must have understood
this perfectly well, but Chichester had long realised that he would
always be discontented at having lost the title of O'Neill and the
tyrannical jurisdiction exercised by his predecessors. Perhaps he
really believed there was an intention to arrest him in London. Some
sympathy may be felt for a man who had lived into an age that knew him
not, but the position which he sought to occupy could not possibly be
maintained.[37]
[Sidenote: Rumoured plot to seize Dublin.]
[Sidenote: Chichester's surmises as to Tyrone's flight.]
[Sidenote: The question involved in obscurity.]
On May 18, 1607, an anonymous paper had been left at the door of the
Dublin council chamber, the writer of which professed his knowledge
of a plot to kill Chichester and others. According to this informer
the murders were to be followed by the seizure of the Castle and the
surprise of the small scattered garrisons. If James still refused to
grant religious toleration, the Spaniards were to be called in. Howth
was not in Ireland, but Chichester noticed that the anonymous paper was
very like his communications to Salisbury. He arrived in Ireland in
June, when he was at once subjected to frequent and close examinations.
Chichester was at first very little disposed to believe him, but the
sudden departure of the Earls went far to give the impression that he
had been telling the truth. 'The Earl of Tyrone,' said the Deputy when
announcing the flight, 'came to me oftentimes upon sundry artificial
occasions, as now it appears, and, by all his discourses, seemed to
intend nothing more than the preparation for his journey into England
against the time appointed, only he showed a discontent, and professed
to be much displeased with his fortune, in two respects: the one, for
that he conceived he had dealt, in some sort, unworthily with me, as
he said, to appeal from hence unto his Majesty and your lordships in
the cause between Sir Donald O'Cahan and him; the other because that
notwithstanding he held himself much bound unto his Majesty, that so
graciously would vouchsafe to hear, and finally to determine the same,
yet that it much grieved him to be called upon so suddenly, when, as
what with the strictness of time and his present poverty, he was not
able to furnish himself as became him for such a journey and for such
a presence. In all things else he seemed very moderate and reasonable,
albeit he never gave over to be a general solicitor in all causes
concerning his country and people, how criminal soever. But now I find
that he has been much abused by some that have cunningly terrified and
diverted him from coming to his Majesty, which, considering his nature,
I hardly believe, or else he had within him a thousand witnesses
testifying that he was as deeply engaged in those secret treasons as
any of the rest whom we knew or suspected.' There is here nothing to
show that any treachery was intended to Tyrone in England, but there
was a report in Scotland that he would never be allowed to return
into Ireland. And so the matter must rest. Tyrone was now old, his
nerves were not what they had been, and if he believed that he would
be imprisoned in London, that does not prove that any such thing was
intended.[38]
[Sidenote: Lord Delvin is suspected.]
[Sidenote: Delvin escapes from the Castle.]
Lord Howth was not the only magnate of the Pale who was concerned in
the intrigues which led to the flight of Tyrone and the plantation
of Ulster. Richard Nugent, tenth Baron of Delvin, a young man of
twenty-three, was son to the Delvin who wrote an Irish grammar for
Queen Elizabeth and nephew to William Nugent who had been in rebellion
against her. He had been knighted by Mountjoy in Christchurch, Dublin,
at the installation of Rory O'Donnell as Earl of Tyrconnel, and had
a patent for lands in Longford which the O'Farrells had asked him
to accept on the supposition that they were forfeited to the Crown.
It turned out that there had been no forfeiture, and he was forced
to surrender, Salisbury remarking that the O'Farrells were as good
subjects as either he or his father had been. The business had cost
him 3,000_l._, and he was naturally very angry. His mother was an Earl
of Kildare's daughter, and Sir Oliver St. John told Salisbury that
he was 'composed of the malice of the Nugents and the pride of the
Geraldines.' He became involved in Howth's schemes, and confessed that
he had 'put buzzes into the Earl of Tyrone's head,' telling him that
he had few friends at Court and that the King suspected his loyalty.
For his own part he was willing to join in an attack on the Castle,
provided a Spanish army landed, but he would not agree to the murder
of the Lord Deputy, 'for he hath ever been my good friend.' Delvin was
lodged in the Castle, but there was evidently no intention of dealing
harshly with him, for he was allowed the society of his secretary,
Alexander Aylmer, a good old name in the Pale, and of a servant called
Evers. Aylmer and Evers with some help from others managed to smuggle
in a rope thirty-five yards long, though the constable had been warned
that an escape was probable, and the young lord let himself down the
wall and fled to his castle of Cloughoughter on a lake in Cavan. The
constable, whose name was Eccleston, was afterwards acquitted by a
jury, but lost his place. From Cloughoughter Delvin wrote to Chichester
pleading his youth and his misfortune in being duped by Howth. He
had run away only to save his estate, which would surely have been
confiscated if he had been carried to England. Chichester was willing
to believe him, and offered to accept his submission if he would
surrender within five days and throw himself on the King's mercy. His
wife and his mother, who was supposed to have brought him up badly,
were restrained at a private house in Dublin, but were afterwards
allowed to go for a visit fourteen miles from Dublin.[39]
[Sidenote: Delvin tires of his wanderings,]
[Sidenote: submits,]
[Sidenote: and is pardoned.]
