The twentieth century, according to the prophecy of Victor Hugo, is to
be the century of humanity.
In all the procession of centuries gone, not one was for humanity. From
the very first tyranny has flourished, freedom has failed; the few have
ruled, the many have served; the parasite has worn the purple of power,
while honest industry has lived in poverty and died in despair.
But the eternal years, the centuries yet to come, are for humanity and
out of the misery of the past will rise the civilization of the future.
The nineteenth century evolved the liberating and humanizing movement;
the twentieth century will witness its culmination in the crash of
despotism and the rise of world-wide democracy, freedom and brotherhood.
It was while in exile, in 1864, that Hugo wrote:
“The transformation of the crowd into the people—profound task! It is to
this labor that the men called Socialists have devoted themselves during
the last forty years. The author of this book, however insignificant he
may be, is one of the oldest in this labor. If he claims his place among
these philosophers, it is because it is a place of persecution. A
certain hatred of Socialism, very blind, but very general, has raged for
fifteen or sixteen years, and is still raging most bitterly among the
influential classes. Let it not be forgotten that true Socialism has for
its end the elevation of the masses to the civic dignity, and that,
therefore, the principal care is for moral and intellectual
cultivation.”
If, as we are quite ready to believe, the twentieth century realizes the
prophecy of the French poet and “bursts full-blossomed on the thorny
stem of time,” as the century of humanity, it will be the denouement of
the socialist agitation that began in the preceding century—the fruition
of the international socialist movement.
In the closing years of the last century, following in the wake of the
French revolution, the tendencies in Europe were unmistakably toward
what has since developed into modern socialism. Of course the early
stages were nebulous and vague, and the trend was not yet strongly
marked or clearly disclosed.
But as the inventive genius of man asserted itself in the industrial
world; as the use of steam as motive power expanded and machinery was
introduced and its application to industry became more general, with its
inevitable effects upon artisans, laborers and small tradesmen, the
movement was accelerated in varying forms, chiefly utopian, until many
years afterward, toward the middle of the nineteenth century, when it
was crystallized by the genius of Marx, Engels, Lassalle and others, who
caught the revolutionary current, clarified it and sent it circling
around the globe on its mission of freedom and fraternity.
The earliest traces of socialism in the United States had their origin
in the stream of immigration that flowed from the old world to the new
and bore upon its bosom the germs of discontent warmed into life in the
effete feudalism of European civilization.
We shall not here undertake to chronicle the many attempts, covering
more than half a century, or until about 1840, to spread socialism or
semi-socialistic doctrine among the American people and thus turn the
tide of labor agitation in that direction. The times were fruitful of
industrial and social unrest and the many schemes and plans that were
proposed, utopian, impractical, impossible though they undoubtedly were,
were at the same time the signs and symptoms of social gestation, the
fore-runners of the mighty change that was laying hold of governments
and institutions and destined to revolutionize them all and level the
human race upward to the plane of an all-embracing civilization.
Almost eighty years ago Robert Owen, dreamer, enthusiast and
humanitarian, came from England to America, to make the new continent
blossom with utopian splendor. His series of experiments in communism,
doomed to disappointment and failure, are an interesting study in the
early years of the American movement; and although in the light of our
present knowledge of industrial evolution his undertaking may seem
visionary and foolish to some, he rendered invaluable service in
clearing away the brush and dispelling the fog; and the history of
Socialism cannot be written without his name.
Decidedly less utopian and more practical and promising were the
developments in the forties when what is known as Fourierism played its
interesting and historic role in America.
Many of the most intellectual men and women of the day were attracted to
the movement.
The most ardent enthusiasm seized the devotees and they set to work with
hand and heart to convert the American wilderness into the promised land
of milk and honey.
Of course the dominant strain was emotional and sympathetic, but there
was nevertheless a solid sub-stratum of scientific soundness in the
undertaking, as is proved conclusively by the writings of the men who so
heartily gave it support.