Being pressed by the troops Delvin stole out of Cloughoughter with
two companions, leaving his infant son to be captured and taken to
Dublin. He had married Jane Plunkett, and her brother Luke, afterwards
created Earl of Fingal, made matters worse by reporting that Delvin
had expressed a wish to kill Salisbury, a charge which was stoutly
denied. Howth was mixed up with this as with all the other intrigues.
Delvin was 'enforced as a wood kerne in mantle and trowsers to shift
for himself' in the mountains, and was doubtless miserable enough.
After wandering about for more than four months he appeared suddenly
one day in the Council chamber, and submitted unconditionally with many
expressions of repentance. Salisbury had already pardoned any offence
against himself, and the King was no less merciful. Delvin was sent
to England a prisoner, but the charge of complicity in O'Dogherty's
conspiracy was probably not believed, for he received a pardon under
the Great Seal of Ireland. He enjoyed a fair measure of favour at
Court, though he became a champion of the Recusants, and in 1621 he was
created Earl of Westmeath.[40]
[Sidenote: Florence Conry.]
When Hugh Roe O'Donnell died at Valladolid in 1602 he was attended by
friar Florence Conry, whom he recommended to Philip III. Conry, who was
Tyrone's emissary in Spain, became provincial of the Irish Franciscans
and later Archbishop of Tuam, but never ventured to visit his diocese.
He passed and repassed from Madrid to Brussels and employed Owen
Magrath, who acted as vice-provincial, to communicate with his friends
in Ireland.
[Sidenote: Lady Tyrconnel.]
[Sidenote: Delvin gives evidence against a friar.]
[Sidenote: Lady Tyrconnel at Court]
Magrath brought eighty-one gold pieces to Lady Tyrconnel and tried to
persuade her to follow her husband abroad. Other priests gave the same
advice, but the lady, who had been Lady Bridget Fitzgerald, had not the
least idea of identifying herself with rebellion. She was unwilling
to forswear the society of the clergy, but ready to give Chichester
any help in her power. She knew nothing of her husband's intention to
return as an invader, but 'prayed God to send him a fair death before
he undergo so wicked an enterprise as to rebel against his prince.'
Magrath was mixed up with Howth and Delvin; but Chichester, though he
succeeded in arresting the friar, could get little from him. He was
tried for high treason and actually found guilty, mainly upon Delvin's
evidence, who swore that he had disclosed to him a conspiracy for a
Spanish descent on Ireland. Philip indeed would not show himself, 'but
the Pope and Archduke will; at which the King of Spain will wink, and
perchance give some assistance under hand.' Chichester saw that Magrath
was old and not very clever, and advised that he should be allowed to
live in Ulster, for Delvin was repentant and would be glad to impart
anything that he learned from him. James readily pardoned Magrath,
the English Council shrewdly remarking that it was more important
that Delvin should have given evidence against a friar 'than to take
the life of one where there are so many.' Lady Tyrconnel was sent to
England and received a pension, and James is said to have wondered
that her husband could leave so fair a face behind him. She afterwards
married the first Lord Kingsland; her daughter by Tyrconnel had a
curiously adventurous career.[41]
[Sidenote: Manifesto of James as to the flight of the Earls.]
James thought it necessary to publish a declaration for the
enlightenment of foreign countries as to the true reason of the
Earls' departure, not in respect of any worth or value in those men's
persons, being base and rude in their original. They had no rights by
lineal descent, but were preferred by Queen Elizabeth for reasons of
State, and fled because inwardly conscious of their own guilt. The
King gave his word that there was no intention of proceeding against
them on account of religion. Their object was to oppress his subjects,
and the less said about their religion the better, 'such being their
condition and profession to think murder no fault, marriage of no use,
nor any man to be esteemed valiant that did not glory in rapine and
oppression.' They had laboured to extirpate the English race in Ireland
and could not deny their correspondence with foreign princes 'by divers
instruments as well priests as others.' James assured himself that his
declaration would 'disperse and discredit all such untruths as these
contemptible creatures, so full of infidelity and ingratitude, shall
disgorge against us and our just and moderate proceedings, and shall
procure unto them no better usage than they would should be offered to
any such pack of rebels born their subjects and bound unto them in so
many and such great obligations.'[42]
[Sidenote: Tyrone and Tyrconnel expose their grievances.]
While at Louvain, and no doubt by way of answer to the royal
declaration, both Tyrone and Tyrconnel caused expositions of their
grievances to be drawn up, and these documents are still preserved in
London, but do not appear to have been ever transmitted to the Irish
Government. No rejoinder to them or criticism of them is known to
exist, and they must be taken for what they are worth as _ex parte_
statements. Religion is placed in the forefront of both manifestoes,
in general terms by Tyrconnel, but more specifically by Tyrone, the
proclamation of July 1605 having been promulgated by authority in his
manor of Dungannon.
[Sidenote: Their position in Ulster was impossible.]
But the case for the Earls mainly consists in an enumeration of their
difficulties with the Irish Government officials, and it may well
be believed that many underlings exercised their powers harshly and
corruptly. What appears most clearly is that the local domination of
an O'Neill or an O'Donnell, even though they wore earls' coronets,
was inconsistent with the modern spirit. They found the position of
subjects intolerable. By their flight they hastened the progress of
events, but their stay in Ireland could not very long have retarded
it.[43]
[Sidenote: Tyrone and his company leave the Netherlands.]
[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine.]
[Sidenote: Arrival in Italy.]
Tyrone and the rest left Louvain on February 17, the Spanish
authorities having with much difficulty and delay found money enough
to speed the parting guests. Edmondes wrote to Charles of Lorraine
reminding him of his near relationship to the King of England and
also of the fact that 'these fugitives and rebels had found the door
shut in Spain, where the King would not admit them out of respect and
friendship to King James.' The Duke let them pass through his country,
and afterwards appeared to have been greatly impressed in their
favour, as such a champion of the Roman Church would naturally be.
Their expenses were paid by him while in Lorraine, and he entertained
them sumptuously in his palace at Nancy. They travelled by Basel and
Lucerne to the St. Gothard, and one of O'Donnell's sumpter horses fell
over the Devil's Bridge and was lost, with a large sum of money. The
monks received them at the hospice, and on their descent into Italy
they were well received at Faido, Bellinzona, and Como. Fuentes, the
Governor of Milan, went out to meet them with his staff. They were
lodged at the hostelry of the Three Kings and handsomely entertained
there at the governor's expense. Cornwallis at Madrid and Wotton at
Venice complained loudly, and received soft answers. Salisbury told
Cornwallis to make little of the fugitive Earls and to describe them
as mere earthworms; and the ambassador bettered the instruction by
saying that he esteemed them and all their company as so many fleas.
The Spanish officials replied that Fuentes was generally hospitable to
strangers, but that the King's government had no idea of countenancing
the exiles.
[Sidenote: The Earls are excluded from Venetian territory.]
[Sidenote: They reach Rome.]
Wotton easily persuaded the anti-Romanist and lately excommunicated
Doge to exclude the Irish party from Venetian territory, and a person
in his confidence followed Tyrone privately wherever he went. The
exiles received 1,000 crowns from Fuentes, of which they complained
as much below their expectations. They were well received at Parma
and Reggio, and reached papal territory at Bologna, where Cardinal
Barberini, afterwards Urban VIII., was then governor. From Ancona
they made a pilgrimage to Loretto, and travelling by Foligno, Assisi
and Narni, they came in sight of Rome on April 29. Several cardinals,
in much state and with great retinues, went out to meet them at the
Milvian bridge. One coach, which, according to Wotton's informant,
was borrowed by Parsons, contained Englishmen, and others came to see
Tyrone inside the city. The Salviati palace in the Borgo was assigned
to the exiles as a residence by Paul V. After this Tyrone sometimes
showed himself in a coach with Tyrconnel and Peter Lombard the titular
Primate of Ireland, who had never seen his see.[44]
[Sidenote: The return of the Earls long expected.]
'I know not,' said Chichester, 'what aid or supportation the fugitives
shall receive from the Spaniard or Archduke, but the kind entertainment
they have received compared with the multitude of pensions given to
base and discontented men of this nation, makes them there and their
associates and well wishers here to give out largely, and all wise
and good subjects to conceive the worst. I am many ways assured that
Tyrone and Tyrconnel will return if they live, albeit they should have
no other assistance nor supportation than a quantity of money, arms,
and munition, with which they will be sufficiently enabled to kindle
such a fire here (where so many hearts and actors affect and attend
alteration) as will take up much time with expense of men and treasure
to quench it.' These rumours continued while Tyrone lived, and after
his death his son was expected. Exiles are generally sanguine, and the
friars and Jesuits kept up constant communication with Spain and the
Netherlands; but the decadent Spanish monarchy could never make an
attempt on Ireland or give any serious trouble until England was at war
with herself.[45]
FOOTNOTES:
[28] John Byrd to Devonshire, September 8, 1603, with enclosure;
Meehan's _Tyrone and Tyrconnel_, p. 36; _Fynes Moryson_, book iii.
chap. 2; Harrington's _Nugæ Antiquæ_.