Brook Farm, a beautiful reminiscence, tinged with disappointment, was
founded near Boston in 1841. Among the many illustrious names associated
with Brook Farm the following have peculiar interest after sixty years:
George Ripley, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Horace Greeley, James Russell
Lowell, John Greenleaf Whittier, William Cullen Bryant, Albert Brisbane,
Ellery Channing, James Freeman Clarke, Theodore Parker, A. Bronson
Alcott, John Thomas Codman, Henry D. Thoreau, Nathaniel Hawthorne,
George Bancroft, Charles A. Dana and George William Curtis.
The Brook Farm Association, organized by “intellectuals” who had no
knowledge of the laws of economic determinism or of the historic
evolution of society, was ideal in conception and breathed the air of
equality and brotherhood.
The association declared its object to be “a radical and universal
reform, rather than to redress any particular wrong. * * *”
In the “preliminary statement” the members announced that the work they
had undertaken was not a “mere resolution, but a necessary step in the
progress which no one can be blind enough to think has yet reached its
limit.”
They said, furthermore: “We believe that humanity, trained by these long
centuries of suffering and struggle, led on by so many saints and heroes
and sages, is at length prepared to enter into that universal order
toward which it has perpetually moved.”
“Thus * * * we declare that the imperative duty of this time and this
country, nay, more, that its only salvation and the salvation of
civilized countries, lies in the reorganization of society according to
the unchanging laws of human nature and of universal harmony.”
These passages are indicative of a clear perception for that time and
would require but little remodeling to adapt them for incorporation into
a modern scientific socialist platform.
The closing paragraph, which follows, is worthy to be preserved in
socialist literature. It voices in lofty strain the conviction of the
Brook Farmers in the ultimate realization of their hope for something
like a co-operative commonwealth.
They say: “And whatever may be the result of any special efforts, we can
never doubt that the object we have in view shall be finally attained;
that human life shall yet be developed, not in discord and misery, but
in harmony and joy, and that the perfected earth shall at last bear on
her bosom a race of men worthy of the name.”
This was written in January, 1844, and the whole document bears evidence
of socialistic thought and tendencies.
Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote: “And truly, I honor the generous ideas of the
socialists, the magnificence of their theories, and the enthusiasm with
which they have been urged.”
Albert Brisbane, Parke Godwin and Horace Greeley, the latter unique and
in some respects the most clear-sighted and practical of them all, were
commanding figures in that day.
All of them had human blood in their veins—all had democratic instincts
and perceived more or less clearly the drift of the time, the tendency
toward collective society, industrial freedom and social justice.
In the meantime Marx and his coadjutors were clearing the murky
atmosphere of the old world. They were dissecting the prevailing mode of
production and capitalist society in general and in their researches
discovered the fundamental law of social development in the
“materialistic conception of history,” the scientific basis of socialist
thought and activity throughout the world.
From this time forward the working class movement had a scientific
foundation, the scattered and contentious factions were gradually united
and harmonized, and socialism became a distinct and recognized factor in
the industrial and political destiny of the race.
Following the example and taking inspiration from the pioneers of the
old world, and re-enforced by the socialists who crossed the water and
at once began the proselyting inherent in the revolutionary spirit, the
Americans took heart; they entered upon their labors with renewed zeal,
scattered the seed of socialist philosophy and it struck root in
American soil.
Albert Brisbane was one of the commanding figures in inspiring and
directing the American movement. He was a pronounced socialist and as
early as 1840 set forth his views in a volume entitled “Social Destiny
of Man: or Association and Reorganization of Industry.”
In this work Brisbane made a strong plea and cogent argument in favor of
co-operative industry and “an equitable distribution of profits to each
individual.”
Going to Europe in 1848, Brisbane for the first time met Karl Marx at
Cologne, of whom he afterward wrote as follows: “I found there Karl
Marx, the leader of the popular movement. The writings of Marx on Labor
and Capital and the Social theories he then elaborated have had more
influence on the great Socialistic movement of Europe than that of any
other man. He it was who laid the foundation of that modern collectivism
which at present bids fair to become the leading Socialist doctrine of
Europe. He was then just rising into prominence; a man of some thirty
years, short, solidly built, with a fine face and bushy black hair. His
expression was that of great energy, and behind his self-contained
reserve of manner were visible the fire and passion of a great soul. * *
* * * * *”
“Briefly stated, as represented by the collectivism of today, his
doctrine demands the abolition of individual ownership of the natural
wealth of the world—the soil, the mines, the inventions and creations of
industry which are the means of production, as well as of the machinery
of the world. This wealth, furnished by nature or created by the genius
of humanity, is to be made collective property, held by the state
(collectively) for the equal advantage of the whole body of the people.
Governments are to represent the collective intelligence of the nation;
to manage, direct and supervise all general operations and relations of
an industrial character. * * *”
Brisbane traveled extensively in Europe, met the men of note in the
principal countries, and studied the industrial and social conditions
with a view to propagating the collectivist movement in the United
States. On his return, filled with the spirit of enthusiasm, he
vigorously entered upon his work of agitation and is fairly entitled to
the credit of having rendered great service in the pioneer work of
starting the Socialist movement in America.
Without desire to disparage any of the men of that time by invidious
comparison, the immense personality and rustic simplicity, coupled with
the keen perception, rugged honesty and intense earnestness of Horace
Greeley, command special admiration.
The power of Greeley’s influence in the early history of the Socialist
movement in America, when hate and persecution were aroused by the mere
mention of it, has never yet been fairly recognized. He has been called
“our later Franklin” and deserves the title.
Parton, the biographer of Greeley, said: “The subject of Greeley’s
oratory is one alone; it is ever the same; the object of his public life
is single. It is the ‘_Emancipation of Labor_,’ its emancipation from
ignorance, vice, servitude, insecurity, poverty. This is his chosen,
only theme, whether he speaks from the platform or writes for the
Tribune.”
Horace Greeley was in the true sense a _Labor Leader_. He was the first
president of Typographical Union No. 6 of New York City and took
advanced ground on every question that affected the working class.
There was nothing conservative about the views of Greeley on the labor
question. He was, above all else, radical and progressive, that is to
say, revolutionary, and the labor leaders of today could with credit to
themselves and benefit to their organizations study his character and
writings and follow his example.
The upheaval in Europe in 1848 forced many of the radicals and
Socialists into exile; and the general tide that set in toward the
western world bore many of these restless spirits to our shores; and no
sooner were they landed before they began to sow the revolutionary seed
and organize the propaganda they had been compelled to abandon on the
other side.
The German Socialists who came over were the very men needed here at
that time. They were trained and disciplined in the “old guard”; they
had the rugged bearing and fearlessness of army veterans and they knew
no such word as discouragement or failure.
Among these sturdy agitators William Weitling bore a conspicuous part in
preparing the way for organization and for action along political lines.
From this time the propaganda became more active and also clearer and
more definite in character.
The movement was gradually evolving from the haze of communism that
clung to it through all its early years and was beginning to take form
as an independent political organization with the central object of
conquering the powers of government as a means of emancipating the
working class from wage-slavery.
Labor unions, turner bunds and singing societies were organized all
through the fifties, all tending in the same direction, and though not
all pronounced, having substantially the same end in view.
In this brief sketch we have not the space to record in detail the many
attempts that were made to organize a national working class political
movement in the United States. This must be the work of the historian
and fortunately for the reader and student he has recently appeared. The
first authentic volume upon the subject is the “History of Socialism in
the United States,” by Morris Hillquit, a book of over three hundred and
fifty pages, written in excellent style and treating ably and
exhaustively the various stages of the development from its inception to
the large and growing movement of our day.
The little volume entitled “A Brief History of Socialism in America,” by
Frederic Heath, editor of the _Social Democratic Herald_, a valuable
collection of historical data to which has been added much original
matter, both interesting and instructive, is also well worthy of
perusal.