[29] Davies to Cecil, April 10, 1604.
[30] Docwra's _Narration_, pp. 260-277; Lord Deputy and Council to
the Privy Council, October 4, 1605; Davies to Salisbury, November 12,
1606; agreement between Tyrone and O'Cahan, February 17, 1606-7; Bishop
Montgomery of Derry to Chichester, March 4; Chichester's instructions
to Ley and Davies, October 14, 1608, p. 60.
[31] Petition of O'Cahan, May 2, 1607; Chichester to Salisbury, June
8; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, June 26; Davies to
Salisbury July 1; Docwra's _Narration_, 284.
[32] Docwra's _Narration_, p. 249; Davies to Cecil, December 1, 1603;
_Four Masters_, 1608.
[33] Davies to Cecil, December 8, 1604; Chichester to Devonshire,
February 26, 1605-6, endorsing Caulfield's report; to Devonshire, April
23; to the Privy Council, August 4, 1607; examination of Sir Neill
O'Neill, August 7, 1606 (State Papers, _Ireland_); Carleton to James
I., March 18/28, 1614, in Hist. MSS. Comm. (_Buccleuch_), 1899.
[34] Examination of Gawen Moore and William Kilmeny, mariners of
Glasgow, August 30, 1606; Chichester to Salisbury, September 12, with
enclosures; examination of John Loach, under 1607, No. 493; Davies to
Salisbury, September 12, 1607; notes to O'Donovan's _Four Masters_
under 1607; _Meehan_, chap. iv. As to O'Cahan see Chichester's
statement calendared at 1608, No. 98.
[35] _Four Masters_, 1607; James Loach's examination, 1607, No. 493;
Davies to Salisbury, September 12; _Meehan_, chap. iv. The latter
narrative is mainly founded on an Irish manuscript by Teig O'Keenan
written in 1608 and preserved at St. Isidore's, Rome, a specimen of
which was printed by O'Donovan in his notes to the _Four Masters_, 1607.
[36] _Meehan_, chap. iv.; list of Irish captains in Archduke's
army, July 22, 1607; Letters of Sir Thomas Edmondes to the English
Government, October 1607 to the following March; Privy Council to
Chichester, March 8, 1607-8. 'A most lewd oration' spoken before the
Earls at Douai is calendared at January 25, 1608.
[37] Statements made by Christopher Lord Howth between June 29 and
August 25, 1607, No. 336; Lord Delvin's confession, November 6, 1607;
examination of John Dunn, February 14, 1606-7; examination of the
Franciscan James Fitzgerald, October 3, 1607; secret information in
Wotton's handwriting, 1607, No. 897; Chichester to Devonshire, April
23, 1606, after the latter's death, but before it was known in Ireland.
[38] State Papers, _Ireland_, 1607, especially Chichester to Salisbury,
May 27, September 8; Discourses with Lord Howth, No. 336; Chichester to
the Privy Council, September 7 and 17.
[39] Lodge's _Peerage_ (Archdall), i. 237, and the State Papers,
_Ireland_, calendared from September 8 to November 27, 1607; Lords of
the Council to Chichester, May 11, 1611.
[40] Instructions for Sir A. St. Leger, December 21, 1607; Chichester
to the Privy Council, June 3, 1608; Warrant for pardon, July 18.
[41] Chichester to Salisbury with enclosure, October 2, 1607;
Examination of Father Fitzgerald, October 3; Chichester to Salisbury,
July 2, 1609, and the answer, August 3; Delvin's Confession, November
6, 1607. The account of Lady Tyrconnel at p. 235 of the _Earls of
Kildare_ is very incorrect. A short notice of Mary Stuart O'Donnell is
in the _Dict. of National Biography_, xli. 446 _b._
[42] Declaratio super fugam comitum de Tyrone et Tyrconnel, non
propter virtutes sed ob rationes status ad honores promotorum--Rymer's
_Foedera_, xvi. 664, November 15, 1607. Bacon probably had a hand in
this, having received a full account from Davies, which he answered on
October 23--Spedding's _Life_, iv. 5.
[43] Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, 1607, Nos. 501 and 503; James
Bathe to Salisbury, January 9, 1607-8.
[44] Edmondes to the Duke of Lorraine, January 12, 1607-8; to
Salisbury, January 28, February 18 and March 30; Wotton's letters for
April and May, 1608; information in Wotton's hand, No. 897, State
Papers, _Ireland_; _Meehan_, chap. 7, with the Doge Donato's letter
at p. 270; Salisbury to Cornwallis, September 27, 1607, in Winwood's
_Memorials_, and Cornwallis to the Privy Council, April 19, 1608, _ib._
[45] Chichester to Northampton, February 7, 1607-8, printed in _Ulster
Journal of Archæology_, i. 180, from Cotton MS. Tit. B. x. 189.