Professor Richard T. Ely, in his “Labor Movement in America,” discussing
the “Beginnings of Modern Socialism,” says in reference to the period we
are now considering: “The Socialism of today may be said to date from
the European revolutions of 1848, all of which soon terminated
disastrously for the people as opposed to their rulers. Many German
refugees sought our shores, and some of them were ardent Socialists and
Communists, who endeavored to propagate their ideas. Wilhelm Weitling, a
tailor, born in Magdeburg in 1808, was prominent among these” * * * and
“became one of the first to scatter those seeds of economic radicalism
which have brought forth such large increase in the social democracy of
our own times.” * * *
“The first large society to adopt and propagate Socialism in America was
composed of the German Gymnastic Unions (Turnvereine). The Socialistic
Turnvereine of New York drew up a constitution for an association, to be
composed of the various local gymnastic unions, and published it in
1850. A preliminary gathering of a few delegates was held in New York in
the Shakespeare Hotel, then the headquarters of the ‘progressive’
elements among the Germans. It was finally decided to call a meeting of
delegates, to be held in Philadelphia, on October 5th of the same year,
to effect a permanent organization. Several Turnvereine acted on the
suggestion, and among others, delegates were present from New York,
Boston and Baltimore. The first name adopted was ‘Associated Gymnastic
Unions of North America,’ which was, however, changed the following year
to ‘Socialist Gymnastic Union.’”
Through the sixties and seventies the agitation steadily increased,
local organizations were formed in various parts of the country, but
they were chiefly for the passing day and after serving their temporary
purpose, disappeared.
The American Civil War and the emancipation of the negro race which
followed, resulting in millions of “free” negroes being thrown upon the
“labor market,” had its effect in developing capitalist production.
The years following the war marked an era of extraordinary industrial
and commercial activity. Inventive genius was taxed to provide machinery
and the power necessary to operate it in factory, mill and mine.
Manufacturing developed at an enormous rate. The railroads were
penetrating the great west and the population spread over the vast
domain.
Then came the symptoms of congestion, the glutted markets and the
clogging of productive machinery.
The “good times” had come to a sudden end; factories and workshops
closed down; railroads reduced wages and discharged thousands.
The country swarmed with unemployed workingmen; everybody was ominously
discussing the “panic” and the “hard times.”
Discontent was brewing and strikes were threatened by the idle workers.
The railroad strikes and many others broke out in the financial crisis
of 1873.
It was a period of financial bankruptcy, industrial stagnation and
general gloom.
The sheriff’s hammer was heard everywhere beating the dolorous funeral
marches of departed prosperity.
It was during this panic that the “tramp” era was inaugurated in the
United States and the tramp became a recognized factor in our social
life.
The trades-union movement had organized rapidly during the years of
industrial prosperity. Many of the trades had formed national
organizations and when the crash came, the strikes followed in rapid
order.
In July, 1877, the railroad strikes, supported by the railroad
brotherhoods, notably the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and
Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, waged with intense severity and
resulting in widespread rioting, bloodshed and destruction of property,
spread over a vast area of the country and threatened the direst
consequences if the grievances of the strikers were not adjusted.
This was among the first strikes in which the writer had an active part
and many incidents and scenes are remembered which would make an
interesting chapter of proletarian history.
The stories of these strikes were written by Allan Pinkerton, the
detective, in a curious volume entitled “Strikers, Communists, Tramps
and Detectives.” The volume has the portrait of the late P. M. Arthur,
grand chief of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, who was then
regarded as a radical labor agitator, as the frontispiece. It also
contains a complete expose of the brotherhood, illustrated with diagrams
and including its ceremony of initiation, signs, passwords and all of
its secret inner workings.
The strikes spread rapidly east and west and were followed by rioting
and violence in most of the railroad centers. The Pittsburg riots were
the most disastrous in the loss of life and destruction of property. In
his account of it, colored to suit the capitalistic interests he
represented, Allan Pinkerton, describing the charge of the militia upon
the mob, says:
“Suddenly a little puff of smoke shot out from a second story window,
followed by a ringing report and a quick cry from a soldier who had been
struck, but not dangerously wounded.”
“Back along the column came the officers, exhorting the men to be
patient and not return the fire.
“The speed of the troops increased. The energy of the mob redoubled. The
pistol-shot from the window seemed almost a signal, for instantly
afterwards, from along the crowd’s front, several more shots were fired,
and but a few minutes more had elapsed until from behind every
lamp-post, over every hydrant head, and from out every door and window,
shot the flame, shot the smoke, the flame and the bullets.
“Soldiers fell; and now their comrades returned the fire, while, as in
every other instance, the disorganized, howling mob received far the
worst punishment. Some of the wounded soldiers would escape with their
lives through the devices, and at the personal risk, of humane people
along the street who gave them help and shelter. Others, not so
fortunate, were heartlessly murdered when too helpless for defense.” * *
*
“At one point where a good deal of killing had been done the previous
day, and where a building at the corner of the streets not only was
completely riddled with bullets, but bore evidence of the earnest
efforts in behalf of religion by the Young Men’s Christian Association
in the shape of a poster upon which was placarded the startling warning:
‘PREPARE TO MEET THY GOD.’”
The strikes were finally crushed out and the leaders driven out and
blacklisted.
It was in this struggle that the powers of the federal courts were first
invoked to break a railroad strike. The strike leaders and committees
were arrested by order of the federal judges, sitting at Indianapolis,
Ind., and committed to jail upon various trumped up charges.
The late President Benjamin Harrison had the exclusive distinction of
having served the railway corporations in the dual capacity of lawyer
and soldier. He prosecuted the strikers in the federal courts, securing
prison sentences for them, and he also organized and commanded a company
of soldiers during the strike, and made speeches denouncing the
strikers.
Ten years later he was elevated to the presidency of the United States.
The loss of the strike was a staggering blow to organized labor, and
many unions passed out of existence. Upon the railroads the mere
suspicion of belonging to a union was sufficient ground for instant
discharge.
In time, however, the ban was removed, the corporations feeling
themselves the masters of the situation, and with returning financial
and industrial activity, the work of organization was resumed with
greater energy and determination than ever before.
In the events that followed swiftly during these years it will be noted
that the United States had become entirely Europeanized in respect to
the suppression of exploited and discontented workingmen.
It is scarcely necessary to observe in this connection that capitalism
is the same everywhere, that like causes produce like results.
Wherever capitalism appears, in pursuit of its mission of exploitation,
there will Socialism, fertilized by misery, watered by tears, and
vitalized by agitation be also found, unfurling its class-struggle
banner and proclaiming its mission of emancipation.
During all of these years of strikes and strife, of occasional victory
and frequent defeat for labor, the Socialist agitation was kept up as
far as conditions and means would allow. Under the most unfavorable
circumstances the comrades did what they could, held their ground and
patiently waited for a more favorable turn in the situation.
Following the Paris Commune in 1871, and its tragic ending, many French
radicals came to our shores and gave new spirit to the movement.
Referring to these Professor Ely in his “Labor Movement in America,”
says:
“In 1871 a new impulse was received from the French refugees who came to
America after the suppression of the uprising of the commune in Paris,
and brought with them a spirit of violence, but a more important event
in this early period was the order of the congress of the International
held in the Hague in 1872, which transferred to New York the ‘General
Council’ of the association. Modern Socialism had then undoubtedly begun
to exist in America. The first proclamation of the Council from their
new headquarters was an appeal to the workingmen ‘to emancipate labor
and eradicate all international and national strife.’”
“In the spring of 1872 ‘an imposing demonstration’ in favor of eight
hours took place in New York City. The paper before me estimates the
number of those taking part in the procession through the principal
streets at twenty thousand, and among the other societies were the
various New York sections of the International Workingmen’s Association,
bearing a banner with their motto, ‘Workingmen of all Countries, Unite!’
The following year witnessed the disasters in the industrial and
commercial world * * *; and the distress consequent thereupon was an
important aid to their propaganda. The ‘Exceptional Law’ passed against
Socialists, by the German Parliament in 1878, drove many Socialists from
Germany to this country, and these have strengthened the cause of
American Socialism through membership in trades-unions and in the
Socialistic Labor Party.”
“There have been several changes among the Socialists in party
organization and name since 1873, and national conventions or congresses
have met from time to time. Their dates and places of meeting have been
Philadelphia, 1874; Pittsburg, 1876; Newark, 1877; Allegheny City, 1880;
Baltimore and Pittsburg, 1883, and Cincinnati, 1885. The name
Socialistic Labor Party was adopted in 1877 at the Newark convention. In
1883 the split between the moderates and extremists had become definite,
and the latter held their congress in Pittsburg and the former in
Baltimore.”
In 1876 the Workingmen’s Party was organized and in 1877, at the
convention held at Newark, it became the Socialistic Labor Party. The
course of the party was marked by bitter internal dissension. While the
membership was largely made up of radicals they were elementally
inharmonious and at cross purposes.
The common point of union was hostility to the prevailing regime; beyond
that the trouble began, for the anarchists and communists were still in
the same movement with the Socialists, having yet to be differentiated
in the subsequent industrial and social development.
The Socialists were intent upon building up a working class party for
independent political action; the anarchists repudiated the ballot and
advocated the overthrow of capitalist rule by any means, including
force.
August Spies, who was afterward executed for his alleged complicity in
the Haymarket riots, was at this time a prominent member of the party.
He used anarchism and socialism as synonymous terms. He said:
“Anarchism, or Socialism, means the reorganization of society upon
scientific principles and the abolition of causes which produce vice and
crime.”
George Engel, who shared the same cruel fate, said:
“Anarchism and Socialism are as much alike, in my opinion, as one egg is
to another. They differ only in their tactics. The anarchists have
abandoned the way of liberating humanity which Socialists would take to
accomplish this. I say: Believe no more in the ballot, and use all other
means at your command.”
These differences in tactics alluded to by Engel not only created
violent dissensions in the party, but resulted in the withdrawal of the
anarchists into groups of their own, followed later by the execution and
imprisonment of their leaders because of their alleged participation in
the Haymarket riots.
But with all the difficulties that confronted it on every hand and the
fierce factional contention within its own ranks, the Socialist Labor
Party, composed of thoughtful, intelligent men, aggressive and
progressive, of rugged honesty and thrilled with the revolutionary
spirit and the aspiration for freedom, became from its inception a
decided factor in the labor movement. It first appeared upon the scene
when the country was seething with discontent, the result of the
prolonged period of financial and industrial depression that began in
1873 and like a scourge spread rapidly over the country, leaving
desolation and gloom in its wake. To the working class it was an ordeal
of fire, but the suffering and sacrifice were not in vain. Economic
necessity determined the course of events and the workers, some of them
at least, had their eyes opened to the cause of their misery and were
thus impelled to action looking to the abolition of the existing
industrial disorder, based upon wage-slavery, rather than giving
themselves wholly, as they had hitherto done, to the fruitless task, as
it now appeared, of ameliorating its effects and consequences. It was
these men, led by the foreign radicals, who had long before been
scourged by the capitalist masters in their own lands, who rallied to
the revolutionary standard of the new working class party.
That such a party was born to a tempestuous career was, of course, a
foregone conclusion. Its early trials and struggles tested the dauntless
spirit of the comrades who engaged in them and constitute a thrilling
chapter—which one day will be adequately understood and appreciated—in
the labor movement of the United States.
The busy, ignorant world about this revolutionary nucleus knew little or
nothing about it; had no conception of its significance and looked upon
its adherents as foolish fanatics whose antics were harmless and whose
designs would dissolve like bubbles on the surface of a stream.
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